■^  ^ 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

CERF  LIBRARY 

PRESENTED  BY 

REBECCA  CERF  '02 

IN  THE  NAMES  OF 

CHARLOTTE  CERF  '95 

MARCEL  E.  CERF  *97 

BARRY  CERF  *02 


4  ft     ?//''  /^^'  ■ 


I^Li 


* 


V'^^A^N           ^M 

'■  ^  -1:     V 

*♦  ^ 

» 

^v\     . 

-^    ".. 

*  J 

^^^-^  OF  THE  J        ^ ^^*^ 

(    y  (or  APrTi^cTTY/^  ^  ) 


1 

..:      ^^f^l^ 

#■        ^ 

...     ■..#                      1 

HP^^i^^^^l 

k3%.PK&,v//w 

/'Mr/i^i^  r/'  J/r-ma/us-  JCJi^muj. 


44>  ^VYUUUIAM  3T 


y<6'i 


PLUTARCH'S  LIVES 

OF  THE 

MOST  SELECT  AND  ILLUSTRIOUS  CHARACTERS 
OF  ANTIQUITY. 

EyamUWis  Crom  the  4^viQinal  i^vctk ; 

WITH 

NOTES,  HISTORICAL  AND  CRITICAL, 

BY 

JOHN  LANGHORNE,  M.  D. 

AND 

WILLIAM   LANGHORNE,  A.  M.  ^ 

AJiD  OTHERS. 


B7  -WII^JmIATSL  BIAVOR    I..  Z..  D. 

SECTOB  OF  STONEFIELD,  VICAR  OF  HURLEY.  CHAPLAIN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  MOIRA,  dtC.  &,C.  &C. 


COMPLETE  IN  ONE  VOLUME. 


'  To  be  ignorant  of  the  lives  of  the  most  celebrated  men  of  antiquity,  u 
to  continue  in  a  state  of  childliood  all  our  days." 


NE'W-TORK  : 
PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY  W.  C.  BORRADAILE,  40  WILLIAM-STREET, 

NEAR  WALL-STREET. 


1832. 

Stereotyped  by  Thomas  SewajRd^ 


**Ki(TUKD  according  to  Art  of  Oonfress.  in  the  year  1831,  br  fViUiam  C 
JBorratUiiU,  in  the  Clerk's  Oflke  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Soutbern  Ota- 
trici  of  New  York.** 


^; 


TO  THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE 

LORD  FOLKESTONE. 


MT  LORD, 

The  style  and  genius  of  dedications,  in  general, 
have  neither  done  honour  to  the  patron  nor  to  the 
author.  Sensible  of  this,  we  intended  to  have  pub- 
lished a  work,  which  has  been  the  labour  of  jeare, 
without  the  usual  mode  of  solic  iting  protection. 
An  accident  has  brought  us  into  the  number  of 
dedicators.  Had  not  you  accompanied  your  noble 
father  to  our  humble  retreat,  we  should  still  have 
been  unacquainted  with  your  growing  virtues, — your 
extraordinary  erudition,  and  perfect  knowledge  of 
the  Greek  language  and  learning;  and  Plutarch 
would  have  remained  as  he  did  in  his  retirement  at 
Chaeronea,  where  he  sought  no  patronage  but  in  the 
bosom  of  philosophy. 

Accept,  my  Lord,  this  honest  token  of  respect, 
from  men,  who,  equally  independent  and  unambi- 
tious, wish  only  for  the  countenance  of  genius  and 
friendship.  Praise,  my  Lord,  is  the  usual  language 
of  dedications :  But  will  our  praise  be  of  value  to 
you.** — Will  any  praise  be  of  value  to  you,  but  that 

W570751 


b  DEDICATION. 

of  your  own  heart  ?  Follow  the  example  of  the  Earl 
OF  Radnor,  jour  illuBtrious  father.  Lik*  him  main- 
tain that  temperate  spirit  of  pohcy,  which  consults 
the  dignity  of  governments  while  it  supports  the 
liberty  of  the  subject.  But  we  put  into  your  hands 
the  best  of  pohtical  preceptors, — a  preceptor  who 
trained  to  virtue  the  greatest  monarch  upon  earth; 
and,  by  giving  happiness  to  the  world,  enjoyed  a 
pleasure  something  like  that  of  the  Benevolent  Being 
who  created  it.     We  are,  My  Lord, 

Your  LoRDSHlP^S 

Most  obedient,  and 

Very  humble  Servants, 

J.  k  W.  LANGHORNE. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

RomvJus        .........  1 

Lycvrgus 25 

Numa   -.-.......44 

Solon 54 

Themistocles ...74 

Camillus ....96 

Pericles 116 

Alcihiades 130 

Timoleon        ••-......      158 

Aristides        --         -         .         .         .         .         .         .      182 

CaU)  the  Censor      -         -         -         •         .         .         .         .      201 

Pyrrhus ---16 

Eumenes 240 

Pompey 257 

Alexander      --•--••..      296 
Julius  CcBsar  ........      339 

Demosthenes  ........      371 

Cicero  -         -         - 387 

Demosthenes  and  Cicero  Compared  .....  422 
An  Account  of  Weights  and  Measures  ....  426 
Denominatijons  of  Money  ..•••.      427 

Table  of  Proper  Names  -        .        1        ....     429 


PLUTARCH  S  LIVES. 


THE 

LIFE  OF  ROMUI.US. 

Flourished  753  years  before  Christ. 

From  whom  and  for  what  cause,  the  city  of  Rome  obtained  a 
name,  the  glory  of  which  has  diffused  itself  over  the  world,  his- 
torians are  not  agreed.*  The  account  which  deserves  the  most 
credit,  and  has  the  most  vouchers,  is  that  published  by  Diodes  the 
Peparenthian,  whom  Fabius  Pictor  comm<»nly  follows.  The  story 
is  this :  The  kings  of  Alba  descending  lineally  from  iGneas,  the 
succession  fell  to  two  brothers,  Numitor  and  Amulius.  The  lat- 
ter divided  the  whole  inheritance  into  two  parts,  setting  the  trea- 
sures brought  from  Troy  against  the  kingdom  ;  and  Numitor  made 
choice  of  the  kingdom.  Amulius  then  having  the  treasures,  and 
consequently  being  more  powerful  than  Numitor,  easily  possessed 
himself  of  the  kingdom  too^  and  fearing  the  daughter  of  Numitor 
might  have  children,  he  appointed  her  priestess  of  Vesta,  in  which 
capacity  she  was  always  to  live  unmarried  and  a  virgin. 

Some  say  her  name  was  Ilia,  some  Rhea,  and  others  Sylvia. 
.  But  she  was  soon  discovered  to  be  pregnant,  contrary  to  the  law 
of  the  Vestals.  Antho,  the  king's  daughter,  by  much  entreaty, 
prevailed  with  her  father  that  she  should  not  be  capitally  punished. 
She  was  confined,  however,  and  excluded  from  societv.  When 
her  time  was  completed,  she  was  delivered  of  two  sons  of  uncom- 
mon size  and  beauty;  whereupon  AmuHus,  siill  more  alarmed, 
ordered  one  of  his  servants  to  destroy  them.  Pursuajit  to  his  or- 
ders, he  put  the  children  into  a  small  trough  or  cradle,  and  went 

*  Such  is  the  uncertainty  of  the  origin  of  imperial  Rome,  and  indeed  of  most 
cities  antJ  nations  that  are  of  any  considerable  antiquiiv.  That  of  Rome  mighr  be 
the  more  uncertam,  t)ecanse  itj:  l^rst  inhabitants,  heinj;  a  coUection  of  mean  persons, 
fugitives  and  outlaws  from  other  nations,  could  not  be  supposed  to  leave  histories 
behmd  them.  Livy,  however,  and  most  of  the  Latin  historians,  agree  that  Rome 
was  built  by  Romulus,  and  both  the  city  and  people  named  after  him:  while  the 
vanity  of  the  Greek  writers  wants  to  ascirltie  almost  every  tbing,  and  Rome  among 
t)ie  festt  to  a  Greciao  origma}. 


^  FOMUT.US. 

down  towards  the  river,  with  a  design  to  cast  them  in  ;  but  seeing 
it  verv  rough,  and  running  with  a  strong  current,  he  was  afraid  to 
approach  it.  He  therefore  laid  them  down  near  the  bank,  and 
departed.  The  flood  increasing  continually,  set  the  trniigh  atloat, 
and  j^tirned  it  gently  down  to  a  pleasant  place,  toiiKriv  cailed 
Gerinanum,  denoting  that  the  two  brothers  arrived  tit  le. 

Near  this  place  was  a  wild  fig-tree,  which  they  called  Rumina- 
lis,  either  on  account  of  Romulus,  as  is  generally  supposed,  or 
because  the  cattle  there  ruminated,  or  chewed  the  cud,  during  the 
noontide,  in  the  shade ;  or  rather  because  of  the  suckling  of  the 
children  there;  for  the  ancient  Latins  called  the  breast  rvma,  and 
the  goddess  who  presides  over  the  nursery  Rumilia,*  whose  rites 
they  celebrated  without  wine,  and  only  with  libaiions  of  milk. 
The  iiifantH,  as  the  stor}  goes,  lying  there,  were  suckled  by  a  sbe- 
wolf,  and  fed  and  taken  cure  of  bv  a  wood.pecker.  These  ani- 
mals are  sacred  to  Mars  ;  and  the  woodpecker  is  held  in  great 
honour  and  veneration  by  the  Latins.  Such  wonderful  events 
ContribuctMl  not  a  little  to  gain  credit  to  the  mother's  report,  that 
she  had  the  children  by  Mars.  Some  say,  th^  ambiguity  of  the 
narhe's  name  gave  occasion  to  the  fable  ;  for  the  Latins  called  not 
she-wolves,  but  prostitutes,  lujxB ;  and  such  was  Acca  Larentia, 
the  wife  of  Faustnlus,  the  foster-father  of  the  children. 

Faustulus,  Amuiius's  herdsman,  brought  up  the  children  entirely 
undiscovered  ;  or  rather,  as  others  with  greater  probability  assert, 
Numitor  knew  it  from  the  first,"|"  and  privately  supplied  the  neces. 
saries  for  their  maintenance.  It  is  also  said,  that  they  were  sent 
to  Gahii,  and  there  insirticted  in  letters,  and  other  branches  of 
education  suitable  to  ilietr  birth:  that  the\  had  he  names  of  Ro- 
mulus and  Remus,  froin  the  teat  of  the  wild  animal  which  they 
were  seen  to  suck.  The  beaut\  and  dignity  of  their  |>erson8,  even 
in  their  childhood,  promised  a  generous  disposition  ;  and  as  they 
grew  up,  they  both  discovered  great  courage  and  bravery,  with 
an  inclination  to  hazardous  attempts,  and  a  spirit  which  nothing 
could  subdue.  But  Romulus  seemed  more  to  cultivate  the  powers 
of  reason,  and  to  excel  in  political  knowledge  ;  while  b\  his  de- 
portment among  his  neighbours,  in  the  department  of  pasturage 
and  hunting,  he  convinced  them  that  he  was  bom  to  romnmnd 
rather  than  to  otiey.  To  their  equals  and  inferiors  they  b<*haved 
very  courteously  ;  but  they  despised  the  king's  bailifl's  and  chief 
herdsmen,  as  not  superirn*  to  themselves  in  courage,  though  they 
were  in  authority,  disregarding  at  once  their  threats  and  their  an- 
ger.    They  applied  themselves  to  generous  exercises  and  pursuits, 

*  Th«  Romnntcalliid  thai  fnddMt.  not  Rumilia,  but  Rumiua. 

f  Nuintiur  might  build  up  n  '- ho|t«>fl  of  bit  r»>««iablwhmMil :  bul  hitkooir* 

log  ihff  plac*  wh«r«  thv  cin  rmifthi  up.  and  Mip^tiiit  ihamwiUi^Msawi* 

rw«.  It  quitn  incnn«ittffni  w  ncr  of  tlieir  dii0ov«ffy  when  grown  up,  which 

it  th«  moat  airaaable  pnrt  of  Hit  »tut  j. 


ROMurxs.  9 

looking  upon  idleness  and  inactivity  as  illiberal,  but  on  hunting, 
running,  banishing  or  apprehending  robbers,  and  delivering  such 
as  were  oppressed  by  violence,  as  the  employments  of  honour  and 
virtue.     By  this  conduct  they  gained  great  renown. 

A  dispute  arising  between  the  herdsmen  of  Numitor  and  Amu- 
lius,  and  the  former  having  driven  away  some  cattle  belonging  to 
the  latter,  Romulus  and  Remus  fell  upon  them,  put  them  to  flight, 
and  recovered  the  greatest  part  of  the  booty.  At  this  conduct 
Numitor  was  highly  offended  ;  but  they  little  regarded  his  resent- 
ment. The  first  steps  they  took  on  this  occasion  were  to  collect, 
and  receive  into  their  company,  persons  of  desperate  fortunes,  and 
a  great  number  of  slaves  ;  a  measure  which  gave  alarming  proofs 
of  their  bold  and  seditious  inchnations.  It  happened  that  when 
Romulus  was  employed  in  sacrificing,  to  which  and  divination  he 
was  much  inclined,  Numitor's  herdsmen  met  with  Remus,  as 
he  was  walking  with  a  small  retinue,  and  fell  upon  him.  After 
some  blows  exchanged,  and  wounds  given  and  received,  Numi- 
tor*s  people  prevailed,  and  took  Remus  prisoner.  He  was  car- 
ried before  Numitor,  and  had  several  things  laid  to  his  charge  ; 
but  Numitor  did  not  choose  to  punish  him  himself,  for  fear  of  his 
brother's  resentment.  To  him,  therefore,  he  applied  for  justice, 
which  he  had  all  the  reason  in  the  world  to  expect ;  since,  though 
brother  to  the  reigning  prince,  he  had  been  injured  by  his  ser- 
vants, who  presumed  upon  his  authority.  The  people  of  Alba, 
moreover,  expressing  their  uneasiness,  dnd  thinking  that  Numitor 
suflfered  great  indignities,  Amulius,  moved  with  their  complaints, 
delivered  Remus  to  him,  to  be  treated  as  he  should  think  proper. 

When  the  youth  was  conducted  to  his  house,  Numitor  was 
greatly  struck  with  his  appearance,  as  he  was  very  remarkable 
for  size  and  strength,  he  observed,  too,  his  presence  of  mind  and 
the  steadiness  of  his  looks,  which  had  nothing  servile  in  them,  nor 
were  altered  with  the  sense  of  his  present  danger ;  and  he  was 
informed,  that  his  actions  and  whole  behaviour  were  suitable 
to  what  he  saw.  But  above  all,  some  divine  influence,  as  it 
seems,  directing  the  beginnings  of  the  great  events  that  were  to 
follow,  Numitor,  by  his  sagacity,  or  by  a  fortunate  conjecture, 
suspecting  the  truth,  questioned  him  concerning  the  circumstances 
of  his  birth;  speaking  mildly  at  the  same  time,  and  regarding  him 
with  a  gracious  eye.  He  boldly  answered,  "  I  will  hide  nothing 
from  you,  for  you  behave  in  a  more  princely  manner  than  Amu- 
lius, since  you  hear  and  examine  before  you  punish  :  but  he  has 
delivered  us  up  without  inquiring  into  the  matter.  I  have  a  twin- 
brother,  and  heretofore  we  believed  ourselves  the  sons  of  Faustu- 
lus  and  Larentia,  servants  to  the  king.  But  since  we  were  ac- 
cused before  you,  and  so  pursued  by  slander,  as  to  be  in  danger  of 
our  lives,  we  hear  nobler  things  concerning  our  birth.    Whether 


10  ROMULt:?. 

they  arc  true,  the  present  crisis  will  show.*  Our  birth  is  said  to 
have  been  secret ;  our  support  in  our  infancy  miraculous.  We 
were  exposed  to  birds  and  wild  beasts,  and  by  them  nourished ; 
suckled  by  a  she.wolf,  and  fed  by  the  attentions  of  a  wood.pecker, 
as  wo  lay  in  a  trough  by  the  groat  river.  The  trough  is  still  pre- 
served, bound  about  with  brass  bands,  and  inscribed  with  letters 
partly  faded ;  which  may  prove,  perhaps,  hereaAer  very  useful 
tokens  to  our  parents,  when  we  are  destroyed."  Numitor  hear- 
ing  this,  and  comparing  the  time  with  the  young  man's  looks, 
was  confirmed  in  the  pleasing  hope  he  had  conceived,  and  consi- 
dored  how  he  might  consult  his  daughter  about  this  affair ;  for  she 
was  still  kept  in  close  custody. 

Meanwhile  Faustulus,  having  heard  that  Remus  was  taken  and 
delivered  up  to  puiu:$hment,  desired  Romulus  to  assist  his  brotlier, 
informing  him  then  clearly  of  the  particulars  of  his  birth ;  for  be- 
fore, he  had  only  given  dark  hints  about  it,  and  signified  just  so 
much  as  might  take  off  the  attention  of  bis  wards  from  every  thing 
that  was  mean.  Ho  himself  took  the  trough,  and  in  all  the  tu- 
mult of  concern  and  fcnr  carried  it  to  Numitor.  His  disorder 
raised  some  suspicion  in  the  king's  guards  at  the  gate,  and 
that  disorder  increasingwhile  they  looked  earnestly  upon  him,  and 
perplexed  him  with  their  questions,  he  was  discovered  to  have  a 
trough  under  his  cloak.  There  happened  to  be  among  them  one 
of  those  who  had  it  in  charge  to  throw  the  children  into  the  river> 
and  who  was  concerned  in  the  exposing  of  them.  This  man 
seeing  the  trough,  and  knowing  it  by  its  make  and  inscription, 
rightly  guessed  the  business  ;  and  thinking  it  an  affair  not  to  be 
neglected,  immediately  acquainted  the  king  with  it.  In  these 
great  and  pressing  difficulties,  Faustulus  did  not  preserve  entirely 
his  presence  of  mind,  nor  yet  fully  discover  the  matter.  He  ac« 
knowledged  that  the  children  were  saved  indeed,  but  said  that 
they  kept  cattle  at  a  great  distance  from  Alba;  and  that  he  was 
carrying  the  trough  to  Ilia,  who  had  of\en  desired  to  see  it,  that 
she  might  entertum  the  better  hopes  that  her  children  were  alive. 
Whatever  persons  perplexed  and  actuated  with  fear  or  anger  use 
to  suffer,  Amulius  then  suffered  ;  for  in  his  hurry  he  sent  an 
honest  man,  a  friend  of  Numitor's,  to  inquire  of  him  whether  ho 
had  any  account  that  the  children  were  alive. 

When  the  man  was  come,  and  taw  Remus  almost  in  the  em- 
braces of  Numitor,  he  endeavoured  to  confirm  him  in  the  pertua- 
aion  that  the  youth  was  really  his  grandson  ;  begging  him,  at  the 
same  time,  immediately  to  take  the  best  measures  that  could  be 
thought  of,  and  offering  his  bett  aMistanco  to  support  their 
party.     Tlie  occasion  admitted  of  no  delay,  if  they  had  been  in- 

*  For  if  they  were  true,  the  p^od  who  miraculously  piotcctH  them  in  theur  in. 
fkne^,  wouM  deliver  Remu*  from  his  pretent  d&i\|et 


KOMULUS.  11 

clined  to  it ;  for  Romulus  was  now  at  hand,  and  a  good  number  of 
the  citizens  were  gathered  about  him,  either  out  of  hatred  or  fear 
of  AmuHus.  lie  brought  also  a  considerable  force  with  him,  di- 
vided into  companies  of  a  hundred  men  each,  headed  by  an  offl. 
cer  who  bore  a  handful  of  grass  and  shrubs  upon  a  polo.  These 
the  Latins  call  Manipuli;  and  hence  it  is,  that  soldiers  of 
the  same  compa,ny  were  called  Manipulares.  Remue  then, 
having  gained  those  within,  and  Romulus  assaulting  the  palace 
without,  the  tyrant  knew  not  what  to  do,  or  whom  he  should 
consult,  but  amidst  his  doubts  and  perplexity,  was  taken  and  slain. 

Amulius  being  dead,  and  the  troubles  composed,  the  two  bro- 
thers were  not  willing  to  live  in  Alba,  without  governing  there  ; 
nor  yet  to  tike  the  government  upon  themselves  during  their 
grandfather's  life.  Having,  therefore,  invested  him  with  it,  and 
paid  due  honours  to  their  mother,  they  determined  to  dwell  in  a 
city  of  their  own,  and,  for  that  purpose,  to  build  one  in  the  place 
where  they  had  their  first  nourishment.  This  seems,  at  least,  to 
be  the  most  plausible  reason  of  their  quitting  Alba ;  and  perhaps 
too  it  was  necessary,  as  a  great  number  of  slaves  and  fugitives 
was  collected  about  them,  either  to  see  their  affairs  entirely 
ruined,  if  these  should  disperse,  or  with  them  seek  another  habi- 
tation;  for  the  people  of  Alba  refused  to  permit  the  fugitives  to 
mix  with  them,  or  to  receive  them  as  citizens. 

As  soon  as  the  foundation  of  the  city  was  laid,  they  opened  a 
place  of  refuge  for  fugitives,  which  they  called  the  Temple  of  the 
Asylaen  god.*  Here  they  received  all  that  came,  and  would  nei- 
ther  deliver  up  the  slave  to  his  master,  the  debtor  to  his  creditor, 
nor  the  murderer  to  the  magistrate  ;  declaring  that  they  were  di- 
rected by  the  Oracle  of  Apollo  to  preserve  the  Asylum  from  all 
violation.  Thus  the  city  was  soon  peopled ;  for  it  is  said  that 
the  houses  at  first  did  not  exceed  a  thousand. 

While  they  were  intent  upon  building,  a  dispute  soon  arose 
about  the  place.  Romulus  having  built  a  square,  which  he  call- 
ed Rome,  would  have  the  city  there ;  but  Remus  marked  out  a 
more  secure  situation  on  Mount  Aventine,  which,  from  him,  was 
called  Remonium.f  The  dispute  was  referred  to  the  decision  of 
augury,  and  for  this  purpose  they  sat  down  in  the  open  air,  when 
Remus,  as  they  tell  us,  saw  six  vultures,  and  Romulus  twice  as 
many.     Some  say  that  Remus's  account  of  the  number  he  had 

*  It  is  not  certain  who  this  God  of  Refuge  was.  Dionysius  of  Halicamassus  tells 
vs,  that  in  his  time,  the  place  where  the  asylum  had  been,  was  consecrated  to 
Jupiter.  Romulus  did  not  at  first  receive  the  fugitives  and  outlaws  within  the  walls, 
but  allowed  them  the  hill  Satumius,  afterward  called  Capitolinus,  for  their 
habitation. 

f  Most  of  the  Trojans,  of  whom  there  still  remained  fifty  families  in  Augustus'^ 
time,  chose  to  follow  the  fortune  of  Romulus  and  Remus,  as  did  also  the  inhabitants 
of  Pallantium  and  Saturnia,  two  small  towrts. 


1^  BXMVVUS. 

seen  was  true,  and  tliat  of  Romulus  not  so ;  but  when  Remus 
came  up  to  him,  he  did  really  see  twelve. 

When  Remus  knew  that  he  was  imposed  upon,  he  was  highly 
incensed,  and  as  Romulus  was  opening  a  ditch  round  the  place 
where  the  walls  were  to  be  buih,  he  ridiculed  some  parts  of  the 
M'ork,  and  obstructed  others.  At  last,  as  he  presumed  to  leap 
over  it,  some  say  he  fell  by  the  hands  of  Romulus,  others,  by 
that  of  Celer,  one  of  his  companions  ;  Paustulus  also  fell  in  the 
scufHe,  and  Plistinus,  who  being  brother  to  Paustulus,  is  said  to 
have  assi'Sted  <n  hnnging  Rnmulus  up. 

Romulus  buried  his  brother  Remus,  together  with  his  foster. 
fathers,  in  Remonia,*"  and  then  built  his  city,  having  sent  for  per- 
sons in  Hetruria,  who,  according  to  stated  ceremonies  and  written 
rules,  were  to  order  and  direct  how  every  thing  was  to  be  done* 
First  a  circular  ditch  was  dug,  and  the  first  fruits  of  every  thing 
that  is  reckoned  either  good  by  use,  or  necessary  by  nature,  were 
cast  into  it ;  and  then,  each  bringing  a  small  quantity  of  the  earth 
of  the  country  whence  he  came,  threw  it  in  promiscuously.f  This 
ditch  had  the  name  of  Mundus,  the  same  with  that  of  the  universe. 
In  the  next  place  they  marked  o»it  the  city  like  a  circle  round  this 
centre,  and  the  founder  having  fitted  to  a  plough  a  brazen  plough- 
share,  and  yoked  a  bull  and  cow,  himself  drew  a  deep  furrow 
round  the  boundaries.  The  business  of  those  who  followed  was 
to  turn  all  the  clods  raised  by  the  plough  inwards  to  the  city,  and 
not  to  suffer  any  to  remain  outwards.  This  line  described  the 
compass  of  the  city,  and  between  it  and  the  walls  is  a  space  call- 
ed by  contraction  Pomcpnum,  as  lying  behind  or  beyond  the  wall. 
Where  they  designed  to  have  a  gate,  they  took  the  ploughshare 
out  of  the  groimd,  and  lifted  up  the  plough,  making  a  break  for  it. 
Hence  they  look  upon  the  whole  wall  as  sacred,  except  the  gate- 
ways. If  they  considered  the  gates  in  the  same  light  as  the  rest, 
it  would  be  deemed  lawful  either  to  receive  the  necessaries  of  life 
by  them,  or  to  carry  out  what  is  unclean. 

The  day  on  which  they  began  to  build  the  city  is  universally 
allowed  to  be  the  twenty.first  of  April,  and  was  celebrated  annu- 
ally by  the  Romans  as  the  birthday  of  Rome.      At  first  we  are 

•  Tb«  Metruriaot  or  Tuicani  had.  at  Fettus  infnrins  ut,  a  vort  of  ritual  wbaraia 
ware  contained  Uie  cerenmniea  that  were  to  \m  observed  in  buildiiw  ciiie*.  leinplat, 
altarn.  walls,  and  gates.  Thry  were  inMrm-ird  in  au^tiry  and  religious  rites  by 
Tsges,  who  IS  said  to  have  been  taueht  by  Mircurr. 

f  Ovid  does  not  sav  it  was  a  hondful  of  the  earth  each  had  brou«bt  out  of  hit 
own  country,  but  of  tb«  earth  each  had  taken  f/om  bis  neighbours :  which  wa»  dona 
to  signify  that  Rome  would  soon  sub<iiie  the  npigbbourmg  nations.  Rut  Isidorus 
(lib  XXV.  rap.  2.)  is  of  Ofiinion,  that  bv  ihrowiiig  the  firf^fniiiw  and  a  handful  of 
earth  tntn  the  irenr.h,  th«v  adn-f  »'  '  hrads  (»f  the  colony,  that  it  ought  to  ba 
tt>eir  chief  siiidv  to  procuri?  for  ritiaens  all  the  r^invenienceeof  life,  to 

maintain  peace  and  union  anioi  i  '■  cotne  together  frotn  dKlefanl  parts  of 

tha  world,  and  by  thU  to  form  theui»«:lves  into  a  body  nevar  to  he  diaohrtd. 


ROMULUS.  13 

told,  that  they  sacrificed  nothing  that  had  life,  persuaded  that  they 
ought  to  keep  the  solemnity  sacred  to  the  birth  of  their  country 
pure  and  without  bloodshed.  On  that  day  too,  we  are  informed, 
there  was  a  conjunction  of  the  sun  and  moon,  attended  with  an 
eclipse,  the  same  day  that  was  observed  by  Antimachus  the  Teian 
poet,  in  the  third  year  of  the  sixth  Olympiad. 

When  the  city  was  built,  Romulus  divided  the  younger  part  of 
the  inhabitants  into  battalions.  Each  corps  consisted  of  three 
thousand  foot,  and  three  hundred  horse,  and  was  called  a  Legion, 
because  the  most  warlike  persons  were  selected.  The  rest  of 
the  multitude  he  called  The  People.  An  hundred  of  the  most 
considerable  citizens  he  took  for  his  council,  with  the  title  of 
Patricians,*  and  the  whole  body  was  called  the  Senate,  which 
signifies  an  Assembly  of  Old  Men.  Its  members  were  styled 
Patricians,  because  as  some  say  they  were  fatl^rs  of  freebora 
children ;  or  rather,  according  to  others,  because  they  themselves 
had  fathers  to  show,  which  was  not  the  case  with  many  of  the 
rabble  that  first  flocked  to  the  city.  But  we  shall  be  nearer  the 
truth,  if  we  conclude  that  Romulus  styled  them  Patricians,  as 
expecting  these  respectable  persons  would  watch  over  those  in 
humble  stations  with  a  paternal  care  and  regard  ;  and  teaching 
the  commonalty  in  their  turn  not  to  fear  or  envy  the  power  of 
their  superiors,  but  to  behave  with  love  and  respect,  both  looking 
upon  them  as  Fathers,  and  honouring  them  with  that  name.  For, 
at  this  very  time,  foreign  nations  call  the  Senators  Lords,  but  the 
Romans  themselves  call  them  Conscript  Fathers,  a  style  of  greater 
dignity  and  honour,  and  withal  much  less  invidious.  At  first,  in- 
deed,  they  were  called  Fathers  only  ;  but  afterwards,  when  more 
were  enrolled  in  their  body.  Conscript  Fathers.  With  this  vene. 
rable  title,  then,  he  distinguished  the  senate  from  the  people.  He 
likewise  made  another  distinction  between  the  nobility  and  the 
commons,  calling  the  former  Patrons,  and  the  other  Clients, 
which  was  the  source  of  mutual  kindness  and  many  good  offices 
between  them  ;  for  the  Patrons  were,  to  those  they  had  taken 
under  their  protection,  counsellors  and  advocates  in  their  suits  at 
law,  and  advisers  and  assistants  on  all  occasions.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Clients  failed  not  in  their  attentions,  whether  they  were 
to  be  shown  in  deference  or  respect,  or  in  providing  their  daugh- 
ters portions,  or  in  satisfying  their  creditors,  if  their  circumstances 
happened  to  be  narrow.  No  law  or  magistrate  obliged  the  Patron 
to  be  evidence  against  his  Client,  or  the  Client  against  his  Patron. 
But  in  after  times,  though  the  claims  continued  in  full  force,  it  was 

*  The  choice  of  these  three  hundred  persons  was  nor  made  by  the  king  himself; 
each  tribe  chose  'hree  senator--,  and  each  of  the  thirty  curae  the  like  number,  which 
'made  in  all  the  number  of  ninety  nine  ;  so  that  RotDulus  named  only  the  hundredth, 
who  was  the  head,  or  prince  of  the  senate,  and  the  chief  governor  of  the  city,  when 
the  king  was  in  the  field. 

2 


14  liOMULUS. 

law,  and  advisers  and  assistants  on  all  occasions.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Clients  failed  not  in  their  attentions,  whether  they  were 
to  be  shown  in  deference  and  respect,  or  in  providing  their  daugh- 
ters portions,  or  in  satisfying  their  creditors,  if  their  circumstiuices 
happened  to  be  narrow.  No  law  or  magistrate  obliged  the  Patroo 
to  be  evidence  against  his  Client,  or  the  Client  against  his  Patron. 
But  in  after  times,  though  the  claims  continued  in  full  force,  it  was 
looked  upon  as  ungenerous  for  persons  of  condition  to  take  money 
of  those  below  them. 

In  the  fourth  month,  after  the  building  of  the  city,*  as  Fabius 
informs  us,  the  rape  of  the  Sabine  women  was  put  in  execution. 
Some  say  Romulus  himself,  who  was  naturally  warlike,  and  per- 
suaded  by  certain  oracles,  that  the  Fates  had  decreed  Rome  to 
obtain  her  greatness  by  military  achievements,  began  hostilities 
against  the  Sabines,  and  seized  only  thirty  virgins,  being  more 
desirous  of  war  than  of  wives  for  his  people.  But  this  is  not  likely. 
For,  as  he  saw  his  city  soon  filled  with  inhabitants,  very  few  of 
whom  were  married,  the  greatest  part  consisting  of  a  mixed  rabble 
of  mean  and  obscure  persons,  to  whom  no  regard  was  paid,  and 
who  were  not  expecting  to  settle  in  any  place  whatever,  the 
enterprise  naturally  took  that  turn ;  and  he  hoped  that  from  this 
attempt  though  not  a  just  one,  some  alliance  and  union  with  the 
Sabines  would  be  obtained,  when  it  appeared  that  they  treated 
the  women  kindly.  In  order  to  this,  he  first  gave  out  that  he  had 
found  the  altar  of  some  god,  which  had  been  covered  with  earth. 
This  deity  they  called  Consus,  or  God  of  Counsel. 

Upon  this  discovery,  Romulus  by  proclamation  appointed  a  day 
for  a  splendid  sacrifice,  with  public  games  and  shows.  Muhitudes 
assembled  at  the  time,  and  he  himself  presided,  sitting  among  his 
nobles  clothed  in  purple.  As  a  signal  for  the  assault,  he  was  to 
rise,  gather  up  his  robe,  and  fold  it  about  him.  Many  of  his 
people  wore  swords  that  day,  and  kept  their  eye  upon  him, 
vatching^  for  the  signal,  which  was  no  sooner  given  than  they 
drew  them,  and  rushing  on  with  a  shout,  seized  the  daughters  of 
the  Sabines,  hut  quietly  suffered  the  men  to  escape.  Some  say 
only  thirty  were  carried  off,  who  each  gave  name  to  a  tribe  ;  but 
Talerius  Antias  makes  their  number,  five  hundred  and  twenty, 
seven,  and  according  to  Juba,t  there  were  six  hundred  and  eighty, 
three,  all  virgins.  This  was  the  best  a|)ology  for  Romulus: 
for  they  had  taken  but  one  married  woman,  named  Hersilia,  who 
vos  afterwards  chiefly  concerned  in  reconciling  them,  and  her 
they  took  by  mistake,  as  they  were  not  incited  to  this  violence  by 
lust  or  injustice,  but  by  their  desire  to  conciliate  and  unite  the  two 
i^ations  in  the  strongest  tic. 

•  Gelliut  layt,  it  wai  in  tn«  tnurth  vear. 

f  This  w»»  the  aon  of  Jub«,  king  of  Mauritania,  who,  iMiog  biosglit  very  yvung  a 


JROMULUS.  15 

The  Sabines  were  a  numerous  and  warlike  people,  but  they 
dwelt  in  unwalled  towns,  thinking  it  became  them,  who  were  a 
colony  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  to  be  bold  and  fearless.  But  as 
they  saw  themselves  bound  by  such  pledges,  and  were  very  soli- 
citous for  their  daughters,  they  sent  ambassadors  to  Romulus  with 
moderate  arid  equitable  demands — that  he  should  return  them  the 
young  women,  and  disavow  the  violence,  and  then  the  two  nations 
should  proceed  to  establish  a  correspondence,  and  contract  alli- 
ances in  a  friendly  and  legal  way.  Romulus,  however,  refused 
to  part  with  the  young  women,  and  entreated  the  Sabines  to  give 
their  sanction  to  what  had  been  done,  whereupon  some  of  them 
lost  time  in  consuhing  and  making  preparations.  But  Acron,  king 
of  the  Ceninensians,  a  man  of  spirit,  and  an  able  general,  sus- 
pected the  tendency  of  Romulus's  first  enterprises ;  and,  when  he 
had  behaved  so  boldly  in  the  rape,  looked  upon  him  as  one  who 
would  grow  formidable,  and  indeed  insufferable  to  his  neigh- 
bours, except  he  were  chastised.  Acron  therefore  went  to  seek 
the  enemy,  and  Romulus  prepared  to  receive  him.  When  they 
came  in  sight,  and  had  well  viewed  each  other,  a  challenge  for  a 
single  combat  was  mutually  given,  their  forces  standing  under 
arms  in  silence.  Romulus  on  this  occasion  made  a  vow,  that  if 
he  conquered  his  enemy,  he  would  himself  dedicate  his  adver- 
sary's arms  to  Jupiter  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  he  both  over- 
came Acron,  and  after  battle  was  joined,  routed  his  army,  and 
took  his  city.  But  he  did  no  injury  to  its  inhabitants,  unless  it 
were  such  to  order  them  to  demolish  their  houses  and  follow  him 
to  Rome,  as  citizens  entitled  to  equal  privileges  with  the  rest. 
Indeed,  there  was  nothing  that  contributed  more  to  the  greatness 
of  Rome,  than  that  she  was  always  uniting  and  incorporating  with 
herself  those  whom  she  conquered. 

Romulus  having  considered  how  he  should  perform  his  vow  in 
the  most  acceptable  manner  to  Jupiter,  and  withal  make  the  pro- 
cession most  agreeable  to  his  people,  cut  down  a  great  oak  that 
grew  in  the  camp,  and  hewed  it  into  the  figure  of  a  trophy ;  to 
this  he  fastened  Acron's  whole  suit  of  armour,  disposed  in  its 
proper  form.  Then  he  put  on  his  own  robes,  and  wearing  a  laurel 
crown  on  his  head,  his  hair  graceftilly  flowing,  he  took  the  trophy 
erect  upon  his  right  shoulder,  and  so  marched  on,  singing  the 
song  of  victory  before  his  troops,  which  followed  completely 
armed,  while  the  citizens  received  him  with  joy 'and  admiration. 
This  procession  was  the  origin  and  model  of  future  triumphs. 
The  trophy  was  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Feretrius,  so  called  from 
the  Latin  wordyenVe,*  to  smite;  for  Romulus  had  prayed  that  he 
might  have  power  to  smite  his  adversary  and  kill  him. 

captive  to  Rome,  was  instructed  in  the  Roman  and  Grecian  literature,  and  became 
an  excellent  historian.    Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  has  followed  his  account. 
*  Or  fmm  the  word /crrc,  to  carry,  becairee  Romulus  had  himself  caixicd  to  tH^ 


10  ROMULUS. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Ceninenses,  while  the  rest  of  the  Sabines 
were  busied  in  preparations,  the  people  of  Fidens,  Cnistamerium, 
and  Antemnse,  united  against  the  Romans.  A  battle  ensued,  in 
which  they  were  likewise  defeated,  ond  surrendered  to  Romulus 
their  cities  to  be  spoiled,  their  lands  to  be  divided,  and  thcmseWes 
to  be  transplanted  to  Rome.  All  the  lands  thus  acquired  he  dis- 
tributed among  the  citizens,  except  what  belonged  to  the  parents 
of  the  stolen  virgins ;  for  those  he  left  in  possession  of  their  former 
owners.  The  rest  of  the  Sabines,  enraged  at  this,  appointed 
Tatius  iheir  general,  and  carried  war  to  the  gates  of  Rome.  The 
city  was  difficult  of  access,  having  a  strong  garrison  on  the  hill 
where  the  capitol  now  stands,  commanded  by  Tarpeius.  Tarpcia, 
the  governor's  daughter,  charmed  with  the  golden  bracelets  of  the 
Sabines,  betrayed  tho  fort  into  their  hands,  and  asked,  in  return 
for  her  treason,  what  they  wore  on  their  left  arms.  Tatius  agree- 
ing to  thb  condition,  she  opened  one  of  the  gates  by  night,  and 
let  in  the  Sabines.  It  seems  it  was  not  the  sentiment  of  Antigo- 
nus  alone,  who  said  "  He  loved  men  while  they  were  betraying, 
but  hated  them  when  they  had  betrayed ;"  nor  of  Caesar,  who 
said,  in  'the  case  of  Rhymitalces  the  Thracian,  "  He  loved  the 
treason,  but  hated  the  traitor;"  but  men  arc  commonly  affected 
towards  villains,  whom  they  have  occasion  for,  just  as  they  are 
towards  venomous  creatures,  which  they  have  need  of  for  their 
poison  and  their  gall.  While  they  are  of  use  they  love  them, 
but  abhor  them  when  their  purpose  is  effected.  Such  were  the 
sentiments  of  Tatius  with  regard  to  Tarpeia,  when  he  ordered  the 
Sabines  to  remember  their  promise,  and  to  grudge  her  nothing 
which  they  had  on  their  left  arms.  He  was  the  first  to  take  off 
his  bracelet,  and  throw  it  to  her  and  with  that  his  shield.*  As 
every  one  did  the  same,  she  was  overpowered  by  the  gold  and 
shields  thrown  upon  her,  and,  sinking  under  the  weight,  expired. 
Tarpeius,  too,  was  taken  and  condemned  by  Romulus  for  treason, 
as  Juba  writes,  after  Sulpitius  Galba. 

The  Sabines  thus  possessed  of  the  fort,  Romulus  in  great  fury 
offered  them  battle,  which  Tatius  did  not  decline,  as  he  saw  he 
had  a  place  of  strength  to  retreat  to,  in  case  he  was  worsted ;  and, 
indeed,  the  spot  on  which  he  was  to  engage,  being  surrounded 
with  hills,  seemed  to  promise  on  both  sides  a  sharp  and  bloody 
contest,  because  it  was  so  confined,  and  the  outlets  were  so  nar. 
row,  that  it  was  not  easy  either  to  fly  or  to  pursue.  It  happened, 
too,  that  a  few  days  before,  the  river  had  oyerflowed,  and  lefl  a 

temple  of  Jupiter  the  armour  of  the  kin^  ho  had  killed :  or,  mort  probablj  firom  tb« 
Greek  wotd phereton^  which  Liry  calii  in  latin ^etflwm,  which  proptffly  itpiiiisa 
fropAy. 

*  neo  and  other  historian!  aay.  that  Tatiui  treats  her  in  this  manner,  t>f€auM 
ftbe  acted  a  double  part,  and  endeavoured  to  betraj  the  Sttinet  to  Romohis,  while 
the  wat  pretending  to  iTetray  the  Roifiant  to  them. 


ROMULUS.  17 

deep  mud  on  the  plain  where  the  forum  now  stands,  which,  as  it 
was  covered  with  a  crust,  was  not  easily  discoverable- by  the  eye, 
but  at  the  same  time  was  soft  underneath,  and  impassible.  The 
Sabines,  ignorant  of  this,  were  pushing  forward  into  it,  but  by 
good  fortune  were  prevented.  For  Curtius,  a  man  of  high  dis. 
tinction  and  spirit,  being  mounted  on  a  good  horse,  advanced  a 
considerable  way  before  the  rest  ;*  presently  his  horse  plunged 
into  the  slough,  and  for  a  while  he  endeavoured  to  disengage 
him,  encouraging  him  with  his  voice,  and  urging  him  with  blows  ; 
but,  finding  all  ineffectual, '  he  quitted  him,  and  saved  himself. 
From  him  the  place,  to  this  very  time,  is  called  the  Curtian  Lake. 
The  Sabines,  having  escaped  this  danger,  began  the  fight  with 
great  bravery.  The  victory  inclined  to  neither  side,  though  many 
were  slain,  among  the  rest  Hostilius,  who,  they  say,  was  husband 
to  Hersilia,  and  grandfather  to  that  Hostilius  who  reigned  after 
Numa.  It  is  probable  that  there  were  many  other  battles  in  a 
short  time,  but  the  most  memorable  was  the  last ;  in  which  Ro- 
mulus having  received  a  blow  upon  the  head  with  a  stone  was 
almost  beaten  down  to  the  ground,  and  no  longer  able  to  oppose 
the  enemy;  then  the  Romans  gave  way,  and  were  driven  from 
the  plain  as  far  as  the  Palatine  Hill.  By  this  time  Romulus 
recovering  from  the  shock,  endeavoured  by  force  to  stop  the  men 
in  their  flight,  and  loudly  called  upon  them  to  stand  and  renew 
the  engagement.  But  when  he  saw  the  rout  was  general,  and 
that  no  one  had  courage  to  face  about,  he  lifted  up  his  hands 
towards  heaven,  and  prayed  to  Jupiter  to  stop  the  army,  and  to 
re-establish  and' maintain  the  Roman  cause,  which  was  now  in 
extreme  danger.  When  the  prayer  was  ended,  many  of  the  fu- 
gitives were  struck  with  reverence  for  their  king,  and  their  fear 
was  changed  into  courage.  They  first  stopped  where  now  stands 
the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  so  called  from  his  putting  a  stop  to 
their  flight.  There  they  engaged  again,  and  repulsed  the  Sabines 
as  far  as  the  palace  now  called  Regia,  and  the  temple  of  Vesta. 

When  they  were  preparing  here  to  renew  the  combat  with  the 
same  animosity  as  at  first,  their  ardour  was  repressed  by  an  as- 
tonishing spectacle.     The  daughters  of  the  Sabines,  that  had  been 

*  Livy  and  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassiis  relate  the  matter  otherwise.  They  teli  us, 
that  Curtius  at  first  repulsed  the  Romans;  but  being  in  his  turn  overpowered  by 
.Romulus,  and  endeavouring  to  make  good  hi«  retreat,  he  happened  to  fall  into  the 
lake,  which  from  that  time  bore  his  name;  for  it  was  called  Lacus  Curtius,  even 
when  it  was  dried  up.'  and  almost  in  the  centre  of  the  Roman  forum  Procilius 
says,  that  the  earth  having  opened,  the  Aruspices  declared  it  necessary,  for  the  safety 
of  the  republic,  that  the  bravest  man  in  the  city  should  throw  himself  into  the  gulf ; 
whereupon  one  Curtius,  mounting  on  horseback,  leaped  (armed)  into  it,  and  the 
gulf  immediately  closed.  Before  the  building  of  the  common  sewers,  this  pool  was 
a  sort  of  sink,  which  received  all  the  filth  of  the  city.  Some  writers  think  that  it 
received  its  name  from  Curtius  the  consul,  colleague  to  M.  Genucius,  because  he 
caused  it  to  be  walled  in,  by  the  advice  of  the  Aruspices,  after  it  had  been  struck 
xvith  lightning.    Vauo  de  Ling  Lat.  1.  17, 

c  r 


18  BOMULUS. 

forcibly  carried  off,  rushed  with  loud  cries  and  lamenutiooa,  like 
persons  distracted,  amidst  the  drawn  swords,  and  over  the  dead 
bodies,  to  come  at  their  husbands  and  fathers,  some  carrying  their 
infants  in  their  arms,  and  some  darting  forward  with  dishevelled 
hair,  but  all  calling  by  turns  both  upon  the  Sabines  and  Romans 
by  the  tenderest  names.  Both  parties  were  extremely  moved, 
and  room  was  made  for  them  between  the  two  armies.  Their 
lamentations  pierced  to  the  utmost  ranks,  and  all  were  deeply 
affected,  particularly  when  their  upbraiding  and  complaints  ended 
in  supplication  and  entreaty.  "  What  great  injury  have  we  done 
you,'*  said  they,  "  that  we  have  suffered,  and  do  still  suffer  ao 
many  miseries?  We  were  carried  off,  by  those  who  now  have  u^ 
violently  and  illegally ;  after  this  violence  we  were  so  long 
neglected  by  our  brothers,  our  fathers,  and  relations,  that  we  were 
necessitated  to  unite  in  the  strongest  ties  with  those  that  were  the 
objects  of  our  hatred,  and  we  are  now  brought  to  tremble  for  the 
men  that  had  injured  us  so  much,  when  we  see  them  in  danger,  and 
to  lament  them  when  they  falK  For  you  came  not  tu  deliver  us 
from  violence  while  virgins,  or  to  avenge  our  cause  ;  but  now  you 
tear  the  wives  from  their  husbaiids,  and  the  mothers  from  their 
children,  an  assistance  more  grievous  to  us  than  all  your  neglect 
and  disregard.  Such  love  we  experienced  from  them,  and  such 
compassion  from  you.  Were  the  war  undertaken  in  some  other 
cause,  yet  surely  you  would  stop  its  ravages  for  us,  who  have 
made  you  fathers-in-law  and  grand. fathers,  or  otherwise  placed 
you  in  some  near  affinity  to  those  whom  you  seek  to  destroy. 
But  if  the  war  be  for  us,  take  us,  with  your  sons-in-law  and  their 
children,  and  restore  us  to  our  parents  and  kindred ;  but  do  not,  we 
beseech  you,  rob  us  of  our  children  and  husbands,  lest  we  becoiM 
captives  again."  Hersilia  having  said  a  great  deal  to  this  purpose, 
and  oUiers  joining  in  the  same  request,  a  truce  was  agreed  upon, 
and  the  generals  proceeded  to  a  conference.  lo  the  mean  time 
the  women  presented  their  husbands  and  children  to  their  fathen 
and  brothers,  brought  refreshments  to  those  that  wanted  them, 
and  carried  the  wounded  home  to  be  cured.  Hero  they  showed 
them,  that  they  had  the  ordering  of  their  own  houses,  what  atten- 
tion  their  husbands  paid  them,  and  in  what  respect  and  indulffence 
they  were  treated.  Upon  this  a  peace  was  concluded,  the 
conditions  of  which  were,  that  such  of  the  women  as  cboee  to 
remain  with  their  huHbands  should  bo  exempt  from  all  labour  and 
drudgery  except  spinning ;  that  they  city  should  be  inhabited  by 
the  Romans  and  Sabines  in  common,  with  the  name  Rome  from 
Horaulus ;  but  that  all  the  citizens,  from  Cures,  the  capital  of  the 
Sabines,  should  bo  called  Quirites  -*   and  that  the  regal  power, 

*  The  word  Quirit»  in  ihe  ^^abine  laofua^.    si|ni6ed  Iwtb  •  dart«  aod  a  warlOte 
rfeity  arinmi  with  a  d«Tt.     It  is  nnrertaln  whether  Uie  fp»d  |a?e  name  to  the  dart,  f»r 


ROMULUS.  ^g 

and  the  command  of  the  army,  should  be  equally  shared  bet-,vecn 
them. 

The  city  having  doubled  the  number  of  its  inhabitants,  an 
hundred  additional  senators  were  elected  from  among  the  Sabines, 
and  the  legions  were  to*  consist  of  six  thousand  foot,  and  six 
hundred  horse.*  The  people,  too,  were  divided  into  three  tribes, 
called  Rhumnenses,  from  Romulus  ;  Tatienses  from  Tatius  ;  and 
Lucerenses,  from  the  Lucus  or  Grove,  where  the  asylum  stood, 
whither  many  had  fled,  and  were  admitted  citizens.  That  they 
were  precisely  three,  appears  from  the  very  name  of  Tribes,  and 
that  of  their  chief  officers,  who  were  called  Tribunes.  Each 
tribe  contained  ten  CuricB,  or  Wards,  which  some  say  were  called 
after  the  Sabine  women.  But  this  seems  to  be  false,  for  many  of 
them  have  their  names  from  the  several  quarters  of  the  city  which 
were  assigned  to  them.  Many  honourable  privileges,  however, 
were  conferred  upon  the  women,  some  of  which  were  these : 
That  the  men  should  give  them  the  way,  wherever  they  met  them : 
that  they  should  not  mention  an  obscene  word,  or  appear  naked 
before  them  ;  that,  in  case  of  their  killing  any  person,  they  should 
not  be  tried  before  the  ordinary  judges  ;  and  that  their  children 
should  wear  an  ornament  about  their  necks,  called  Bulla,f  from 
its  likeness  to  a  bubble,  and  a  garment  bordered  with  purple.  The 
two  kings  did  not  presently  unite  their  councils,  each  meeting,  for 
some  time,  their  hundred  senators  apart ;  but  afterwards  they  all 
assembled  together.  Tatius  dwelt  where  the  temple  Moneta 
now  stands,  and  Romulus  by  the  steps  of  the  fair  Shore  as  they 
are  called,  at  the  descent  from  the  Palatine  Hill  to  the  Great 
Circus. 

the  dart  to  the  god  ;  but  however  that  be,  this  gorl  Quiris  or  Quirinus,  was  either 
Mars  or  some  other  gori  of  war,  and  was  worshipped  in  Ron~.e  till  Romulus,  who, 
after  his  death,  was  honouted  with  the  name  Quirinus,  took  his  place. 

*  Ruauld,  in  his  animadversions  upon  Plutarch,  has  discovered  two  considerable 
errors  in  this  place  The  first  is,  that  Plutarch  affirms  there  were  six  hundred  horse 
put  by  Romulus  in  every  legion  ;  whereas  there  never  were,  at  any  time,  so  many  in 
any  of  the  legions.  For  there  were  at  first  two  hundred  horse  in  each  legion  ;  after 
that,  they  rose  to  three  hundred,  and  at  last  to  four  hundred,  but  never  came  op 
to  six  hundred.  In  the  second  place,  he  tells  us,  that  Romulus  made  the  legion  to 
consist  of  six  thousand  foot :  whereas,  in  his  time,  it  was  never  more  than  three 
thousand.  It  is  said  by  some,  that  Marius  was  the  first  who  raised  the  legion  to 
six  thousand  ;  but  Livy  informs  us,  that  that  augmentation  was  made  by  Scipio 
Africanus,  long  tiefor.e  Marius.  After  the  expulsionof  the  kings,  it  was  augmented 
from  three  to  four  thousand,  and  some  time  after  to  five,  and  at  last  by  Scipio  (as 
we  have  said)  to  six.  But  this  was  never  done  but  upon  pressing  occasions.  The 
stated  force  of  a  legion  was  four  thousand  foot,  and  two  hundred  horse. 

t  The  young  men,  when  they  took  upon  them  the  7"oga  vh-ilis,  or  man's  robe, 
quitted  the  Bulla,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  little  hollow  ball  of  gold,  and 
made  an  offering  of  it  to  the  Dii  Lares,  or  houjehold  gods.  As  to  the  Prcctexta,  or 
robe  edged  with  purple,  it  was  worn  by  girls,  till  their  marriage,  and  by  boys  till  they 
were  seventeen.  But  what  in  the  time  of  Romulus  was  a  maik  of  distinction  for 
the  children  of  the  Sabine  women,  became  afterwards  very  common  :  for  even  the 
children  of  the  Liberfi,  or  freedmen,  wore  it. 


20  ROMULUS. 

The  Sabioes  received  the  Roman  months.  All  tbnt.  w  of 
importance  on  this  subject  is  mentioned  in  the  hfe  of  Numa. 
Romulus  on  the  other  hand,  adopted  their  shields,  making  an 
alteration  in  his  own  armour,  and  that  of  the  Romans,  who 
before  wore  bucklers  in  the  manner  of  the  Greeks.  They  ma- 
tually  celebrated  each  other's  feats  and  sacrifices,  not  ahohshiog 
those  of  either  nation,  but  over  and  above  appointing  some  new 
ones ;  one  of  which  was  the  Matronalia,*  instituted  in  honour  of 
the  women,  fur  their  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  and  another  the 
Carmentulia.f 

In  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tatius,  some  of  his  friends  and 
kinsmen  meeting  certain  ambassadors  who  were  going  from  Lau- 
rentum  to  Rome,t  attempted  to  rob  them  on  the  road,  and,  as  they 
would  not  sutfer  it,  but  stood  in  their  own  defence,  killed  them. 
As  this  was  an  atrocious  crime,  Romulus  required  that  those 
who  committed  it  should  unmediateiy  be  punished,  but  Tatius 
hesitated  and  put  it  off!  This  was  the  first  occasion  of  any  open 
variance  between  them  ;  for  till  now  they  had  behaved  themselves 
as  if  directed  by  one  soul  and  the  administration  had  been  carried 
on  with  all  possible  unanimity.  The  relations  of  those  that  were 
murdered  finding  they  could  have  no  legal  redress  from  Tatius, 
fell  upon  him  and  slew  him,  at  Lavinium,  as  he  was  offering 
sacrifice  with  Romulus  :§  but  they  conducted  Romulus  back  with 
applause,  as  a  prince  who  paid  a  proper  regard  to  justice.  To 
the  body  of  Tatius  he  gave  an  honourable  interment,  at  Arroilus. 
triuro,|{  on  mount  Aventine ;  but  he  took  no  care  to  revenge  his 
death  on  the  persons  who  killed  him.      Some  historians  write, 

*  During  this  feast,  such  of  the  Roman  women  as  were  married,  served  their 
slaves  at  table,  and  received  prekcuis  from  their  huitMinds,  as  it>e  husl>ands  did  frooi 
their  wives  in  itte  time  <*^  ihe  Saturnalia.  As  the  festival  of  the  Matronalia  ivas 
not  only  observed  m  honour  of  the  Sabme  women,  but  consecrated  to  Mars,  and,  as 
aoaie  will  have  it,  to  Juno  Lucina.  sacrifices  were  offend  to  both  these  deities.  This 
feast  wai  the  subject  of  Hurace's  Ode.  JHarttis  ralebs  ouid  agam  ealmili$.  6ic.  and 
Ovid  HetrrilieH  it  ai  lart^«  in  ttve  Third  liook  «>f  Fasti.  Darier  says,  bjr  mistake,  that 
this  frnst  wai»  kept  on  the  lit  of  April,  instead  of  the  1st  of  March,  and  the  IbraMr 
Engltfcb  aiinotatcir  has  foiiowed  him. 

f  Thik  IS  a  vrry  solemn  feast,  kept  on  the  1 1th  of  January,  under  the  Capitol,  near 
the  Carnienial  ^ate.  They  heKged  of  this  foddesa  to  render  their  women  fruitful, 
and  to  give  (Dem  happy  dehveries. 

t  DMinymuk  of  Haltcatnaaus  says,  they  were  amliassadors  from  l.aviuium.  wIm> 
had  beeii'ai  Hon  e  to  complain  of  ilte  incursions  made  by  some  of  Taiius's  friends, 
upon  their  territories,  and  that  ay  ihey  were  returiiiiH(,  the  Sfebines  lay  lu  wait  Cm 
Ihem  on  the  road,  stripped  them,  and  killed  several  of  Ibwn.  Lavinium  and  Lsu- 
rentum  were  neighbourinc  towns  in  Ijitium. 

{  Frolmbiv  ti  is  wai  a  MUirifice  to  Ihe  Dii  lodigenus  of  I.atium.  in  which  Rons 
was  iiKlurted.  Hut  Licinus  write».  that  Tatius  wroi  not  ihither  with  Rcminiuk.  not 
on  account  of  ihr  sacrifice,  tMit  ibet  he  went  alone  to  persuade  the  uihabitanti  to 
pardon  Ihe  murderert. 

II  The  place  wai  so  called,  bccauMof  a  ceremony  of  ihe  san.e  name,  relehrated 
evrrv  vear  un  the  li^th  of  October,  when  the  troops  were  muttered,  and  purified  by 
saeiifices. 


ROMULUS.  2X 

that  the  Lauientians  in  great  terror  gave  up  the  murderers  of 
Tatius:  but  Romulus  let  them  go,  saying,  "  Blood  with  blood 
should  be  repaid."  This  occasioned  a  report,  and  indeed  a 
strong  Ksuspicion,  that  he  was  not  sorry  to  get  rid  of  his  partner  in 
the  government.  None  of  these  things,  however,  occasioned  any 
disturbance  or  sedition  among  the  Sabines  ;  but  partly  out  of 
regard  for  Romulus,  partly  out  of  fear  of  his  power,  or  because 
they  reverenced  him  as  a  god,  they  all  continued  well  affected 
to  him.  This  veneration  for  him  extended  to  many  other  nations. 
The  ancient  Latins  sent  ambassadors,  and  entered  into  a  league 
and  alliance  with  him.  Fidenae,  a  city  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Rome,  he  took,  as  some  say,  by  sending  a  body  of  horse  before, 
with  orders  to  break  the  hinges  of  the  gates,  and  then  appearing 
unexpectedly  in  person.  Others  will  have  it,  that  the  Fidenates 
first  attacked  and  ravaged  the  Roman  territories,  and  were  carry- 
ing off  considerable  booty,  when  Romulus  lay  in  ambush  for  them, 
cut  many  of  them  off,  and  took  their  city.  He  did  not,  however, 
demolish  it,  but  made  it  a  Roman  colony,  and  sent  into  it  two 
thousand  five  hundred  inhabitants  on  the  thirteenth  of  April. 

After  this,  a  plague  broke  out,  so  fatal,  that  people  died  of  it, 
without  any  previous  sickness ;  while  the  scarcity  of  fruits,  and 
barrenness  of  the  cattle  added  to  the  calamity.  It  rained  blood 
too  in  the  city  ;  so  that  their  unavoidable  sufferings  were  increas- 
ed with  supernatural  terrors :  and  when  the  destruction  spread 
itself  to  Laurentum,  then  all  agreed  it  was  for  neglecting  to  do 
justice  to  the  murderers  of  the  ambassadors  and  of  Tatius,  that 
the  Divine  vengeance  pursued  both  cities.  Indeed,  when  those 
murderers  were  given  up  and  punished  by  both  parties,  their 
calamities  visibly  abated  ;  and  Romulus  purified  the  city  with 
lustrations,  which  they  tell  us,  are  yet  celebrated  at  the  Ferentine 
gate.  Before  the  pestilence  ceased,  the  people  of  Cameria* 
attacked  the  Romans,  and  over-ran  the  country,  thinking  them 
incapable  of  resistance  by  reason  of  the  sickness.  But  Romulus 
soon  met  them  in  the  field,  gave  them  battle,  in  which  he  killed 
six  thousand  of  them,  took  their  city,  and  transplanted  half  its 
remaining  inliabitants  to  Rome ;  adding,  on  the  first  of  August, 
to  those  he  left  in  Cameria,  double  their  number  from  Rome.  So 
many  people  had  he  to  spare  in  about  sixteen  years  time  from 
the  building  of  the  city.  Among  other  spoils,  he  carried  from 
Cameria  a  chariot  of  brass,  which  he  consecrated  in  the  temple 
of  Vulcan,  placing  upon  it  his  own  statue  crowned  by  Victory. 

His  affairs  thus  dourishing,  the  weaker  part  of  his  neighbours 
submitted,  satisfied,  if  they  could  but  live  in  peace  :  but  the  more 
powerful,  dreading  or  envying  Romulus,  thought  they  should  not 

*  This  was  a  town  which  Romulus  had  taken  before  Its  old  inhabitants  took 
this  opportunity  to  rise  in  arms,  and  kill  the  Reman  garrison. 


'^  KQMULtS 

by  any  means  lut  him  go  unnoticed,  but  oppose  ana  put  a  atop  (o 
his  growing  greatness.  The  Veientes,  who  had  a  strong  city  ami 
extensive  country,*  were  the  first  of  the  Tuscana  who  began  the 
war,  demanding  Fidensc  as  their  properly.  But  it  was  not  only 
unjust,  but  ridiculous,  that  they  who  had  given  the  people  of 
FidcnoB  no  assistance  in  the  greatest  extremities,  but  had  sufTered 
them  to  perish,  should  challenge  their  houses  and  lands  now  in  the 
possession  of  other  masters.  Romulus,  therefore,  gave  them  a 
contemptuous  answer;  upon  which  they  divided  their  forces  into 
two  bodies  ;  one  attacked  the  garrison  of  Fidenas,  and  the  pther 
vent  to  meet  Romulus.  That  which  went  against  Fidens,  de-^ 
feated  the  Romans,  and  killed  two  thousand  of  them ;  but  the 
other  was  beaten  by  Romulus  with  the  loss  of  more  than  eight 
thousand  men.  They  gave  battle,  however,  once  more  at  Fidens, 
where  all  allow  the  victory  was  chiefly  owing  to  Romuhia  him. 
self,  whose  skill  and  courage  were  then  remarkably  displayed 
and  whose  strength  and  swiAness  appeared  more  than  human. 
But  what  some  report,  is  entirely  fabulous,  and  utterly  incredible, 
that  there  fell  that  day  fourteen  thousand  men,  above  half  of 
whom  Romulus  slew  with  his  own  hand.  For  even  the  Messe- 
nians  seem  to  have  been  extravagant  in  their  boasts,  when  they  tell 
us  Aristomenes  offered  a  hecatomb  three  several  times,  for  having 
as  of\en  killed  a  hundred  Lacedaemonians.f  Afler  the  Veientes 
were  thus  ruined,  Romulus  suffered  the  scattered  remains  to 
escape,  and  marched  directly  to  their  city.  The  inhabitants  could 
not  bear  up  af\er  so  dreadful  a  blow,  but  humbly  sueing  for  a 
peace,  obtained  a  truce  for  a  hundred  years,  by  giving  up  a 
considerable  part  of  their  territory  called  Septempagium,  which 
signifies  a  district  of  seven  towns,  together  with  the  salt  pits  by 
the  river ;  besides  which,  they  delivered  into  his  hands  fifty  of 
their  nobility  as  hostages.  He  triumphed  for  this  on  the  fifteenth 
of  October,  leading  up,  among  many  other  captives,  the  general 
of  the  Veientes,  a  man  in  years,  who  seemed  on  this  occasion, 
not  to  have  behaved  with  the  prudence  which  might  have  been 
expected  from  his  age.  Hence  it  is,  that,  to  this  day,  when  they 
offer  a  sacrifice  for  victory,  they  lead  an  old  man  through  the 
forum  to  the  capitol,  in  a  boy's  robe,  edged  with  purple,  with  a 
bulla  about  his  neck ;  and  the  herald  cries  '*  Sardiana  to  be  sold  ;*^ 

*  Veil,  the  capital  of  Tuicany,  was  situated  no  a  cnoji  rock,  about  oo«  huodicd 
furlon{i«  from  Rome ;  and  is  compared  by  Dioiiysius  of  Halie«nia«us  to  Atbana  Ibr 
extent  and  riches. 

f  Pautania»  confirms  this  account,  mentiunmK  both  iba  *mim  and  place  of  thase 
•ehieveuientii,  h«  wril  the  h^raiombs  uflered  on  account  of  lh«m  to  Jupiter  Itbomatea. 
Those  wars  between  the  Mt^sseuia^s  and  Spartans,  were  about  the  lime  of  Tullus 
Uonilius. 

X  The  Veientes.  with  tiie  other  Hetrurians.  were  a  ookmy  of  Lydiaua,  whoat 
matiopolis  was  (he  city  of  Sardis.  Other  writers  data  this  custom  from  the  lime  of 
(he  conquest  of  Sardinia  by  Tiberius  SemproolusCtraccLiw,  when  stich  a  numbei 


ROMULUS.  23 

for  the  Tuscans  are  said  to  be  a  colony  of  the  Sardians,  and  Veii 
is  a  city  of  Tuscany. 

This  was  the  last  of  the  wars  of  Romulus.  After  this  he  behaved 
as  almost  all  men  do,  who  rise  by  some  great  and  unexpected  good 
fortune  to  dignity  and  power ;  for,  exalted  with  his  exploits,  and 
loftier  in  his  sentiments,  he  dropped  his  popular  affability, 
and  assumed  the  monarch  to  an  odious  degree.  He  gave  the  first 
offence  by  his  dress ;  his  habit  being  a  purple  vest,  over  which  he 
wore  a  robe  bordered  with  purple.  He  gave  audience  in  a  chair 
of  state.  He  had  always  about  him  a  number  of  young  men 
called  Celeres,*  from  their  despatch  in  doing  business ;  and  before 
him  went  men  with  staves  to  keep  off"  the  populace,  who  also  wore 
thongs  of  leather  at  their  girdles,  ready  to  bind  directly  any  person 
he  should  order  to  be  bound. 

When  his  grandfather,  Numitor,  died  in  Alba,  though  the  crown 
undoubtedly  belonged  to  him,  yet;  to  please  the  people,  he  left  the 
administration  in  their  own  hands ;  and  over  the  Sabinesf  (in 
Rome)  he  appointed  yearly  a  particular  magistrate  ;  thus  teaching 
the  great  men  of  Rome  to  seek  a  free  commonwealth  without  a 
king,  and  by  turns  to  rule  and  obey.  For  now  the  patricians  had 
no  s&are  in  the  government,  but  only  an  honourable  title  and 
appearance,  assembling  in  the  senate-house  more  for  form  than 
business.  There,  with  silent  attention,  they  heard  the  king  give 
his  orders,  and  differed  only  from  the  rest  of  the  people  in  this, 
that  they  went  home  with  the  first  knowledge  of  what  was  deter- 
mined. This  treatment  they  digested  as  well  as  they  could ;  but 
when,  of  his  own  authority,  he  divided  the  conquered  lands  among 
the  soldiers,  and  restored  the  Veientes  their  hostages  without  the 
consent  or  approbation  of  the  senate,  they  considered  it  as  an 
intolerable  insult.  Hence  arose  strong  suspicions  against  them, 
and  Romulus  soon  af\er  unaccountably  disappeared.  This  hap- 
pened on  the  7lh  of  July. 

As  no  part  of  his  body,  or  even  his  garments  could  be  found, 
some  conjectured,  that  the  senators  who  were  convened  in  the 
temple  of  Vulcan,  fell  upon  him  and  killed  him ;  afler  which  each 
carried  a  part  away  under  his  gown.  Others  say,  that  his  death 
did  not  happen  in  the  temple  of  Vulcan,  nor  in  the  presence  of 
the  senators  only,  but  while  he  was  holding  an  assembly  of  the 
people  without  the  city,  at  a  place  called  the  Goat's-Marsh.  The 
air  on  that  occasion  was  suddenly  convulsed  and  altered  in  a 

of  slaves  was  brought  from  that  island,  that  none  were  to  be  seen  in  the  market  but 
Sardinians. 

*  Romulus  ordered  the  Curia  to  choose  him  a  guard  of  three  hundred  men,  ten 
out  of  each  Curiae ;  and  these  he  called  Celeres,  for  the  reason  which  Plutarch  has 
assigned. 

f  Xylandcr  and  H.  Stephanus  are  rationally  enough  of  opinion,  that  instead  of 
Sabines  we  sbonld  read  Albans :  and  so  the  Latin  translator  renders  it. 


S^  ROMULtS. 

wonderful  manner ;  for  the  light  of  the  sun  failed/  and  they  wer« 
involved  in  an  ustonishing  darkness,  attended  on  ever^  '  :ili 
dreadful  thundenngs,   and  tempestuous  winds.      Th*  c 

then  dispersed  and  ded,  but  the  nobility  gathered  into  one  budy. 
When  the  tempest  was  over,  and  the  light  appeared  again,  the 
people  returned  to  the  same  place,  and  a  very  anxious  inquiry  was 
made  for  the  king ;  but  the  patricians  would  not  sufler  them  to 
look  closely  into  the  matter.  They  commanded  them  to  honour 
and  worship  Ropiulus,  who  was  caught  up  to  Heaven,  and  who, 
as  he  had  been  a  gracious  king,  would  be  to  the  Romans  a  pro- 
pitious deity.  Upon  this  the  multitude  went  away  with  great  satis- 
faction, and  worshipped  him,  in  hopes  of  his  favour  and  protection. 
Some,  however,  searching  more  minutely  into  the  affair,  gave  the 
patricians  no  small  uneasiness ;  they  even  accused  them  of  im- 
posing upon  the  people  a  ridiculous  tale,  when  they  had  murdered 
the  king  with  their  own  hands. 

While  things  were  in  this  disorder,  a  senator,  we  are  told  of 
great  distinction,  and  famed  for  sanctity  of  manners,  Julius  Pro- 
culus  by  nanie,f  who  cume  from  Alba  with  Rumulus,  and  had  been 
his  faithful  friend,  went  into  the  Forum,  and  declared  upon  the 
most  solemn  oaths,  before  all  the  people,  that  as  he  was  travelling 
on  the  road,  Romulus  met  him,  in  a  form  more  noble  and  august 
than  ever,  and  clad  in  bright  and  dazzling  armour.  Astonished  at 
the  sight,  he  said  to  him,  *'  For  what  misbehaviour  of  ours,  O  king, 
or  by  what  accident  have  you  so  untimely  left  us,  to  labour  under 
the  heaviest  calumnies,  and  the  whole  city  to  sink  under  unexpres* 
sible  sorrow !"  To  which  ho  answered,  '*  It  pleased  the  gods, 
my  good  Proculus,  that  we  should  dwell  with  men  for  a  time  ;  and 
ariter  having  founded  a  city  which  will  be  the  most  powerful 
and  glorious  in  the  world,  return  to  h«>aven,  from  whence  he  came. 
Farewell  then,  and  go,  tell  the  Kuutans,  that,  by  the  exercise  of 
temperance  and  fortitude,  they  shall  attain  the  highest  pitch  of  hu- 
man greatness,  and  I,  the  god  Quirinus,  will  ever  be  propitious  to 
you.  This,  by  the  character  and  oath  of  the  relater,  gained  credit 
with  the  Romans,  who  were  caught  with  the  enthusiasm,  as  if  they 
had  been  actually  inspired ;  and  far  from  contradicting  what 
they  had  heard,  bade  adieu  to  all  their  suspicions  of  the  nobility, 
united  in  the  deifying  of  Quirinus,  and  addressed  their  devotions  to 
him.  Romulus  is  said  to  have  been  tiHy.four  years  of  aoe,  and  in 
the  thirty  .eighth  of  his  reign,  when  he  was  taken  from  the  world. 

*  Cicero  mentioni  this  remarkable  dttkoeM  iti  a  fftcineni  of  hi*  «iiih  book  dt 
Jiifub.  And  it  appears  from  the  astronnmiral  table*,  that  tberr  waa  a  graai  aoUpas 
of  the  tiio  in  the  brat  year  of  the  fixtecnth  Olympiad,  auppoaed  to  be  tiM  jrear  that 
Romului  died,  on  the  26th  of  May ;  which,  coniidering  the  little  exactness  tbert 
was  then  in  the  Roman  calendar,  might  very  well  cofatcide  with  the  roooUi  of 
July. 

t  A  descendant  of  lului,  or  Aacanlufr 


\-m 


25 


LYCURGUS.* 

Flourished  777  years  before  CJirist. 

Of  Lycurgus,  the  lawgiver,  we  have  nothing  to  relate  that  is 
certain  and  uncontroverted.  For  there  are  different  accounts  of 
his  birth,  his  travels,  his  death,  and  especially  of  the  laws  and 
form  of  government  which  he  established.  But  least  of  all  are 
the  times  agreed  upon  when  this  great  man  lived.  We  shall 
therefore  endeavour  to  select  such  circumstances  as  are  related 
by  authors  of  the  greatest  credit. 

Simonides,  the  poet,  tells  us,  that  Prytanis,  not  Eunomus,  was 
father  to  Lycurgus.  But  most  writers  give  us  the  genealogy  of 
Lycurgus  and  Eunomus  in  a  different  manner ;  for,  according  to 
them,  Sous  was  the  son  of  Patrocles,  and  grandson  of  Aristoderaus ; 
Eurytion  the  son  of  Sous,  Prytanis  of  Eurytion,  and  Eunomus  of 
of  Prytanis;  to  this  Eunomus  was  born  Polydectes,  by  a  former 
wife,  and  by  a  second,  named  Dianassa,  Lycurgus.  Eutychidas, 
however,  says  Lycurgus  was  the  sixth  from  Patrocles,  and  the 
eleventh  from  Hercules.  The  most  distinguished  of  his  ancestors 
wa8  Sons,  under  whom  the  Lacedaemonians  made  the /feZote*  their 
staves,"!*  and  gained  an  extensive  tract  of  land  from  the  Arcadians. 
Of  this  Sous  it  is  related,  that,  being  besieged  by  the  Clitorians 
in  a  difficult  post  where  there  was  no  water,  he  agreed  to  give  up 
all  his  conquests,  provided  that  himself  and  all  his  army  should 
drink  of  the  neighbouring  spring.  When  these  conditions  were 
sworn  to,  he  assembled  his  forces,  and  offered  his  kingdom  ti>  the 
man  that  would  forbear  drinking ;  not  one  of  them,  however, 
could  deny  himself,  but  they  all  drank.  Then  Sous  went  down  to 
the  spring,  and  having  only  sprinkled  his  face  in  sight  of  the 
enemy,  he  marched  off,  and  still  held  the  country,  because  all 
had  not  drank.     Though  he  was  highly  honoured  for  this,  the 

*  The  life  of  Lycurgus  was  the  first  which  Plutarch  published,  as  he  himself 
observes  in  the  life  of  Theseus.  He  seems  to  have  had  a  strong  attachment  to  the 
Soartans  and  their  customs,  as  Xenopbon  likewise  had:  for,  besides  this  life,  and 
those  of  several  other  Spartan  chiefs,  we  have  a  treatise  of  his  on  the  laws  and 
customs  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  another  of  Laconic  Apophthegms.  He  makes 
Lycurgus  in  all  things  a  perfect  hero,  and  alleges  his  behaviour  as  a  proof,  that  the 
wise  man,  so  often  described  by  the  philosophers,  was  not  a  mere  ideal  character, 
unattainable  by  human  nature.  Ft  is  certain,  however,  that  the  encomiums  bestowed 
upon  him  and  his  laws  by  the  Delphic  oracle,  was  merely  a  contrivance  between 
the  Pythoness  and  himself;  and  some  of  his  laws,  for  instance,  that  concerning  the 
women,  were  unexceptionable. 

f  The  Helotes.  or  ilotes,  were  inhabitants  of  Helos,  a  maritime  town  of  Laconia. 
The  Lacedaemonians  having  conquered  and  made  slaves  of  them,  called  not  only 
them,  but  all  the  other  slaves  they  happened  to  have,  by  the  name  of  Helotes.  It  is 
certain,  howpver,  that  the  descendants  of  the  original  Helotes,  though  they  were  ex- 
tremelv  ill  treated,  and  some  of  them  assassinated,  subsisted  many  ages  in  Laconia. 
■    n  3 


,n^. 


26  LYCURGUS. 

fannly  bad  not. their  name  from  him,  but  from  his  son  were  called 
Eurytiomda  :*  and  this,  because  Eurytion  seems  to  be  the  first 
who  relaxed  the  strictness  of  kingly  government,  inclining  to  the 
interest  of  the  people,  and  ingratiating  himself  with  them.  Upon 
this  relaxation,  their  encroachments  increased,  and  the  succeeding 
kings,  either  becoming  odious,  treating  them  with, greater  rigour, 
or  else  giving  way  through  weakness,  or  in  hopes  of  favour,  for  a 
long  time  anarchy  and  confusion  prevailed  in  Sparta ;  by  which 
one  of  its  kings,  the  father  of  Lycurgus,  lost  his  life.  For  while 
he  was  endeavouring  to  part  some  persons  who  were  concerned 
in  a  fray,  he  received  a  wound  by  a  kitchen  knife,  of  which  he 
died,  leaving  the  kingdom  to  his  eldest  son  Polydectes. 

But  he  also  dying  soon  after,  the  general  voice  called  Lycurgus 
to  ascend  the  throne  ;  and  he  actually  did  so,  till  it  appeared  £at 
his  brother's  widow  was  pregnant.  As  soon  as  he  perceived  this, 
he  declared  that  the  kingdom  belonged  to  her  issue,  provided  it 
were  male,  and  he  kept  the  administration  in  his  hands  only  as 
his  guardian.  Soon  after  the  queen  made  him  a  private  overture, 
that  she  would  destroy  her  child  upon  condition  that  he  would 
marry  her  when  king  of  Sparta.  Though  he  detested  her  wicked- 
ness, he  said  nothing  against  the  proposal,  but,  pretending  to 
approve  it,  charged  her  not  to  take  any  drugs  lest  she  should 
endanger  her  own  health  or  life ;  for  he  would  take  care-that  the 
child,  as  soon  as  born,  should  be  destroyed.  Thus  he  artfully 
drew  on  the  woman  to  her  full  time,  when  he  sent  persons  to 
attend  and  watch  her,  with  orders,  if  it  were  a  girl,  to  give  it 
to  the  women,  but  if  a  boy,  to  bring  it  to  him,  in  whatever  business 
he  might  be  engaged.  It  happened  that  he  was  at  supper  with  the 
magistrates  when  she  was  delivered  of  a  boy,  and  his  servants, 
who  were  present,  carried  the  child  to  him.  VVhen  he  received 
it,  he  is  reported  to  have  said  to  the  company,  Spartans,  see  here 
your  neiD-bom  king.  He  then  laid  him  down  upon  the  chair  of 
state,  and  named  him  Charilaus,  because  of  the  joy  and  admira. 
tion  of  his  magnanimity  and  justice,  testified  by  all  present.  Thus 
the  reign  of  Lycurgus  lasted  only  eieht  months.  But  the  citizens 
had  a  great  veneration  for  him  on  ouer  accounts,  and  there  were 

*  It  may  be  proper  here  to  give  the  reader  a  short  view  of  the  nfal  gpvaroaMnl  of 
Lacedaemon,  under  the  Herculeao  line.  The  Heraclid*)  havuif  driven  ouiTiHUMiMa 
the  son  of  Orestes,  Eurysthenes  and  Procles,  the  sons  of  ArtstodanMia,  raigoad  {■  that 
kingdom.  Under  tbeifi  the  aovemment  took  a  new  form,  and,  inetaftd  of  oot  aovareifn 
became  subject  to  two.  Tbaaa  two  broibeni  did  not  divide  Um  kingdom  bttwata 
them,  neither  did  they  agree  to  reign  alternately,  but  they  rtsolvad  to  govani  jointly, 
and  with  ei|ual  power  and  authority     What  is  iurpriiing  la,  that  — -—•-•-- — -•= — 


their  mutual  jealousy,  this  diarchy  did  not  end  with  tbtM  two  broiban^  bol  flOD- 
tinued  under  a  succession  of  thirty  princes  of  the  line  of  Eurytlbanii^  aod  tW0A|f 
seven  of  that  of  Prqples.  Rurystbenat  was  tucceedad  t>y  his  ton  Afia,  ban  wImmi 
all  the  descendants  of  that  line  ware  Munamad  Agida,  at  Iha  other  liaa  look  tba  nans 
ofEurytiooido^  from  Eurytion,  the  giandion  of  noclei,  Pauoclea,  or  Pcotodta^ 
Pauian,  Strab.  at  al. 


LYCURGUS.  27 

more  that  paid  him  their  attentions,  and  were  ready  to  execute  his 
commands,  out  of  regard  to  his  virtues,  than  those  that  obeyed 
him  as  a  guardian  to  the  king,  and  director  of  the  administration. 
There  were  not,  however,  wanting  those  that  envied  him,  and 
opposed  his  advancement,  as  too  high  for  so  young  a  man  ;  par- 
ticularly the  relations  and  friends  of  the  queen-mother,  who  seemed 
to  have  been  treated  with  contempt.  Her  brother  Leonidas  one 
day  boldly  attacked  him  with  virulent  language,  and  scrupled  not 
to  tell  him,  that  he  vvas  well  assured  that  he  would  soon  be  king ; 
thus  preparing  suspicions,  and  matter  of  accusation  against  Ly- 
curgus,  in  case  any  accident  should  befall  the  king.  Insinuations 
of  the  sajne  kind  were  likewise  spread  by  the  queen-mother. 
Moved  with  this  ill-treatment,  and  /earing  some  dark  design,  he 
determined  to  get  clear  of  all  suspicion,  by  travelling  into  other 
countries,  till  his  nephew  should  be  grown  up,  and  have  a  son  to 
succeed  him  in  the  kingdom. 

He  set  sail,  therefore,  and  landed  in  Crete.  There,  having 
observed  the  forms  of  government,  and  conversed  with  the  most 
illustrious  personages,  he  was  struck  with  admiration  of  some 
of  their  laws,*  and  resolved  at  his  return  to  introduce  them  into 
Sparta.  Some  others  he  rejected.  Among  the  friends  he  gained 
in  Crete,  was  Thales,t  whom  he  had  interest  enough  to  persuade  to 
go  and  settle  at  Sparta.  Thales  was  famed  for  his  wisdom  and 
political  abilites  :  he  was  withal  a  lyric  poet,  who,  under  colour  oif 
exercising  his  art,  performed  as  great  things  as  the  most  excellent 
lawgivers.  For  his  odes  were  so  many  persuasives  to  obedience 
and  unanimity ;  as  by  means  of  melody  and  numbers  they  had 
great  grace  and  power,  they  softened  insensibly  the  manners  of 
the  audience,  drew  them  off  from  the  animosities  which  then 
prevailed,  and  united  them  in  zeal  for  excellence  and  virtue.  So 
that,  in  some  measure,  he  prepared  the  way  for  Lycurgus  towards 
the  instruction  of  the  Spartans.  From  Crete  Lycurgus  passed  to 
Asia,  J  desirous  to  compare  the  Ionian  expense  and  luxury  with  the 

*  The  most  ancient  writers,  as  Ephorus,  Calisthenes,  Aristotle,  and  Plato,  are 
of  opinion,  that  Lycurgus  adopted  many  things  in  the  Cretan  polity.  But  Poly- 
bius  will  have  it  that  they  are  all  mistaken : — '*  At  Sparta,"  says  he  (in  this  sixth 
book,)  "  tlie  lands  are  equally  divided  among  all  the  citizens;  weahli  is  banished  ; 
the  crown  is  hereditary ;  whereas  in  Crete  the  contrary  obtains."  But  this  does  not 
prove  that  Lycurgus  might  not  take  some  good  laws  and  usages  from  Crete,  and  leave 
what  he  thought  defective.  There  is,  indeed,  so  great  a  conformity  oetween  the 
laws  of  Lycurgus  and  those  of  Minos,  that  we  must  believe,  with  Sirabo,  that  the^e 
were  the  foundation  of  the  other, 

f  This  Thales,  who  was  a  poet  and  musician,  must  be  distinguished  from  Thales 
the  Milesian,  who  was  one  of  the  seven  wise  men  of  Greece.  The  poet  lived  250 
years  before  the  philosopher. 

t  The  lonians  sent  a  colony  from  Attica  into  Asia  Minor,  about  1050  years  before 
the  Christian  era,  and  150  before  Lycurgus.  And  though  they  might  not  be  greatly 
degenerated  in  so  short  a  time,  yet  our  lawgiver  could  judge  of  the  eflfect  which  the 
climate  and  Asiatic  plenty  had  upon  them. 


28  LYCVROUS. 

Cretan  frugality  and  bard  diet,  so  as  to  judge  what  effect  each 
had  on  their  manners  and  governments ;  just  as  phy<:icians  compare 
bodies  that  are  %veak  and  sickly  with  the  healthy  and  robust. 
There  also,  probably,*  he  met  with  Homer's  poems,  which  were 
preserved  by  the  posterity  of  Cleophylus.  Observing  that  many 
moral  sentences  and  much  political  knowledge  were  intermixed 
^vith  his  stories,  which  had  an  irresistible  charm,  he  collected 
them  into  one  body,  and  transcribed  them  with  pleasure,  in  order 
to  take  them  home  with  him.  For  his  glorious  poetry  was  not 
yet  fully  known  in  Greece  ;  only  some  particular  pieces  were  in 
a  few  hands,  as  they  happened  to  be  dispersed.  Lycurgus  was 
the  first  who  made  them  generally  known.  The  Egyptians  like- 
wise suppose  that  he  visited  them ;  and  as  of  all  their  institutions 
he  was  most  pleased  with  their  distinguishing  the  military  men 
from  the  rest  of  the  people.f  he  took  the  same  method  at  Sparta, 
and,  by  sepaxating  from  these  the  mechanics  and  artificers,  he 
rendered  the  constitution  more  noble  and  more  of  a  piece.  This 
assertion  of  the  Egyptians  is  confirmed  by  some  of  the  Greek 
writers. 

The  Lacedaemonians  found  the  want  of  Lycurgus  when  absent, 
and  sent  many  embassies  to  entreat  him  to  return.  For  they 
perceived  that  their  kings  had  barely  the  title  and  outward  appcn- 
dages  of  royalty,  but  in  nothing  else  differed  from  the  multitude  ; 
whereas  Lycurgus  had  abilities  from  nature  to  guide  the  measures 
of  government,  and  powers  of  persuasion,  that  drew  the  hearts  of 
men  to  him.  The  kings,  however,  were  consulted  about  his  return, 
and  they  hoped  that  in  his  presence  they  should  experience  less 
insolence  amongst  the  peeple.  Returning  then  to  a  city  thus 
disposed,  he  immediately  applied  himself  to  alter  the  whole  frame 
nf  the  constitution ;  sensible  that  a  partial  change,  and  the  intro- 
ducing of  some  new  laws,  would  be  of  no  advantage ;  but  aa 
in  the  case  of  a  body  diseased  and  full  of  bad  humours,  whoae 
temperament  is  to  be  corrected  and  new-formed  by  medicines,  it 
was  necessary  to  begin  a  new  regimen.  With  these  sentiments 
he  went  to  Delphi,  and  when  he  had  offered  sacrifice  and  consulted 
the  god,|  he  returned  with  that  celebrated  oracle,  in  which  the 

*  He  %AA%  prcbahly^  because  tome  Greek  authors  have  afBmied  that  I.jrcurgua  taw 
Homer  himself,  who  was  at  that  time  at  Chios.  But  Plutarch's  opinion  is  more  to  in 
relied  on.  Homer  died  before  l^ycurgus  was  bom.  Before  the  time  of  Lycurgus,  ibej 
had  nothing  in  Greece  of  Homer,  but  some  detached  pieces,  which  were  Mveral!y 
named  frnm  the  diflferent  subjects  treated  of  in  them,  such  as,  Tht  Fmlour  ^  Dio* 
mede,  /icclor's  Ransom,  and  the  hke.       ^^ 

f  The  ancient  I>!^ypiians  kept  not  only  the  priests  and  military  men,  whoconiiflted 
chiefly  of  thp  nobility,  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  people;  but  Uie  other  emfdoy* 
rnenis,  viz  thnte  of  iiRrdsmen,  shepherds,  merchants,  interpreters,  and  aeameo,  de- 
scended in  particular  iulntn  from  father  to  son. 

\  A«  Miiiof  had  perfiuadod  the  Cretins,  that  his  laVi  were  delivered  to  him  fVom 
Jupiter,  so  Lycutgut,  bin  imitator,  was  willing  to  make  the  Spartans  believe  that  be 
did  every  thing  by  the  direction  of  Apollo.    Other  legislators  have  fbund  it  very 


l^YCURGUS.  29 

priestess  called  him,  Belaoed  of  tJie  gods,  and  rather  a  god  than  a 
man.  As  to  his  request  that  he  might  enact  good  laws,  she  told 
him,  ApoWo  had  heard  his  request^  and  promised  that  the  constitution 
he  should  establish  would  be  the  most  excellent  in  the  world.  Tims 
encouraged,  heapplied  to  the  nobility,  and  desired  them  to  put 
their  hands  to  the  work  ;  addressing  himself  privately  at  first  to 
his  friends,  and  afterward  by  degrees,  trying  the  disposition  of 
others^  and  preparing  them  to  concur  in  the  business.  When 
matters  were  ripe,  he  ordered  thirty  of  the  principal  citizens  to 
appear  armed  in  the  market-place  by  break  of  day,  to  strike  terror 
into  such  as  might  desire  to  oppose  him.  Upon  the  first  alarm, 
king  Charilaus,  apprehending  it  to  be  a  design  against  his  person, 
took  refuge  in  the  Chalcioicose*  or  Brazen  Temple.  But  he  was 
soon  satisfied,  and  accepted  of  their  oath.  Nay,  so  farTrom  being 
obstinate,  he  joined  in  the  undertaking.  Indeed,  he  was  so 
remarkable  for  the  gentleness  of  his  disposition,  that  Archelaus, 
his  partner  in  the  throne,  is  reported  to  have  said  to  some  who 
were  praising  the  young  king,  YeSf  Charilaus  is  a  good  man  to 
he  sure,  who  cannot  find  in  his  heart  to  punish  the  bad.  Among  the 
many  new  institutions  of  Lycurgus^  the  first  and  most  important 
was  that  of  a  senate;  which  sharing,  as  Plato  says,t  in  the  power 
of  the  kings,  too  imperious  and  unrestrained  before,  and  having 
equal  authority  with  them,  was  the  means  of  keeping  them 
within  the  bounds  of  moderation,  and  highly  contributed  to  the 
preservation  of  the  state.  For  before,  it  had  been  veering  and 
unsettled,  sometimes  inclining  to  arbitrary  power,  and  sometimes 

convenient  to  propagate  an  opinion  thai  their  instiiunons  were  from  tipe  gods.  For 
that  selMove  in  human  nature,  which  would  but  ill  have  borne  with  tl)e  superiority 
of  genius,  that  must  have  been  acknowledged  in  an  unassisted  lawgiver,  found  an 
ease  and  satisfaction  in  admitting  his  new  regulations,  when  they  were  said  to  come 
from  heaven. 

*  That  is,  the  brazen  temple.    It  was  standing  in  the  time  of  Pausanius,  who  lived 
in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Antonius. 

t  The  passage  to  which  Plutarch  refers,  is  in  Plato's  third  book  of  laws,  where  he 
is  examining  into  the  causes  of  the  downfal  of  states.  An  Athenian  is  introduced 
thus  speaking  to  a  Lacedaemonian : — "  Some  god,  I  believe,  in  his  care  for  your  state, 
and  in  his  foresight  of  what  would  happen,  has  given  y-ou  two  kings  of  the  samn 
family,  in  order  that  reigning  jointly,  they  might  govern  with  more  moderation,  and 
Sparta  experience  the  greater  tranquillity.  After  this,  when  the  regal  authority  was 
grown  again  too  absolute  and  imperious,  a  divine  spirit  residing  in  human  nature 
(t.  e.  Lycurgus,)  reduced  it  within  the  bounds  of  equity  atul  moderation,  by  the  wise 
provision  of  a  senate,  whose  authority  was  to  be  equal  to  that  of  the  kmgs."  Aristotle 
finds  fault  with  this  circumstance  in  the  institution  of  the  senate,  that  the  senators 
were  to  continue  for  life:  for  as  the  mind  grows  old  with  the  body,  bethought  it 
unreasonable  to  put  the  fortunes  of  citizens  into  the  power  of  men  who  through  age 
might  become  incapable  of  judging.  He  likewise  thought  it  very  unreasonable  that 
they  were  not  made  accountable  for  their  actions.  But  for  the  latter  inconvenience 
sufficient  provision  seems'to  have  been  made  afterward,  by  the  institution  of  the 
Ephori,  who  had  it  chiefly  in  charge  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  people;  and  therefore 
Plato  adds, — "  A  third  blessing  to  Sparta  was  the  prince,  who  finding  the  power  of 
the  senate  and  the  kings  too  arbitrary  and  uncontrolled,  contrived  the  aulhoiity 
of  the  Ephori,  as  a  restraint  upon  it,"  &c. 
o  5f;  • 


30  LYCURGUS. 

towards  a  pure  democracy ;  but  Ihia  establishment  of  a  senate,  an 
intermediate  body,  like  ballast,  kept  it  in  a  just  equilibrium;  the 
twenty-eight  senators  adhering  to  the  kings,  vhenever  (hep  §aw 
the  peojSe  too  encroaching^  and  on  the  other  hand,  supporting  the 
people,  when  the  kings  attempted  to  ntake  themselves  absolute.  This, 
according  to  Aristotle,  was  the  number  of  Senators  fixed  upon, 
because  two  of  the  \^.irty  associates  of  Lycurgus  deserted  the 
business  through  fear.  Sphserus  tells  us,  there  were  only  twenty, 
eight  at  first  intrusted  with  the  design.  But  I  rather  think,  just 
80  many  senators  wer^  created,  that  together  with  the  two  kings, 
the  whole  body  might  consist  of  thirty  members. 

He  had  this  institution  so  much  at  heart,  that  he  obtained  from 
Delphi  an  oracle  in  its  behalf,  called  rhetra,  or  the  decree.  This 
was  couched  in  very  ancient  and  uncommon  terms,  which  inter' 
preted,  ran  thus :  Wficn  you  have  built  a  temple  to  the  Syllanian 
Jupiter,  and  the  Syllanian  Minerva,*  divided  the  people  into  tribes 
and  classes,  and  established  a  senate  of  thirty  persons,  including  the 
txDO  kings,  you  shall  occxisiondlly  summon  the  people  to  an  assetMp 
between  Babyce  and  Cnacion,  and  they  -shall  have  the  determining 
voice,  Babyce  and  Cnacion  are  now  called  Oenus;  but  Aristotle 
thinks,  by  Cnacion  is  meant  the  river,  and  by  Babyce  the  bridfe. 
Between  these  they  held  their  assemblies,  having  neither  halls, 
nor  any  kind  of  buildings  for  that  purpose.  Tliese  things,  be 
thought  of  no  advantage  to  their  councils,  but  rather  a  disservice : 
as  they  distracted  the  attention,  and  turned  it  upon  triHes,  OQ 
observing  the  statutes  and  pictures,  the  splendid  roofs,  and  every 
other  theatrical  ornament.  The  people,  thus  assembled,  had  no 
right  to  propose  any  subject  of  debate,  and  were  only  authorized 
to  ratify  or  reject  what  might  be  proposed  to  them  by  the  senate 
and  the  kings.-  But  because,  in  process  of  time,  the  people,  by 
additions  or  retrenchments,  changed  the  terms,  and  perverted  the 
sense  of  the  decrees,  the  kings  Polydorus  and  Thcopompus  in- 
serted  into  the  rhetra  this  clause  :  Jf  the  people  attempt  to  eomtpt 
any  law,  the  senate  and  chiefs  shall  retire:  that  is,  they  shall  dissolve 
the  assembly,  and  annul  the  alterations.  And  they  found  means 
to  persuade  the  Spartans  that  this  too  was  ordered  by  Apollo. 
Though  the  government  was  thus  tempered  b>  Lycurgus,  yet  soon 
after  it  degenerated  into  an  oligarchy,  whose  power  was  exercised 
with  such  wantonness  and  violence,  that  it  wanted  indeed  a  bridle, 
as  Plato  expresses  it.  This  curb  they  found  in  the  authority  of 
the  Ephori,]  about  a  hundred  and  thirty  years  after  Lycurgus. 

*  At  no  Bonouni  can  bf>  (ivrn  of  the  meaning  or  \\\*  word  5yttmMii,  il  If  tuppoted 
it  should  tx  eitner  read  SrUasinn,  from  Sellama,  a  town  of  LMOote  wpoe  Um  EuraUt ; 
or  else  HtUanian,  as  much  as  to  say,  the  (irrcian  Jupiter,  &c. 

t  Herodotus  (I.  i.  c.  65,)  and  Xennphon  {de  lirpub  Imc.)  tells  ut  the  Ephort  war* 
appointed  by  Lycurgus  hinivrU.  But  the  account  whicii  Pluurch  givaa  from  AiNioila 
(PoUt.  1.  V.)  and  others,  of  their  t}eiDg  instituted  long  aAar,  teemi  mora  agreeable  to 


LVCURGUS. 


31 


Elatus  was  the  first  invested  with  this  dignity  in  the  reign  of 
Theopompus :  who,  when  his  wife  upbraided  him,  that  he  would 
leave  the  regal  power  to  his  children  less  than  he  received  it, 
replied,  Nai/i  hut  greater,  because  mare  lasting.  And  in  fact,  the 
prerogative,  so  stript  of  all  extravagant  pretensions,  no  longer 
occasioned  either  envy  or  danger  to  its  possessors. 

A  second  and  bolder  political  enterprise  of  Lycurgus  was  a 
new  division  of  the  lands.  For  he  found  a  prodigious  inequality, 
the  city  overcharged  with  many  indigent  persons,  who  had  no 
land,  and  the  wealth  centred  in  the  hands  of  a  few.  Determined, 
therefore,  to  root  out  the  evils  of  insolence,  envy,  avarice,  and 
luxury,  and  those  distempers  of  a  state  still  more  inveterate  and 
fatal,  I  mean  poverty  and  riches,  he  persuaded  them  to  cancel  all 
former  divisions  of  land,  and  to  make  a  new  one,  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  might  be  perfectly  equal  in  their  possessions  and  way  of 
living.  Hence  if  they  were  ambitious  of  distinction,  they  might 
seek  it  in  virtue,  as  no  other  difference  was  left  between  them, 
but  that  which  arises  from  the  dishonour  of  base,  and  the  praise  of 
good  actions.  His  proposal  was  put  in  practice.  He  made  nine 
thousand  lots  for  the  territory  of  Sparta,  which  he  distributed 
among  so  many  citizens,  and  thirty  thousand  for  the  inhabitants  of 
the  rest  of  Laconia.  Each  lot  was  capable  of  producing  (one 
year  with  another)  seventy  bushels  of  grain  for  each  man,*  and 
twelve  for  each  woman,  besides  a  quantity  of  wine  and  oil  in  pro- 
portion. Such  a  provision  they  thought  sufficient  for  health  and  a 
good  habit  of  body,  and  they  wanted  nothing  more.  A  story  goes 
of  our  legislator,  that  some  time  after,  returning  from  a  journey 
through  the  fields  just  reaped,  and  seeing  the  shocks  standing 
parallel  and  equal,  he  smiled,  and  said  to  some  who  were  by, 

reason;  for  itis  not  likely  that  Lycurgus.  who  in  all  things  endeavoured  to  support 
the  aristocracy,  and  left  the  people  only  the  right  of  assenting  or  dissenting  to  what 
was  proposed  to  them,  would  appoint  a  kind  of  tribunes  of  the  people,  to  be  mas- 
ters as  it  were  both  of  the  kings  and  the  senate.  Some,  indeed,  suppose  the  Ephori 
to  have  been  at  first  the  king's  friends,  to  whom  they  delegated  their  authority  when 
they  were  obliged  to  be  in  the  field.  But  it  is  very  clear,  that  they  were  elected  by  the 
people  out  of  their  body,  and  sometimes  out  of  the  very  dregs  of  it;  for  the  boldest 
citizen,  whoever  he  was,  was  most  likely  to  be  chosen  to  this  office,  which  was  in- 
tended as  a  check  on  the  senate  and  the  kings.  Tbey  were  five  in  number,  like  the 
Quinqueviri  in  the  republic  of  Carthage.  They  were  annually  elected ;  and  in  order 
to  effect  any  thing,  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  college  was  requisite.  Their  autho- 
rity, though  well  designed  at  first,  came  at  length  to  be  in  a  manner  boundless. 
They  presided  in  popular  assemblies,  collected  their  suffrages,  declared  war,  made 
peace,  treated  with  foreign  princes,  determined  the  number  of  forces  to  be  raised, 
appointed  the  funds  to  maintain  them,  and  distributed  rewards  and  punishments,  in 
the  name  of  the  state.  They  likewise  held  a  court  of  justice,  inquired  into  tbc  con- 
duct of  all  magistrates,  inspected  into  the  behaviour  and  education  of  youths,  had  a 
particular  jurisdiction  over  the  Helotes^  and,  in  short,  by  degrees,  drew  the  whole 
administration  into  their  hands.  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  put  king  Agis  to  death 
under  a  form  of  justice,  and  were  themselves  at  last  killed  by  Cleomenes. 

^  By  roan  is  meant  a  master  of  a  family,  whose  household  was  to  subskt  upon 
these  seventy  bushels. 


32  LYCURGUS. 

How  like  is  Laconia  to  an  estate  newly  divided  among  wumy  bro. 
ihersf 

Afler  this  ho  attempted  to  divide  also  the  moveables,  in  order 
to  take  away  all  appearance  of  inequality  ;  but  he  soon  perceived 
that  they  could  not  bear  to  have  their  goods  directly  taken  from 
them,  and  therefore  adopted  another  method,  counter-working 
their  avarice  by  a  stratagem.*  First  he  stopped  the  currency  of 
the  gold  and  silver  coin,  and  ordered  that  they  should  make  U8« 
of  iron  money  only,  then  to  a  great  quantity  and  weight  of  this  he 
assigned  but  a  very  small  value ;  so  that  to  lay  up  ten  minttt^  a 
whole  room  was  required,  and  to  remove  it  nothing  less  than 
a  yoke  of  oxen.  When  this  became  current,  many  kinds  of  in- 
justice ceased  in  Laced^mon.  Who  would  steal  or  take  a  bribe, 
who  would  defraud  or  rob,  when  he  could  not  conceal  the  booty-— 
when  he  could  neither  be  dignified  by  the  possession  of  it,  nor,  if 
cut  in  pieces,  be  served  by  its  use?  For  we  are  told,  that  when 
hot,  they  quenched  it  in  vmegar,  to  make  it  brittle  and  unmalleable, 
and  consequently  unfit  for  any  other  service.  In  the  next  j>lace,  he 
excluded  unprofitable  and  superfluous  arts ;  indeed,  if  he  had  not 
done  this,  most  of  them  would  have  fallen  of  themselves,  when  the 
new  money  took  place,  as  the  manufactures  could  not  be  disposed 
of.  Their  iron  coin  would  not  pass  in  the  rest  of  Greece,  but  was 
ridiculed  and  despised,  so  that  the  Spartans  had  no  means  of 
purchasing  any  foreign  or  curious  wares,  nor  did  any  merchant 
ship  unlade  in  their  harbours.  There  were  not  even  to  be  found 
in  all  their  country  either  sophists,  wandering  fortune-tellers, 
keepers  of  infamous  houses,  or  dealers  in  gold  and  silver  trinkets, 
because  there  was  no  money.  Thus  luxury,  losing  by  degrees 
the  means  that  cherished  and  supported  it,  died  away  of  itself; 
even  those  who  possessed  great  riches  had  no  advantage  from 
them,  since  they  could  not  be  displayed  in  public,  but  must  lio 
useless  in  unregarded  repositories.  Hence  it  was,  that  excellent 
workmanship  was  shown  in  their  useful  and  necessary  fumiturey 
as  beds,  chairs,  and  tables,  aAd  the  Lacedaemonian  cup  called  coUum 
was  highly  valued,  particulary  in  campaigns ;  for  the  water  which 

•  For  a  long  time  aAer  Lycurgus.  the  Spartans  gloriouily  oppoaed  the  crowth  of 
avarice,  insomuch  ihat  a  young  man,  who  bought  an  estaia  at  a  great  advantage, 
was  called  to  Hccmint  for  it,  and  a  fine  Mt  upon  him ;  for,  beaidea  the  injustice 
be  was  guilty  of,  in  buving  a  thing  for  lew  man  it  was  worth,  they  judged  that  be 
was  too  desirous  of  gain,  since  his  mtod  was  employed  in  getting  at  ao  age  wbeo 
others  think  nf  nothing  but  spendiiiK- 

But  when  the  Spartans,  no  longer  satisfied  with  their  own  territories  (tk  Lytur|tM 
had  enjoined  them  to  be)  came  to  br  enaaged  in  foreifn  wart.  Uieir  money  PO«  bewag 
pataablein  other  rountries.  they  found  tbemsekes  oUifad  to  apply  to  the  rimane, 
whose  gold  and  silver  datiled  their  ryes ;  and  tbeu  ooftloutneae  grew  at  length  to 
infamoua,  that  it  occnsmnad  the  proverb  inentiooed  bjr  Plato,  "One  may  see  a 
great  deal  of  money  carried  into  Laced»roon,  but  no  one  seet  anj  of  it  brougbl  out 
•l^n.** 

t  Tbirty-iwo  pounds,  fire  sbilliogs,  and  ten  pence  sttrling. 


LYCURGUS.  33 

mufit  then  of  necessity  be  drank,  though  it  would  often  otherwise 
offend  the  sight,  had  its  muddiness  concealed  by  the  colour  of  the 
cup,  and  the  thick  part  stopping  at  the  shelving  brim,  it  came 
clearer  to  the  lips.  Of  these  improvements  the  lawgiver  was  the 
cause ;  for  the  workmen  having  no  more  employment  in  matters 
of  mere  curiosity,  showed  the  excellency  of  their  art  in  necessary 
things. 

Desirous  to  complete  the  conquest  of  luxury,  and  exterminate  the 
love  of  riches,  he  introduced  a  third  institution,  which  was  wisely 
enough  and  ingeniously  contrived.  This  was  the  use  of  public 
tables,*  where  all  were  to  eat  in  common  of  the  same  meat,  and 
such  kinds  of  it  as  were  appointed  by  law.  At  the  same  time 
they  were  forbidden  to  eat  at  home,  upon  expensive  couches  and 
tables,  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  butchers  and  cooks,  or  fatten 
like  voracious  animals  in  private ;  for  so  not  only  their  natures 
would  be  corrupted,  but  their  bodies  disordered.  Abandoned  to 
all  manner  of  sensuality  and  dissoluteness,  they  would  require  long 
sleep,  warm  baths,  and  the  same  indulgence  as  in  perpetual 
sickness.  To  effect  this  was  certainly  very  great ;  but  it  was 
greater  still  to  secure  riches  from  rapine,  and  from  envy,  as  Theo- 
phrastus  expresses  it,  or  rather  by  the  eating  in  common,  and  by 
the  frugality  of  their  table,  to  take  from  riches  their  very  being. 
For  what  use  or  enjoyment  of  them,  what  peculiar  display  of  mag- 
nificence could  there  be,  where  the  poor  man  went  to  the  same 
refreshment  with  the  rich  ?  Hence  the  observation,  that  it  was 
only  at  Sparta  where  Plutus  (according  to  the  proverb)  was  kept 
blind,  and,  like  an  image  destitute  of  life  or  motion.  It  must  further 
be  observed,  that  they  had  not  the  privilege  to  eat  at  home,  and  so 
to  come  without  appetite  to  the  public  repast;  they  made  a  point 
of  it  to  observe  any  one  that  did  not  eat  and  drink  with  them,  and 
to  reproach  him  as  an  intemperate  and  effeminate  person  who  was 
sick  of  the  common  diet. 

The  rich,  therefore,  were  more  offended  with  this  regulation 
than  with  any  other,  and,  rising  in  a  body,  they  loudly  expressed 

»  Xenophon  seems  to  have  penetrated  farther  into  the  reason  of  this  institution  than 
any  other  author,  as  indeed  he  had  better  opportunity  to  do  The  rest  only  say,  that 
this  was  intended  to  repress  luxury;  but  he  very  wisely  remarks,  that  it  was  also 
intended  to  serve  for  a  kind  of  school  or  academy,  where  the  young  were  instructed 
by  the  old,  the  latter  relating  the  great  things  that  had  been  performed  within  their 
memory,  and  thereby  exciting  the  growing  generation  to  distinguish  themselves  by 
performances  equally  great. 

But  as  it  was  found  impracticable  for  all  the  citizens  to  eat  in  common,  when  the 
number  of  them  came  to  exceed  the  number  of  the  lots  of  land,  Dacier  thinks  it 
might  have  been  better  if  the  lawgiver  had  ordained  that  those  public  tables  should 
be  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  as  it  was  done  in  Crete.  But  it  must 
be  considered,  that  while  the  discipline  of  Lycui^us  was  kept  up  in  its  purity,  they 
provided  against  any  inconvenience  from  the  increase  of  citizens,  by  sending  out 
colonics;  and  Lacedaemon  was  not  burdened  with  poor  till  the  declension  of  that 
state.  E 


34  LYCURGCS. 

their  indignation ;  nay,  they  proceeded  so  far  as  to  aaiauh  Ly- 
curgus  with  stones,  so  that  he  was  forced  to  fly  from  the  assembly, 
and  take  refuge  in  a  temple.      Unhappily,  however,  befoie  he 
reached  it,  a  young  man  named  Alcander,  hanry  m  his  resent- 
ments,  though  not  otherwise  ill-tempered,  came  up  with  him,  and, 
upon  his  turning  round,  struck  out  one  of  his  eyes  with  a  stick. 
Lycursus  then  stopped  short,  and  without  giving  way  to  passion, 
showed  the  people  his  eye  beat  out,  and  his  face  streaming  with 
blood.     They  were  so  struck  with  shame  and  sorrow  at  the  sight, 
that  they  surrendered  Alcander  to  him,  and  conducted  him  home 
with  the  utmost  expressions  of  regret.     Lycurgus  thanked  them 
for  the  care  of  his  person,  and  dismissed  them  all  except  Alcander. 
He  took  him  into  his  house,  but  showed  him  no  ill  treatment,  either 
by  word  or  action,  only  ordering  him  to  wait  upon  him,  instead  of 
his  usual  servants  and  attendants.     The  youth,  who  was  of  an 
ingenuous  disposition,  without  murmuring,  did  as  he  was  com- 
manded.    Living  in  this  manner  with  Lycurgus,  and  having  an 
opportunity  to  observe  the  mildness  and  goodness  of  his  heart,  his 
strict  temperance  and  indefatigable  industry,  he  told  his  friends 
that  Lycurgus  was  not  that  proud  and  severe  man  he  might  have 
been  taken  for,  but,  above  all  others,  gentle  and  engaging  in  his 
behaviour.     This  then  was  his  chastisement,  and  this  punishment 
he  suffered — of  a  wild  and  head.strong  young  man  to  become  a 
very  modest  and  prudent  citizen.     In  memory  of  his  misfortune, 
Jjycurgus  built  a  temple  to  Minerva  OptUetiSj  so  called  by  him 
from  a  term  which  the  Dorians  use  for  the  eye.    Yet  Dioscorides, 
who  wrote  a  treatise  concerning  the  Lacedaemonian  government, 
and  others,  relate  that  his  eye  was  hurt,  but  not  put  out,  and  that  he 
built  the  temple  in  gratitude  to  the  goddess  for  his  cure.    However, 
the  Spartans  never  carried  staves  to  their  assembUes  aflerwards. 

At  the  public  repasts  there  were  fifteen  persons  to  a  table,  or  a 
few  more  or  less.  Each  of  them  was  obliged  to  bring  in  monthly 
a  bushel  of  meal,  eight  gallons  of  wine,  five  pounds  of  cheese,  two 
pounds  and  a  half  of  figs,  and  a  little  money  to  buy  flesh  and  fish. 
If  any  of  them  happened  to  offer  a  sacrifice  of  first  fruits,  or  to  kill 
venison,  he  sent  a  part  of  it  to  the  public  table;  for,  after  a  iacn« 
ficc  or  hunting,  he  was  at  liberty  to  sup  at  home,  but  the  rest  were 
to  appear  at  the  usual  place.  Children  also  were  introduced  at 
these  public  tables,  as  so  muu)  schools  of  sobriety.  There  they 
heard  discourses  concerning  government,  and  were  instructed 
in  the  most  liberal  breeding.  '  There  they  were  allowed  to  jest 
without  scurrility,  and  wore  not  to  take  it  ill  when  the  raillerr  was 
returned.  For  it  toas  reckoned  worthy  of  a  Laeedmmoman  to  hear  a 
jest :  but  if  any  one's  patience  failed,  he  Had  only  to  desire  them 
to  be  quiet,  and  they  left  off  immediately.  When  they  first  entered, 
the  oldest  man  present  pointed  to  the  door,  and  said.  Not  a 


r 


r 


LYCURGUS.  35 

Spoken  in  this  company  goes  out  there.  The  admitting  of  any  man 
to  a  particular  table  was  under  the  following  regulation  :  Each 
member  of  that  small  society  took  a  little  ball  of  soft  bread  in  his 
hand ;  this  he  was  to  drop  without  saying  a  word  into  a  vessel 
called  caddos,  which  the  waiter  carried  upon  his  head/  In  case 
he  approved  of  the  candidate,  he  did  it  without  altering  the  figure; 
if  not,  he  first  pressed  it  flat  in  his  hand ;  for  a  ^flatted  ball  was 
considered  as  a  negative.  And  if  but  one  such  was  found,  the 
person  was  not  admitted,  as  they  thought  it  proper  that  the  whole 
company  should  be  satisfied  with  each  other.  The  dish  that  was 
in  the  highest  esteem  amongst  them  was  the  black  broth.  The  old 
men  were  so  fond  of  it,  that  they  ranged  themselves  on  one  side 
and  ate  it,  leaving  the  meat  to  the  young  people.  It  is  related  of  a 
kingof  Pontus,*  that  he  purchased  a  Lacedaemonian  cook  for  sake 
of  this  broth.  But  when  he  came  to  taste  it,  he  strongly  expressed 
his  dislike,  and  the  cook  made  answer.  Sir,  to  make  this  broth  relish, 
it  is  necessary  first  to  bathe  in  the  river  Eurotas.  After  they  had 
drank  moderately,  they  went  home  without  lights.  Indeed  they  were 
forbidden  to  walk  with  a  light  either  on  this  or  any  other  occasion, 
that  they  might  accustom  themselves  to  march  boldly  and  re- 
solutely in  the  darkest  night. 

Lycurgus  left  none  of  his  laws  in.  writing  ;  it  was  ordered  in  one 
of  the  RhetrcR  that  none  should  be  written.  For  what  he  thought 
most  conducive  to  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  a  city,  were  principles 
interwoven  with  the  manners  and  breeding  of  the  people.  These 
would  remain  immoveable,  as  founded  in  inclination,  and  be  the 
strongest  and  most  lasting  tie :  and  the  habits  which  education 
produced  in  the  youth,  would  answer  in  each  the  purpose  of  a 
lawgiver.  As  for  smaller  matters,  contracts  about  property,  and 
whatever  occasionally  varied,  it  was  better  not  to  reduce  these  to 
a  written  form  and  unalterable  method,  but  to  suffer  them  to  change 
with  the  times,  and  to  admit  of  additions  or  retrenchments  at  the 
pleasure  of  persons  so  well  educated  ;  for  he  resolved  the  whole 
business  of  legislation  into  the  bringing  up  of  youth.  And  this,  as 
we  have  observed,  was  the  reason  why  one  of  his  ordinances  for- 
bade them  to  have  any  written  laws. 

Another  ordinance  levelled  against  magnificence  and  expense, 
directed  that  the  ceilings  of  houses  should  be  wrought  with  no  tool 
but  the  axe,  and  the  doors  with  nothing  but  the  saw.  For,  as 
Epaminondas  is  reported  to  have  said  afterwards  of  his  table, 
Treason  lurks  not  under  such  a  dinner ;  so  Lycurgus,  prior  to  him, 
perceived  that  such  a  house  admits  not  of  luxury  and  needless 
splendour.  Indeed  no  man  could  be  so  absurd,  as  to  bring  into  a 
dwelling  so  homely  and  simple,  bedsteads  with  silver  feet,  purple 
coverlets,  golden  cups,  and  a  train  of  expense  that  follows  these  : 

»  This  story  is  elsewhere  told  by  Plutarch  of  Dionysius,  the  tyrant  of  Sicily;  and 
Cicero  confirms  it,  that  he  was  the' person. 


36  LYCURGUS. 

but  all  would  necessarily  have  the  bed  suitable  to  the  room,  the 
coverlet  to  the  bed,  and  to  that  the  rest  of  their  utensils  and  fur- 
niture. From  this  plain  sort  of  dwelling  proceeded  the  question 
of  Leotychidas  the  elder  to  his  host,  when  he  supped  at  Corinth, 
and  saw  the  ceiling  of  the  room  very  splendid  and  curiously 
wrouglit,  Whether  trees  grew  square  in  his  country.* 

A  third  ordinance  of  Lycurgus  was,  that  they  should  not  often 
make  war  against  the  same  enemy,  lest,  by  being  frequently  put 
upon  defending  themselves,  ihey  too  should  become  able  warriors 
in  their  turn.  And  this  they  most  blamed  king  Agesilntis  for  aAer- 
wards,  that  by  frequent  and  continued  incursions  into  BQeotia,f  he 
taught  the  Thebans  to  make  head  against  the  Lacedaemonians. 
This  made  Anlalcidas  say,  when  he  saw  him  wounded,  The  The. 
bans  pay  you  well  for  making  tliem  good  soldiers^  who  neither  were 
willing  nor  able  to  fight  you  before.  These  ordinances  he  called 
Rhetr<B,  as  if  they  had  been  oracles  and  decrees  of  the  Deity 
himself. 

Hippias  the  sophist  tells  us,  that  Lycurgus  himself  was  a  man 
of  great  personal  valour,  and  an  experienced  commander.:^  Phi- 
losiephanus  also  ascribes  to  him  the  first  division  of  the  cavalry 
into  troops  of  fifty,  who  were  drawn  up  in  a  square  hoAy.  But 
Demetrius  the  Phalerian  says,  tliat  he  never  had  any  military  em- 
ployment, and  that  there  was  the  profoundest  peace  when  he 
established  the  constitution  of  Sparta.  His  providing  for  a  cessa- 
tion of  arms  during  the  Olympic  games,  is  likewise  a  mark  of  the 
humane  and  peaceable  man.  Some,  however,  acquaint  us,  that 
Lycurgus  at  first  had  no  communication  with  Iphitus ;  but  coming 
that  way,  and  happening  to  be  a  spectator,  he  heard  behind  him  a 
human  voice  (as  he  thought)  which  expressed  some  wonder  and 
displeasure  that  he  did  not  put  his  countrymen  upon  resorting  to 
so  great  an  assembly.  He  turned  round  immediately,  to  discover 
whence  the  voice  came,  and  as  there  was  no  man  to  be  seen,  con- 
eluded  it  was  from  heaven.  He  joined  Iphitus,  therefore;  and 
ordering,  along  with  him,  the  ceremonies  of  the  festival,  rendered 
it  more  magnificent  and  lasting. 

The  discipline  of  the  Lacedemonians  continued  after  they  were 
arrived  at  years  of  maturity.  For  no  man  was  at  liberty  to  live  as 
he  pleased,  the  city  being  like  one  great  camp,  where  all  had  their 
stated  allowance,  and  knew  their  public  charge,  each  man  coneimd* 
ing  that  he  was  bontf  not  for  himself  but  for  his  country.     Hence 

«  This  it  rradereri  by  the  former  En|lith  trantlator,  ••  if  lieoiycb idea's  queetion 
proceeded  from  ignorancr,  whereei  it  wet  really  an  arcb  sneer  upon  tho  sumptuous 
and  expensive  buildmgs  of  Corinth. 

f  This  appeared  plainly  at  the  battle  of  Leuctra*  where  the  Lacedemonians  wn 
overthrown  by  Fpaminondas,  and  lost  their  king  Cleombrotus,  togeUier  with  tlw 
flower  of  their  army. 

}  Xenophon,  in  his  treatise  of  the  Spartan  commonwealth,  says,  Lycurgus  broa|ht 
military  discipline  to  great  perfection,  and  gives  us  a  detail  of  bi«  regulations  andim 
provements  in  the  art  of  war. 


LYCURGUS.  37 

if  they  had  no  particular  orders,  they  employed  themselves  in  in- 
specting  the  boys,  and  teaching  them  something  useful,  or  in 
learning  of  those  who  were  older  than  themselves.  One  of  the 
greatest  privileges  that  Lycurgus  procured  his  countrymen  was, 
the  enjoyment  of  leisure,  the  consequence  of  his  forbidding  them 
to  exercise  any  mechanic  trade.  It  was  not  worth  their  while  to 
take  great  pains  to  raise  a  fortune,  since  riches  there  were  of  no 
account :  and  the  Helotes,  who  tilled  the  ground,  were  answerable 
for  the  produce  above  mentioned.  To  this  purpose  we  have  a 
story  of  a  Lacedaemonian,  who  happening  to  be  at  Athens  while 
the  court  sat,  was  informed  of  a  man  who  was  fined  for  idleness ; 
and  when  the  poor  fellow  was  returnmg  home  in  great  dejection, 
attended  by  his  condoling  friends,  he  desiring  the  company  to  show 
him  the  person  who  was  condemned  for  keeping  up  his  dignity.  So 
much  beneath  them  they  reckoned  all  attention  to  mechanic  arts 
and  all  desires  of  riches ! 

Law-suits  were  banished  from  Lacedaemon  with  money.  The 
Spartans  knew  neither  riches  nor  poverty,  but  possessed  an  equal 
competency,  and  had  a  cheap  and  easy  way  of  supplying  their 
few  wants.  Hence,  when  they  were  not  engaged  in  war,  their 
time  was  taken  up  whh  dancing,  feasting,  hunting,  or  meeting  to 
exercise  or  converse.  They  went  not  to  market  under  thirty  years 
of  age,*  all  their  necessary  concerns  being  managed  by  their  rela- 
tions and  adopters.  Nor  was  it  reckoned  a  credit  to  the  old  to  be 
seen  sauntering  in  the  market-place ;  it  was  deemed  more  suitable 
for  them  to  pass  great  part  of  the  day  in  the  schools  of  exercise, 
or  places  of  conversation.  Their  discourse  seldom  turned  upon 
money  or  business  or  trade,  but  upon  the  praise  of  the  excellent, 
or  the  contempt  of  the  worthless,  and  the  last  was  expressed  with 
that  pleasantry  and  humour,  which  conveyed  instruction  and  cor- 
rection  without  seeming  to  intend  it.  Nor  was  Lycurgus  himself 
immoderately  severe  in  his  manner ;  but  as  Sosibius  tells  us,  he 
dedicated  in  each  hall  a  little  statue  to  the  god  of  laughter.  He 
considered  facetiousness  as  a  seasoning  of  their  hard  exercise  and 
diet,  and  therefore  ordered  it  to  take  place  on  all  proper  occasions, 
in  their  common  entertainments  and  parties  of  pleasure. 

Upon  the  whole,  he  taught  his  citizens  to  think  nothing  more 
disagreeable  than  to  live  by  or  for  themselves.  Like  bees  they 
acted  with  one  impulse  for  the  public  good,  and  always  assembled 
about  their  prince.  They  were  possessed  with  a  thirst  of  honour, 
and  enthusiasm  bordering  upon  insanity,  and  had  not  a  wish  but 
for  their  country.  These  sentiments  are  confirmed  by  some  of 
their  aphorisms.     When  Paedaretus  lost  his  election  for  one  of 

*  Tbis  also  is  said  to  have  been  the  age  when  they  began  to  serve  in  the  army. 
D  !t  as  they  were  obliged  to  forty  years  service  before  the  law  exempted  them  from 
goine  into  the  field,  I  incline  to  the  opinion  of  those  writers  who  think  that  the  mili- 
tary age  is  not  well  ascertained.  4 


3ij  LYCURGUS. 

(he  three  hundred^  he  went  away  rejoicing  that  there  were  three  huti' 
dred  better  men  than  himself  found  in  the  city,*  Pisistratidaa  going, 
with  some  others,  ambassador  to  the  king  of  Persia's  lieutenants, 
was  asked  whether  they  came  with  a  pubhc  commission,  or  on 
their  own  account ;  to  which  he  answered.  If  successftd,  for  the 
public ;  if  unsuccessful,  for  ourselves,  Agrileonis,  the  mother  of 
Brasidas,f  asking  some  AmphipoUtans  who  waited  upon  her  at  her 
house,  whether  Brasidas  died  honourably  and  as  became  a  Spar- 
tan ;  they  greatly  extolled  his  merit,  and  said,  there  was  not  such 
a  man  left  in  Sparta ;  whereupon  she  replied.  Say  not  so,  my 
friends;  for  Brasidas  was  indeed  a  man  of  honour,  but Lacedamon 
can  boast  of  many  better  men  than  he. 

The  senate,  as  I  said  before,  consisted  at  first  of  those  who  were 
assistants  to  Lycurgus  in  his  great  enterprise.  Afterwards,  to  fill 
up  any  vacancy  that  might  happen,  he  ordered  the  most  worthy 
man  to  be  selected,  of  those  that  were  full  threescore  years  old. 
This  was  the  most  respectable  dispute  in  the  world,  and  the  con- 
test was  truly  glorious ;  for  it  was  not  who  should  be  swiftest  among 
the  swift,  or  strongest  of  the  strong,  but  who  was  the  wisest  and 
best  among  the  good  and  wise.  He  who  had  the  preference  was 
to  bear  this  mark  of  superior  excellence  through  life,  this  great  au- 
thority, which  put  into  his  hands  the  lives  and  honour  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  every  other  important  affair.  The  manner  of  the  election 
was  this :  when  the  people  were  assembled,  some  persons  appointed 
for  the  purpose  were  shut  up  in  a  room  near  the  place,  where  they 
could  neither  see  nor  be  seen,  and  only  hear  the  shouts  of  the  elec- 
tors ;  X  for  by  them  they  decided  this  and  most  other  affairs.  Each 
candidate  walked  silently  through  the  assembly,  one  after  another 
according  to  lot.  Those  that  were  shut  up  had  writing  tables,  in 
which  they  set  down  in  different  columns  the  number  and  loudneM 
of  the  shouts,  without  knowing  whom  they  were  for ;  only  they 
marked  them  as  first,  second,  third,  and  so  on,  according  to  the 
number  of  competitors.  He  that  had  the  most  and  loudest  accla- 
mations,  was  declared  duly  elected.  Then  he  was  crowned  with  a 
garland,  and  went  round  to  give  thanks  to  the  gods ;  a  number  of 
young  men  followed,  striving  who  should  extol  him  most,  and  the 
women  celebrated  his  virtues  in  their  songs,  and  blessed  his  worthy 
life  and  conduct.  Each  of  his  relations  offered  him  a  repast,  and 
their  address  on  this  occasion  was  Sparta  honours  you  teith  this  coUa- 

*  Xenophon  gaji,  it  wta  the  custom  for  the  Epkori  to  appoint  three  oflkere,  each 
of  whom  was  to  lelect  a  hundred  men,  tlie  beet  he  could  ond ;  tod  it  wae  a  point  of 
gr«*«t  emulation  to  be  one  of  theee  three  hundred. 

i  Braftidat,  the  Lacedieinonian  general,  defeated  the  AtHeniaiii  in  a  battle  foueht 
near  Amphipolii,  a  town  of  Macedonia  on  the  banki  of  ibe  Slrymoo,  but  lost  nit 
life  in  the  mct'ton.—ThucyJid  lib.  v. 

t  Ai  this  was  a  tumultuary  and  uncertain  way  of  deciding  who  had  the  maiority. 
they  were  often  obliged  to  separate  the  people  and  count  the  votes.  Aristotle  thinks, 
that  in  such  a  case,  persons  should  not  offer  themselves  candidates,  or  solicit  tb«  office 
or  employment,  but  be  called  to  it  merely  for  their  abilities  and  their  merit. 


LYCURGUS.  39 

iion.  When  he  had  finished  the  procession,  he  went  to  the  common 
table,  and  Hved  as  before.  Only  two  portions  were  set  before  him, 
one  of  which  he  carried  away :  and  as  all  the  women  related  to 
him  attended  at  the  gates  of  the  public  hall,  he  called  her  for 
whom  he  had  the  greatest  esteem,  and  presented  her  with  the  por- 
tion, saying  at  the  same  time,  That  which  I  received  as  a  mark  of 
honour^  I  give  to  you.  Then  she  was  conducted  home  with  great 
applause  by  the  rest  of  the  women. 

Lycurgus  likewise  made  good  regulations  with  respect  to  buri- 
als. In  the  first  place,  to  take  away  all  superstition,  he  ordered  the 
dead  to  be  buried  in  the  city,  and  even  permitted  their  monuments 
to  be  erected  near  the  temples,  accustoming  the  youth  to  such 
sights  from  their  infancy,  that  they  might  have  no  uneasiness  from 
them,  nor  any  horror  for  death,  as  if  people  were  polluted  with 
the  touch  of  a  dead  body,  or  with  treading  upon  a  grave.  In  the 
next  place,  he  suffered  nothing  to  be  buried  with  the  corpse,  ex- 
cept the  red  cloth  and  the  olive  leaves  in  which  it  was  wrapt.* 
Nor  would  he  suffer  the  relations  to  inscribe  any  names  upon  the 
tombs,  except  of  those  men  who  fell  in  battle,  or  those  women  who 
died  in  some  sacred  office.  He  fixed  eleven  days  for  the  time  of 
mourning :  on  the  twelfth  they  were  to  put  an  end  to  it  afler  offer- 
ing sacrifice  to  Ceres.  No  part  of  Hfe  was  lefl  vacant  and  unim- 
proved, but  even  with  their  necessary  actions  he  interwove  the 
praise  of  virtue  and  the  contempt  of  vice ;  and  he  so  filled  the  city 
with  hving  examples,  that  it  was  next  to  impossible  for  persons 
who  had  these  from  their  infancy  before  their  eyes,  not  to  be 
drawn  and  formed  to  honour. 

For  the  same  reason  he  would  not  permit  all  who  desired  it,  to 
go  abroad  and  see  other  countries,  lest  they  should  contract  foreign 
manners,  gain  traces  of  a  life  of  little  discipline,  and  of  a  different 
form  of  government.  He  forbade  strangers,  too,  f  to  resort  to 
Sparta,  who  could  not  assign  a  good  reason  for  their  coming;  not, 
as  Thucydides  says,  out  of  fear  they  should  imitate  the  constitu- 
tion of  that  city,  and  make  improvements  in  virtue,  but  lest  they 
should  teach  his  own  people  some  evil.  For  along  with  foreign- 
ers come  new  subjects  of  discourse  ;  ij:  new  discourse  produces  new 
opinions :  and  from  these  there  necessarily  spring  new  passions 
and  desires,  which,  like  discords  in  music,  would  disturb  the  es- 

*  iSlian  tells  us  (1.  vi.  c.  6,)  that  not  all  the  citizens  indifferently  were  buried  in 
the  red  cloth  and  olive  leaves,  but  only  such  as  had  distinguished  themselves  parti- 
cularly in  the  field. 

-)■  He  received  with  pleasure  such  strangers  as  canne  and  submitted  to  his  laws,  and 
assigned  them  shares  of  land,  which  they  could  not  alienate.  Indeed,  the  lots  of  all 
the  citizens  were  unalienable. 

X  Xenophon,  who  was  an  eye-witness,  imputes  the  changes  in  the  Spartan  disci- 
pline to  foreign  manners ;  but  in  fact  they  had  a  deeper  root.  When  the  Lacedaeino* 
nians,  instead  of  keeping  to  their  lawgiver's  injunction,  only  to  defend  their  own 
country,  and  to  make  no  conquests,  curried  their  victorious  arms  over  all  Greece,  and 
into  Asia  itself,  then  foreign  gold  and  foreign  manners  came  into  Sparta,  corrupted 
the  simplicity  of  its  institutions,  and  at  last  overturned  that  republic. 


40  LYCURGUS. 

tablished  government.  He,  therefore,  thought  it  more  expedient 
for  the  city  to  keep  out  of  it  corrupt  customs  and  manners,  than 
even  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  a  pestilence. 

When  his  principal  institutions  had  taken  root  in  the  manners  of 
the  people,  and  the  government  was  come  to  such  maturity  as  to  be 
able  to  support  and  preserve  itself,  then,  as  Plato  says  of  the  Deity, 
that  he  rejoiced  when  he  had  created  the  world,  and  given  it  its 
first  motion,  so  Lycurgiis  was  charmed  with  the  beauty  and  great, 
ness  of  his  political  establishment,  when  he  saw  it  exemplified  in 
fact,  and  move  on  in  due  order.  He  was  next  desirous  to  make 
it  immortal,  so  far  as  human  wisdom  could  effect  it,  and  to  deliver 
it  down  unchanged  to  the  latest  times.  For  this  purpose  he 
assembled  all  the  people,  and  told  them,  the  provisions  he  had 
already  made  for  the  state  were  indeed  sufficient  for  virtue  and 
happiness,  but  the  greatest  and  most  important  matter  was  still 
behind,  which  he  could  not  disclose  to  them  till  he  had  consulted 
the  oracle  ;  that  they  must  therefore  inviolably  observe  his  laws, 
without  altering  any  thing  in  them,  till  he  returned  from  Delphi ; 
and  then  he  would  acquaint  them  with  the  pleasure  of  Apollo. 
When  they  had  all  promised  to  do  so,  and  desired  him  to  set  for. 
ward,  he  took  an  oath  of  the  kings  and  senators,  and  afterwards 
of  all  the  citizens,  that  they  would  abide  by  the  present  establish' 
ment  till  Lycurgus  came  back.  He  then  took  his  journey  to  Delphi. 

When  he  arrived  there  he  offered  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  and 
consulted  the  oracle  whether  his  laws  were  sufficient  to  promote 
virtue  and  secure  the  happiness  of  the  state.  Apollo  answered, 
that  the  laws  were  excellent,  and  that  the  city  which  kept  to  the 
constitution  he  had  established  would  be  the  most  glorious  in 
the  world.  This  oracle  Lycurgus  took  down  in  writing,  and  sent 
it  to  Sparta.  He  then  offered  another  sacrifice,  and  embraced  his 
friends  and  his  son,  determined  never  to  release  his  citizens  from 
their  oath,  but  voluntarily  there  to  put  a  period  to  his  life  ;*  when 
he  was  yet  of  an  age  when  life  was  not  a  burden,  when  death  was 
not  desirable,  and  while  he  was  not  unhappy  in  any  one  circum. 
stance.  He,  therefore,  destroyed  himself  by  abstaining  from  food, 
persuaded  that  the  very  deatli  of  lawgivers  should  have  its  use. 
To  him  indeed,  whose  performances  were  so  illustrious,  the  con. 
elusion  of  life  was  the  crown  of  happiness,  and  his  death  was  lefl 
guardian  of  those  invaluable  blessings  he  had  procured  his  coun- 
trymen through  life,  as  they  had  taken  an  oath  not  to  depart  from 
hit  establishment  till  his  return.  Nor  was  he  deceived  in  his 
expectations.  Sparta  continued  superior  to  the  rest  of  Greece, 
both  in  its  government  at  home  and  reputation  abroad,  so  long  as 
it  retained  the  institution  of  Lycurgus ;  and  this  it  did  during  the 
space  of  five  hundred  years,  and  the  reign  of  fourteen  successire 

*  Yet  Luciao  Mys  that  Lycurgui  died  at  the  tfe  of  eight  jfi?e. 


LYCURGUS. 


41 


kings,  down  to  Agis,  the  son  of  Archidamus.  As  for  the  appoint* 
ment  of  the  Ephoriy  it  was  so  far  from  weakening  the  constitution, 
that  it  gave  it  additional  vigor,  and  though  it  seemed  to  be  estabhshed 
in  favour  of  the  people,  it  strengthened  the  aristocracy.* 

But  in  the  reign  of  Agis  money  found  its  way  into  Sparta,  and 
with  money  came  its  inseparable  attendant,  avarice.  This  was 
by  means  of  Lysander,  who,  though  himself  incapable  of  being 
corrupted  by  money,  filled  his  country  with  the  love  of  it,  and  with 
luxury  tor>.  He  brought  both  gold  and  silver  from  the  wars,f 
and  thereby  broke  through  the  laws  of  Lycurgus.  While  these 
were  in  force,  Sparta  was  not  so  much  under  the  political  regula- 
tions of  a  commonwealth,  as  the  strict  rules  of  a  philosophic  life : 
and  as  the  poets  feign  of  Hercules,  that  only  with  a  club  and  lion's 
skin  he  travelled  over  the  world,  clearing  it  of  lawless  ruffians  and 
cruel  tyrants ;  so  the  Lacedaemonians,  with  a  piece  of  parchment^ 
and  coarse  coat,  kept  Greece  in  a  voluntary  obedience,  destroyed 
usurpation  and  tyranny  in  the  states,  put  an  end  to  wars,  and  laid 
seditions  asleep,  very  often  without  either  shield  or  lance,  and 
only  by  sending  one  ambassador,  to  whose  direction  all  parties 
concerned  immediately  submitted.  Thus  bees,  when  their  prince 
appears,  compose  their  quarrels  and  unite  in  one  swarm.  So  much 
did  justice  and  good  government  prevail  in  that  state,  that  I  am 
surprised  at  those  who  say,  the  Lacedaemonians  knew  indeed  how 
to  obey,  but  not  how  to  govern;  and  on  this  occasion  quote  the  say- 
ing of  King  Theopompus,  who,  when  one  told  him,  that  Sparta  was 
preserved  by  the  good  administration  of  its  JdngSy  replied,  Nay  ratlier 
by  the  obedience  of  their  subjects.  It  is  certain  that  people  will  not 
continue  pliant  to  those  who  know  not  how  to  command :  but  it  is 
the  part  of  a  good  governor  to  teach  obedience.     He  who  knows 

*  After  all  this  pompous  account,  Plutarch  himself  acknowledges,  that  authors  ar« 
not  well  agreed  how  and  where  this  great  man  died.  That  he  starved  himself  is  im- 
probable ;  but  that  he  returned  no  more  to  his  country,  seems  to  be  perfectly  agreea- 
ble to  his  manner  of  acting,  as  well  as  to  the  current  of  history. 

f  Xenophon  acquaints  us,  that  when  Lysander  had  taken  Athens,  he  sent  to  Sparta 
many  rich  spoils  and  470  talents  of  silver.  The  coming  of  this  huge  mass  of  wealth 
created  great  disputes  at  Sparta.  Many  celebrated  Lysander's  praises,  and  rejoiced 
exceedingly  at  this  good  fortune,  as  they  called  it ;  others,  who  were  better  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  things,  and  with  their  constitution,  were  of  quite  another  opinion  ; 
they  looked  upon  the  receipt  of  this  treasure  as  an  open  violation  of  the  laws  of  Ly- 
curgus ;  and  they  expressed  their  apprehensions  loudly,  that  in  process  of  time  they 
might,  by  a  change  in  their  manners,  pay  infinitely  more  for  this  money  than  it  was 
worth.     The  event  justified  their  fears. 

X  This  was  the  scytale,  the  nature  and  use  of  which  Plutarch  explains  in  the  life 
of  Lysander.  He  tells  us.  that  when  the  magistrates  gave  their  commission  to  any 
admiral  or  general,  they  took  two  round  pieces  of  wood,  both  exactly  equal  in  breadth 
and  thickness  (Thucydides  adds  that  they  were  smooth  and  long;)  one  they  kept 
themselves,  the  other  was  delivered  to  their  officer.  When  they  had  any  thing  of 
moment  which  they  would  secretly  convey  to  him,  they  cut  a  long  narrow  scroll  of 
parchment,  and  rolling  it  about  their  own  staff,  one  fold  close  upon  another  they  wrote 
their  business  on  it,  when  they  had  wrote  what  they  had  to  say,  they  took  off  th« 
parchment  and  sent  it  to  the  general ;  and  he  applying*  it  to  bis  staff,  the  characters! 
which  before  were  confused  and  unintelligible  appeared  then  very  plainiy. 
F  4« 


42  LTCURGUS. 

how  to  lead  well,  is  sure  to  be  well  followed  :  and  as  it  is  by  the 
art  of  horsemanship  that  a  horse  is  made  gentle  and  tractable,  so 
it  is  by  the  abihties  of  him  who  fills  the  throne  that  the  people 
become  ductile  and  submissive.  Such  was  the  conduct  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  that  people  did  not  only  endure,  but  even  desired 
to  be  their  subjects.  They  asked  not  of  them  either  ships,  money, 
or  troops,  but  only  a  Spartan  general.  When  they  had  received 
him,  they  treated  him  with  the  greatest  honour  and  respect :  as 
Gylippus  was  revered  by  the  Sicilians,  Brasidas  by  the  Calcidians, 
Lysander,  Callicratidas  and  Agesilaus  by  all  the  people  of  Asia. 
These,  and  such  as  these,  wherever  they  came,  were  called  mo* 
derators  and  reformers,  both  of  the  magistrates  and  people,  and 
Sparta  itself  was  considered  a  school  of  discipline,  where  the 
beauty  of  life  and  political  order  were  taught  in  the  utmost  per- 
fection.  Hence  Stratonicus  seems  facetiously  enough  to  have  said, 
that  he  would  order  the  Athenians  to  fiave  the  conduct  of  mysteries 
and  processions :  the  Eleans  to  preside  in  gamesy  as  their  particuiiar 
province ;  and  the  Lacedaemonians  to  be  beaten^  if  the  others  did 
amiss,*  This  was  spoken  in  jest :  but  Antisthenes,  one  of  the 
scholars  of  Socrates,  said  more  seriously  of  the  Thebans,  when  he 
saw  them  pluming  themselves  upon  their  success  at  Leuctra,  They 
were  just  like  so  many  school-hoys  rejoicing  that  they  had  beaten  their 
master. 

It  was  not,  however,  the  principal  design  of  Lycurgus,  that  his 
city  should  govern  many  others,  but  he  considered  its  happiness^ 
like  that  of  a  private  man,  as  flowing  from  virtue  and  selfamsiS' 
iency;  he  therefore  so  ordered  and  disposed  it,  that  by  the  free- 
dom and  sobriety  of  its  inhabitants,  and  their  having  a  sufficiency 
within  themselves,  its  continuance  might  be  the  more  secure.  Pla- 
to, Diogenes,  Zeno,  and  other  writers  upon  government,  have 
taken  Lycurgus  for  their  model,  and  these  have  attained  great 
praise,  though  they  left  only  an  idea  of  something  excellent.  Yet 
he  who,  not  in  idea  and  words,  but  in  fact,  produced  a  most  inimi- 
table form  of  government,  and  by  showing  a  whole  city  of  phi- 
losophers,'!'  confounded  those  who  imagine  that  the  so  much  talked 
of  strictness  of  a  philosophic  life  is  impracticable ;  he,  I  say, 
stands  in  the  rank  of  glory  far  before  the  founders  of  all  the  other 
Grecian  states4     Therefore  Aristotle  is  of  opinion,  that  the  ho- 

*  B«cauie  the  teachers  should  be  answerable  for  the  faults  of  their  pupils.  The 
pleasantry  of  the  observation  seems  to  be  this :  That  as  the  Ljicedasnionians  used  to 
punish  the  parents  or  adopters  of  those  young  people  that  behaved  amiM;  now  that 
they  were  the  instructors  of  other  nations,  they  should  sufler  for  their  faglta  Bry- 
an's Latin  text  has  it,  Uiat  the  Lacedemonians  should  b$ai  thmn.  But  there  it  ao  joka 
in  that. 

f  Aristotle  and  Plato  differ  in  this  from  Plutarch.  Even  Polybius,  who  waa  lo 
graat  an  admirer  of  the  Spartan  government,  allows,  that  though  the  Spartana,  cob- 
•idarad  as  individuals,  were  wise  and  virtuous,  yet,  in  their  collective  capacity,  they 
paid  but  little  rrcard  to  justice  and  moderation. 

I  Solon,  though  a  person  of  different  temper,  waa  no  Itn  ditiataraatad  than  Ljcor- 
|tu>    Ha  tattled  the  Athenian  commonweaJtb,  refuttd  ih«  tOTtreignty  wbw  ontrad 


LYCURGUS.  43 

nours  paid  him  in  Lacedaemon  were  far  beneath  his  merit.  Yet 
those  honours  were  very  great ;  for  he  had  a  temple  there,  and 
they  offered  him  a  yearly  sacrifice  as  a  god. 

Some  say,  Lycurgus  died  at  Cirrha ;  but  Apollothemis  will  have 
it,  that  he  was  brought  to  Elis  and  died  there;  and  Timaeus  and 
Aristoxenus  write,  that  he  ended  his  days  in  Crete  ;  nay  Aristox- 
enus  adds,  that  the  Cretans  show  his  tomb  at  Pergamia,  near  the 
high  road.  We  are  told  he  left  an  only  son  named  Antiorus,  and  as 
he  died  without  issue,  the  family  was  extinct.  His  friends  and 
his  relations  observed  his  anniversary,  which  subsisted  for  many 
agea,  and  the  days  on  which  they  met  for  that  purpose  they  called 
LycurgidcB,  Aristocrates,  the  son  of  Hipparchus,  relates,  that  the 
friends  of  Lycurgus,  with  whom  he  sojourned,  and  at  last  died  in 
Crete,  burned  his  body,  and  at  his  request,  threw  his  ashes  into 
the  sea.  Thus  he  guarded  against  the  possibility  of  his  remains 
being  brought  back  to  Sparta  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  lest  they 
should  then  think  themselves  released  from  their  oath,  on  the  pre- 
tence that  he  was  returned,  and  make  innovations  in  the  govern- 
ment. 

him,  trayelled  to  avoid  the  importunities  of  his  countrymen,  opposed  tyranny  in  his 
old  age,  and  when  he  found  his  opposition  vain,  went  into  voluntary  exile.  Lycur- 
gus and  Solon  were  both  great  men ;  but  the  former  had  the  stronger,  the  latter  the 
milder  genius:  the  effects  of  which  appeared  in  the  commonwealths  they  founded. 


44 

NUMA. 

Flourishea  714  yeart  before  Christ. 

NUMA  was  a  native  of  Cures,  a  considerable  city  of  the  Sa* 
bines,  from  which  the  Romann,  together  with  the  incorporated 
Sabines,  took  the  name  of  Quirites,  He  was  the  son  of  a  person 
of  distinction  named  Pomponius,  and  the  youngest  of  four  brothers. 
He  was  born  the  twenty-tirst  of  April,  the  same  day  on  which 
Rome  was  founded  by  Romulus.  His  mind  was  naturally  disposed 
to  virtue,  and  he  still  farther  subdued  it  by  discipline,  patience 
and  philosophy,  not  only  purging  it  of  the  grosser  and  more  infa- 
mous passions,  but  even  of  that  ambition  and  rapaciousness  which 
was  reckoned  honourable  amongst  the  harharians,  persuaded  that 
true  fortitude  consists  in  the  conquest  of  appetite  by  reason.  Oa 
this  account,  he  banished  all  luxury  and  splendour  from  his  house 
and  both  the  citizens  and  strangers  found  in  him  a  faithful  coun- 
sellor, and  an  upright  judge.  As  for  his  hours  of  leisure,  he  spent 
them  not  in  the  pursuits  of  pleasure,  or  schemes  of  profit,  but  in 
the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  in  rational  inquiries  into  their  nature 
and  their  power.  His  name  became  at  length  so  illustrious,  that 
Tatius,  who  was  the  associate  of  Romulus  in  the  kingdom,  having 
an  only  daughter  named  Tatia,  bestowed  her  upon  him.  He  was 
not,  however,  so  much  elated  with  this  match  as  to  remove  to  the 
court  of  his  father-in-law,  but  continued  in  the  country  of  the  Sa. 
bines,  paying  his  attentions  to  his  own  father,  who  was  now  grown 
old.  Tatia  was  partaker  of  his  retirement,  and  preferred  the  calm 
enjoyment  of  life  with  her  husband  in  privacy,  to  the  honours  and 
distinction  in  which  she  might  have  lived  with  her  father  at  Rome. 
Thirteen  years  after  their  marriage  she  died. 

Numa  then  left  the  society  of  the  city,  and  passed  his  time  in 
wandering  about  alone  in  the  sacred  groves  and  lawns,  in  the  moat 
retired  and  solitary  places.  Hence  the  report  concerning  the 
goddess  Egeria  chiefly  took  its  rise  ;*  and  it  was  believed  that 
it  was  not  from  any  inward  sorrow  or  melancholy  turn  that  he 

*  Numa*!  inclination  to  tolituHe,  and  his  cuatom  of  rciiriof  into  the  aecrei  placaa 
of  the  forest  of  Aricia,  gave  rise  to  several  popular  opinions.  Soma  twlieved  that  tha 
nymph  Egaria  herself  dictated  to  him  the  laws,  both  civil  and  religious,  which 
he  established.  And.  indeed,  he  declared  so  hitnseir.  in  order  to  procure  a  divina 
aanction  to  them.  But,  as  no  great  man  is  without  aspartioaa,  others  have  thought, 
that,  under  this  aflacted  passion  for  woods  and  caves,  was  coooaale«l  another.  OMira 
real  and  lens  chaste  This  gave  occasion  to  that  sarcasm  of  Juvtnal,  in  speaking  of 
the  grove  of  Egeria,  (.Sat.  iii.  ver.  12,) 

Hie,  ubi  noctumn  Numa  constituehat  amic*. 

Ovid  says,  that,  to  remove  her  grief  for  the  loss  of  Numa,  Diana  changed  her  into  a 
iutiotain  which  still  tiaars  her  name.— Metam.  I.  xv. 


UUMA.  45 

avoided  human  conversation,  but  from  his  being  admitted  to  that 
which  was  more  valuable  and  excellent,  from  the  honour  he  had  of  a 
familiar  mtercourse  with  a  divinity  that  loved  him,  which  led  him 
to  happiness  and  knowledge  more  than  mortal. 

In  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  disturbances  that  arose  in  Rome 
after  the  death  of  Romulus,  it  was  agreed  between  the  contending 
parties,  that  one  nation  should  choose  a  king  out  of  the  whole  body 
of  the  other.  The  Sabines  leaving  the  Romans  to  their  option, 
they,  preferrmg  a  Sabine  king  of  their  own  electing  to  a  Roman 
king,  chosen  by  the  Sabines,  fixed  upon  Numa,  though  not  of  the 
number  of  those  who  had  migrated  to  Rome.  Numa  was  in  his 
fortieth  year,  when  ambassadors  came  from  Rome  to  make  him  an 
offer  of  the  kingdom.  The  speakers  were  Proculus  and  Velesus, 
whom  the  people  before  had  cast  their  eyes  upon  for  the  royal  dig- 
nity, the  Romans  being  attached  to  Proculus,  and  the  Sabines 
to  Velesus.  As  they  imagined  that  Numa  would  gladly  embrace 
his  good  fortune,  they  made  but  a  short  speech.  They  found  it, 
however,  no  easy  matter  to  persuade  him,  but  were  obliged  to  make 
use  of  much  entreaty  to  draw  him  from  that  peaceful  retreat  he 
was  so  fond  of,  to  the  government  of  a  city,  born,  as  it  were  and 
brought  up  in  war.  In  the  presence,  therefore,  of  his  father,  and 
one  of  his  kinsmen,  named  Marcius,  he  gave  them  this  answer: 
"Every  change  of  human  life  has  its  dangers :  but  when  a  man 
has  a  sufficiency,  and  there  is  nothing  in  his  present  situation  to  be 
complained  of,  what  but  madness  can  lead  him  from  his  usual  track 
of  life,  which,  if  it  has  no  other  advantage,  has  that  of  certainty, 
to  experience  another  as  yet  doubtful  and  unknown  ?  But  the  dan- 
gers that  attend  this  government  are  beyond  an  uncertainty,  if  we 
may  form  a  judgment  from  the  fortunes  of  Romulus,  who  laboured 
under  the  suspicion  of  taking  off  Tatius,  his  colleague,  and  was 
supposed  to  have  lost  his  own  life  with  equal  injustice.  Yet  Romu- 
lus is  celebrated  as  a  person  of  divine  origin,  as  supernaturally 
nourished  and  most  wonderfully  preserved  when  an  infant.  For 
my  part,  I  am  only  of  mortal  race,  and  you  are  sensible  my  nurs- 
ing and  education  boast  of  nothing  extraordinary.  As  for  my 
character,  if  it  has  any  distinction,  it  has  been  gained  in  a  way 
not  likely  to  qualify  me  for  a  king,  in  scenes  of  repose  and  em. 
ployments  by  no  means  arduous.  My  genius  is  inclined  to  peace, 
my  love  has  been  long  fixed  upon  it,  and  I  have  studiously  avoided 
the  confusion  of  war :  I  have  also  drawn  others,  so  far  as  my  in- 
fluence extended,  to  the  worship  of  the  gods,  to  mutual  offices  of 
friendship,  and  to  spend  the  rest  of  their  time  in  tilling  the  ground 
and  feeding  cattle.  The  Romans  may  have  unavoidable  wars  left 
upon  their  hands  by  their  late  king,  for  the  maintaining  of  which 
you  have  need  of  another  more  active  and  more  enterprising. 
Besides  the  people  are  of  a  warlike  disposition,  flushed  with  suc- 
cess, and  plainly  enough  discover  their  inclination  to  extend  their 
conquests.     A  person  therefore  who  has  set  his  heart  upon  pro- 


4d  NOMA. 

moting  religion  and  justice,  and  drawing  men  off  from  the  love  of 
violence  and  war,  would  soon  become  ridiculous  and  contemptible 
to  a  city  that  has  more  occasion  for  a  general  than  a  king." 

Numa  in  this  manner  declining  the  crown,  the  Romans,  on  the 
other  hand,  exerted  all  their  endeavours  to  obviate  his  objections, 
and  begged  of  him  not  to  throw  them  into  confusion  and  civil  war 
again,  as  there  was  no  other  whom  both  parties  would  unanimously 
elect.  When  the  ambassadors  had  retired,  his  father  and  his 
friend  Marcius,  privately  urged  him,  by  all  the  arguments  in  their 
power,  to  receive  this  great  and  valuable  gift  of  heaven.  "  If, 
contented,"  said  they,  "  with  a  competence,  you  desire  not  riches, 
nor  aspire  after  the  honour  of  spvereignty,  having  a  higher  and 
better  distinction  in  virtue  ;  yet  consider  that  a  king  is  the  minister 
of  God,  who  now  awakens,  and  puts  in  action  your  native  wisdom 
and  justice ;  decline  not,  therefore,  an  authority  which  to  a  wise 
man  is  a  field  for  great  and  good  actions  ;  where  dignity  may  be 
added  to  religion,  and  men  may  be  brought  over  to  piety,  in  the 
easiest  and  readiest  way,  by  the  influence  of  the  prince.  Tatius, 
though  a  stranger,  was  beloved  by  this  people,  and  they  pay  divine 
honours  to  the  memory  of  Romulus.  Besides,  who  knows,  as  they 
are  victorious,  but  they  may  be  satiated  with  war,  and  having  no 
farther  wish  for  triumphs  and  spoils,  may  be  desirous  of  a  mild 
and  jnst  governor  for  the  establishing  good  laws,  and  settling  peace? 
But  should  they  be  ever  so  ardently  inclined  to  war,  yet  is  it  not 
better  to  turn  their  violence  another  way,  and  to  be  the  centre  of 
union  and  friendship  between  the  country  of  the  Sabines  and  so 
great  and  flourishing  a  state  as  that  of  Rome?"  These  induce- 
ments,  we  are  told,  were  strengthened  by  auspicious  omens,  and 
by  the  zeal  and  ardour  of  his  tellow.citizens,  who  as  soon  as  they 
had  learned  the  subject  of  embassy,  went  in  a  body  to  entreat  him 
to  take  the  government  upon  himself,  as  the  only  means  to  appease 
all  dissensions,  and  effectually  incorporate  the  two  nations  intoone. 

When  he  had  determined  to  go,  he  offered  sacrifice  to  the  gods, 
and  then  set  forward  to  Rome.  Struck  with  love  and  admiration 
of  the  man,  the  senate  and  people  met  him  on  the  way ;  the  wo- 
men  welcomed  him  with  blessings  and  shouts  of  joy ;  the  temples 
were  crowded  with  sacrifices;  and  so  universal  was  the  satisfac 
tion,  that  the  city  miffht  seem  to  have  received  a  kingdom,  instead 
of  a  king.  When  they  were  come  into  the  Forums  it  was  put  to 
the  vote  whether  Numa  should  be  king,  and  all  the  citizens  agreed 
to  it  with  one  voice.  The  robes  and  other  distinctions  of  royalty 
were  then  offered  him,  but  he  commanded  them  to  stop,  as  his  au. 
thority  yet  wanted  the  sanction  of  heaven.  Taking,  therefore, 
with  him  the  priests  and  augurs^  ho  went  up  to  the  Cayitoff  \\  hich 
the  Romans,  at  that  time  called  the  Tttrpeian  rock.  There  the 
chief  of  the  augurs  covered  the  head  of  Numa,*  and  turned  his 

•  So  h  it  ia  the  tot  of  Plutarch,  m$  it  now  itandt ;  but  it  ■ppMn  from  Uvy,  that 


NUMA.  47 

face  toward  the  south ;  then  standing  behind  him  and  laying  his 
right  hand  upon  his  head,  he  offered  up  his  devotions,  and  looked 
around  him  in  hopes  of  seeing  birds,  or  some  other  signal  from 
the  gods.  An  incredible  silence  reigned  among  the  people, 
anxious  for  the  event,  and  lost  in  suspense,  till  the  auspicious  birds 
appeared,  and  passed  on  the  right  hand.  Then  Numa  took  the 
royal  robe,  and  went  down  from  the  mount  to  the  people,  who 
received  him  with  loud  acclamations,  as  the  most  pious  of  men, 
and  most  beloved  of  the  gods. 

His  first  act  of  government  was  to  discharge  the  body  of  three 
hundred  men  called  Celeres,*  whom  Romulus  always  kept  about 
his  person  as  guards ;  for  he  neither  chose  to  distrust  those  who 
put  confidence  in  him,  nor  to  reign  over  a  people  that  could  dis- 
trust him.  In  the  next  place,  to  the  priests  of  Jupiter  and  Mars 
he  added  one  for  Romulus,  whom  he  styled  Flamen  Quirilanis. 

Numa  having  settled  these  matters  with  a  view  to  establish 
himself  in  the  people's  good  graces,  immediately  after  attempted 
to  soften  them,  as  iron  is  softened  by  fire,  and  to  bring  them  from 
a  violent  and  warlike  disposition,  to  a  more  just  and  gentle  temper. 
Persuaded  that  no  ordinary  means  were  sufficient  to  form  and 
reduce  so  high-spirited  and  untractable  a  people  to  mildness  and 
peace,  he  called  in  the  assistance  of  religion.  By  sacrifices,  reli- 
gious  dances,  and  processions,  which  he  appointed,  and  wherein 
himself  officiated,  he  contrived  to  mix  the  charms  of  festivity  and 
social  pleasure  with  the  solemnity  of  the  ceremonies.  Thus  he 
soothed  their  minds,  and  calmed  their  fierceness  and  martial  fire. 
Sometimes,  also,  by  acquainting  them  with  prodigies  from  heaven, 
by  reports  of  dreadful  apparitions  and  menacing  voices,  he  inspired 
them  with  terror,  and  humbled  them  with  superstition.  This  was 
the  principal  cause  of  the  report  that  he  drew  his  wisdom  from  the 
sources  of  Pythagoras :  For  a  great  part  of  the  philosophy  of 
the  latter,  as  well  as  the  government  of  the  former,  consisted  in 
religious  attentions  and  the  worship  of  the  gods.  It  is  likewise 
said,  that  his  solemn  appearance  and  air  of  seuictity  were  copied 
from  Pythagoras.  That  philosopher  had  so  far  tamed  an  eagle, 
that,  by  pronouncing  certain  words,  he  could  stop  it  in  its  flight, 
or  bring  it  down ;  and  passing  through  the  multitudes  assembled 
at  the  Olympic  games,  he  showed  them  his  golden  thigh,  besides 
other  arts  and  actions  by  which  he  pretended  to  something  super- 
natural. 

But  Numa  feigned  that  some  goddess  or  mountain-nymph  fa- 

the  augur  covered  his  own  head,  not  that  of  Numa,  Augur  ad  heoam^  ejus^  capita 
velato,  sedem  cepit,  &,c  And.  indeed,  the  augur  always  covered  his  head  in  a  gown 
peculiar  to  his  ofiSce,  called  Lcence,  when  he  made  his  observations. 

*  Numa  did  not  make  use  of  them  as  guards,  but  as  inferior  ministers,  who  were 
to  take  care  of  the  sacrifices,  under  the  direction  of  the  tribunes,  who  had  commanded 
them  in  their  military  capacity. 


48  MiMA. 

voured  him  with  her  private  regards,  and  that  he  had  moreover 
frequent  conversations  with  the  Muses.  To  the  latter  he  ascribed 
roost  of  his  revelations ;  and  there  was  one  in  particular  that  he 
called  Tacita,  as  much  as  to  say,  the  Muse  of  Silence^  whom 
he  taught  the  Romans  to  distinguish  with  their  veneration.  By 
this,  too,  he  seemed  to  show  his  knowledge  and  approbation  of 
the  Pythagorean  precept  of  silence. 

His  regulations  concerning  images  seem  likewise  to  have  some 
relation  to  the  doctrine  of  Pythagoras;  who  was  of  opinion  that 
the  First  Cause  was  not  an  object  of  sense,  nor  liable  to  passion, 
but  invisible,  incorruptible,  and  discernible  only  by  the  mind. 
Thus  Numa  forbade  the  Romans  to  represent  the  Deity  in  the 
form  either  of  man  or  beast.  Nor  was  there  among  them  for- 
merly any  image  or  statue  of  the  Divine  Being:  during  the  first 
hundred  and  seventy  years  they  built  temples,  indeed,  and  other 
sacred  domes,  but  placed  in  them  no  figure  of  any  kind,  persuaded 
that  it  is  impious  to  represent  things  divine  by  what  is  perishable, 
and  that  we  can  have  no  conception  of  God  but  by  the  understand- 
ing. His  sacrifices,  too,  resembled  the  Pythagorean  worship;  for 
they  were  without  any  cflfusion  of  blood,  consisting  chiefly  of  flour, 
libations  of  wine,  and  other  very  simple  and  unexpensive  things. 

To  Numa  is  attributed  the  institution  of  that  high  order  of  priests 
called  PontificeSf  over  which  he  is  said  to  have  presided  himself. 
To  him  is  likewise  ascribed  the  establishment  of  the  Vestal  Vir- 
gins,  and  the  whole  service  with  respect  to  the  perpetual  fire, 
which  they  watched  continually.  At  first  only  two  virgins  were 
consecrated  by  Numa,  afterwards  two  others,  to  whom  Servius 
added  two  more.  They  were  obliged  to  preserve  their  virginity 
for  thirty  years,  and  were  honoured  by  the  king  with  great  pri. 
vilegcs.  It  is  also  said,  that  Numa  built  the  Temple  of  Vesta 
where  the  perpetual  fire  was  to  be  kept. 

Afler  Numa  had  instituted  the  several  orders  of  priests,  be 
erected  a  royal  palace,  called  Regia^  near  the  Temple  of  Vesta; 
and  there  he  passed  most  of  his  time,  either  in  performing  some 
sacred  function,  or  instructing  the  priests,  or,  at  least  in  conver- 
sing with  them  on  some  divine  subject.  He  had  also  another 
house  upon  the  Quirinitd  mount.  In  all  public  ceremonies  and 
processions  of  (he  priests,  a  herald  went  before,  who  gave  notice 
to  the  people  to  keep  holiday.  For,  as  they  tell  us,  the  Pythafo. 
reans  would  not  sufier  their  disciples  to  pay  any  homage  or  worship 
to  the  gods  in  a  cursory  manner,  but  required  them  to  come  pre- 
pared for  it  by  meditation  at  home ;  so  Numa  was  of  opinion,  that 
his  citizens  should  neither  see  nor  hear  any  religious  service  in  a 
slight  or  careless  way,  but,  disengaged  from  other  affairs,  brinf 
with  them  that  attention,  which  an  object  of  such  importance  r«> 
quired.    The  streets  and  ways,  on  such  occosions,  were  cleared 


NUMA. 


49 


t)f  clamour  and  all  manner  of  noise  which  attends  manual  labour, 
that  the  solemnities  might  not  be  disturbed. 

By  this  sort  of  religious  discipline  the  people  became  so  tract- 
able, and  were  impressed  with  such  a  veneration  of  Numa's  power, 
that  they  admitted  many  improbable  and  even  fabulous  tales,  and 
thought  nothing  incredible  or  Impossible  which  he  undertook. 
Thus  he  is  said  to  have  invited  many  of  the  citizens  to  his  table, 
where  he  took  care  the  vessels  should  be  mean,  and  the  provisions 
plain  and  inelegant ;  l?ut  after  they  were  seated,  he  told  them,  the 
goddess  with  whom  he  used  to  converse,  was  coming  to  visit  him, 
when,  on  a  sudden,  the  room  was  supplied  with  the  most  costly 
vessels,  and  the  table  Avith  a  most  magni^ent  entertainment. 

The  most  admired  of  all  his  institutions,  was  his  distribution 
of  the  citizens  into  companies,  according  to  their,  arts  and  trades 
For  the  city  consisting  of  two  nations,  or  rather  factions,  who 
were  by  no  means  willing  to  unite,  or  to  blot  out  the  remembrance 
of  their  original  difference,  but  maintained  perpetual  contests  and 
party  quarrels ;  he  took  the  same  method  with  them  as  is  used  to 
incorporate  hard  and  sohd  bodies,  which,  while  entire,  will  not 
mix  at  all,  but  unite  with  ease  when  reduced  to  powder.  To  at- 
tain his  purpose,  he  divided,  as  I  said,  the  whole  multitude  into 
small  bodies,  who  gaining  new  distinctions,  lost  by  degrees  the 
great  and  original  one,  in  consequence  of  their  being  thus  broken 
into  so  many  parts.  This  distribution  was  made  according  to  the 
several  arts  or  trades,  of  musicians,  goldsmiths,  masons,  dyers, 
shoemakers,  tanners,  brasiers,  and  potters.  He  collected  the  other 
artificers  also  into  companies,  who  had  their  respective  halls, 
courts,  and  religious  ceremonies,  peculiar  to  each  society.  By 
these  means  he  first  took  away  the  distinction  of  Sabines  and  Ro- 
mans, subjects  of  Tatius,  and  subjects  of  Romulus,  both  name  and 
thing ;  the  very  separation  into  parts  mixing  and  incorporating  the 
whole  together. 

He  is  celebrated  also  in  his  political  capacity  for  correcting  the 
law  which  empowered  fathers  to  sell  their  children,  excepting  such 
as  married  by  their  father's  command  or  consent ;  for  he  reckoned 
it  a  great  hardship,  that  a  woman  should  marry  a  man  as  free,  and 
then  live  with  a  slave. 

He  attempted  the  reformation  of  the  calendar  too,  which  he 
executed  with  some  degree  of  skill,  though  not  with  absolute 
exactness.  In  the  reign  of  Romulus,  it  had  neither  measure  nof 
order,  some  months  consisting  of  fewer  than  twenty  days,  while 
some  were  stretched  to  thirty-five,  and  others  even  to  more.  They 
had  no  idea  of  the  diflTerence  between  the -annual  course  of  the 
sun  and  that  of  the  moon,  and  only  laid  down  this  position,  that 
the  year  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  days.  Numa  then 
observing  that  there  was  a  difference  of  eleven  days,  three  hup- 
G  5 


50  M'MA 

• 

dred  and  tifly.four  days  making  up  the  lunar  year,  and  three 
hundred  and  sixty  .five  the  solar,  doubled  those  eleven  days,  and 
inserted  them  as  an  intercalary  month,  after  that  of  February, 
every  other  year.  This  additional  month  was  called  by  the 
Romans,  Mercedinus.  But  this  amendment  of  the  irregularity 
afterwards  required  a  farther  amendment.  He  likewise  altered 
the  order  of  the  months,  making  March  the  third,  which  was  the 
first ;  January,  the  first,  which  was  the  eleventh  of  Romulus ; 
and  February,  the  second,  which  was  the  twelfth  and  last.  Many, 
however,  assert,  that  the  two  months  of  January  and  February, 
were  added  by  Numa,  whereas  before  they  had  reckoned  but  ten 
months  in  the  year.    * 

Of  this  we  have  a  proof  in  the  name  of  the  last,  for  it  is  still 
called  December,  or  the  tenth  month;  and  that  March  was  ibe 
first,  is  also  evident,  because  the  fifth  from  it  was  called  Qtmi. 
tUiSt  the  sixth  SextUis,  and  so  the  rest  in  their  order.  If  January 
and  February  had  then  been  placed  before  March,  the  month 
QuintUis  would  have  been  the  fifth  in  name,  but  the  seventh  in 
reckoning.  Besides,  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude,  that  the  month 
of  March,  dedicated  by  Romulus  to  the  god  Mars,  should  stand 
first.  Numa  seems  to  me  to  have  taken  away  the  precedency 
from  March,  which  is  denominated  from  the  god  of  war,  with  a 
design  to  show  his  preference  of  the  political  virtues  to  the  mar- 
tial. For  JanuSf  in  the  most  remote  antiquity,  being  remarkable 
for  his  political  abilities,  and  his  cultivation  of  society,  reclaimed 
men  from  their  rude  and  savage  manners ;  he  is  therefore  repre- 
sented with  two  faces,  as  having  altered  the  former  state  of  the 
world,  and  given  quite  a  new  turn  to  life.  He  had  also  a  temple 
at  Rome  with  two  gates,  which  they  called  the  gates  of  war.  It 
was  the  custbm  for  this  temple  to  stand  open  in  the  time  of  war, 
and  to  be  shut  in  time  of  peace.  The  latter  was  seldom  the  case, 
as  the  empire  had  been  generally  engaged  in  war,  on  account  of 
its  great  extent,  and  its  having  to  contend  with  so  many  surround- 
ing  barbarous  nations.  It  was,  therefore,  shut  only  in  the  reign 
of  Augustus  Cscsar,*  when  he  had  conquered  Antony  :  and  before, 
in  the  consulate  of  Marcus  Attilius,t  and  Titus  Manlius,  a  little 
while ;  for  a  new  war  breaking  out,  it  was  aoon  opened  again. 
In  Numa's  reign,  however,  it  was  not  opened  for  one  day,  but 
stood  constantly  shut  during  the  space  of  forty-three  yean,  while 
uninterrupted  peace  reigned  in  every  quarter.  Not  only  the 
people  of  Rome  were  softened  and  humanized  by  the  justice  and 

*  Auguftut  shut  the  temple  of  Janui  three  WTeral  limse;  one  of  which  wm  in  lbs 
year  of  Rome  750,  before  the  birth  of  our  Saviour,  Moordlof  to  Itaiah't  propbaey, 
that  all  tba  world  should  be  blest  with  peace,  whan  lbs  Plrinoa  of  Peace  was  bom. 
^Tbli  lsind»lkras  alio  shut  by  Vespasian  after  his  trioaMk  Oftr  tbt  Jawa. 
I  t  failpl  of  Marcus  we  should  read  Caius  AttillM  Tltua  Manliua,  hitcoWispii, 
Shut  iHb  ifmple  of  Janus  at  the  conclusion  of  the  finlPunle  war. 

I 


NUMA.  51 

mildness  of  the  king,  but  even  the  circumjacent  cities,  breathing, 
as  it  were,  the  same  salutary  and  delightful  air,  began  to  change 
their  behaviour.  Like  the  Romans,  they  became  desirous  of 
peace  and  good  laws,  of  Cultivating  the  ground,  educating  their 
children  in  tranquillity,  and  paying  their  homage  to  the  gods. 
Italy  then  was  taken  up  with  festivals  and  sacrifices,  games  and 
entertainments;  the  people,  without  any  apprehensions  of  danger, 
mixed  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  treated  each  other  with  mutual 
hospitality ;  the  love  of  virtue  and  justice,  as  from  the  source  of 
Numa's  wisdom,  gently  flowing  upon  all,  and  moving  with  the 
composure  of  his  heart.  Even  the  hyperbolical  expressions  of 
the  poets  fall  short  of  describing  the  happiness  of  those  days. 

Secure  Arachne  spread  her  slender  toils 
O'er  the  broad  buckler  eating  rust  consumed 
The  vengeful  swords  and  once  far  gleaming  spears: 
No  more  the  trump  of  war  swells  its  hoarse  throat, 
Nor  robs  the  eye  lids  of  their  genial  slumber.* 

We  have  no  account  of  either  war  or  insurrection  in  the  state, 
during  Numa's  reign.  Nay,  he  experienced  neither  enmity  nor 
envy,  nor  did  ambition  dictate  either  open  or  private  attempts 
against  his  crown.  He  was  an  illusti  -ous  instance  of  that  truth, 
which  Plato  several  ages  after  ventured  to  deliver  concerning 
government :  That  the  only  sure  prospect  of  deliverance  from  the 
evils  of  life  idUI  he,  when  the  Divine  Providence  shall  so  order  it, 
that  the  regal  power  invested  in  a  prince  who  has  the  sentiments  of  a 
philosopher,  shall  render  virtue  triumphant  over  vice,  A  man  of 
such  wisdom  is  not  only  happy  in  himself,  but  contributes  by  his 
instructions  to  the  happiness  of  others.  There  is,  in  truth,  no 
need  either  of  force  or  menaces,  to  direct  the  multitude  ;  for 
when  they  see  virtue  exemplified  in  so  glorious  a  pattern  as  the 
life  of  their  prince,  they  become  wise  of  themselves,  and  endea- 
vour, by  friendship  and  unanimity,  by  a  strict  regard  to  justice  and 
temperance,  to  form  themselves  to  an  innocent  and  happy  life. 
This  is  the  noblest  end  of  government ;  and  he  is  most  worthy  of 
the  royal  seat  who  can  regulate  the  lives  and  dispositions  of  his 
subjects  in  such  a  manner.  No  one  was  more  sensible  of  this 
than  Numa. 

As  to  his  wives  and  children,  there  are  great  contradictions 
among  historians.  For  some  say,  he  had  no  wife  but  Tatia,  nor 
any  child  but  one  daughter  named  Pompilia.  Others,  beside  that 
daughter,  gave  an  account  of  four  sons.  Pompon,  Pinus,  Calpus, 
and  Mamercus ;  every  one  of  whom  left  an  honourable  posterity, 
the  Pomponii  being  descended  from  Pompon,  the  Pinarii  from 
Pinus,  the  Calpurnii  from  Calpus,  and  the  Mametcii  from  Mamfer- 

*  Plutarch  took  this  passage  from  some  exctellent  verses  of  Bacchylides  in  praise  of 
peace,  given  us  by  Stobaeus. 


^  ■/, 


m^  RUMA. 

CU8.  Theso  wore  mirnamed  Rege^  or  kings.  But  a  third  set  of 
writers  accuse  the  former  of  forging  these  genealogies  from  Numa, 
in  order  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  particular  families.  But 
they  tell  us,  that  Pompilia,  was  not  the  daughter  of  Tatia,  but  of 
Lucrctia,  another  wife,  whom  he  married  aHer  he  aricended  the 
throne.  All,  however,  agree,  that  Pompilia,  was  married  to  Mar. 
cius,  son  of  that  Marcius  who  persuaided  Numa  to  accept  the 
crown ;  for  he  followed  him  to  Rome,  where  he  wait  enrolled  a 
senator,  and,  al\er  Numa's  death,  was  competitor  with  Tullus  Ho8« 
tilius  for  the  throne ;  but,  failing  in  the  enterprise,  he  starved 
himself  to  death,  ilia  son  Marcius,  husband  to  Pompilia,  remained 
ip  Rome,  and  had  a  son  named  Ancus  Marcius,  .Mho  reigned 
afler  Tulius  Hostilius.  This  son  is  said  to  have  been  but  five 
years  old  at  the  death  of  Numa. 

Numa  was  not  carried  off  by  a  sudden  or  acute  distemper ;  but, 
as  Piso  relates,  wasted  away  insensibly  with  old  age,  and  a  gentle 
decline.     He  was  a  few  years  above  eighty  when  he  died. 

The  neighbouring  nations  that  were  in  friendship  and  alliance 
with  Rome,  strove  to  make  the  honours  of  his  burial  equal  to  the 
happiness  of  his  life,  attending  with  crowns  and  othor  public  offer, 
ings.  The  senators  carried  the  bier,  and  the  ministers  of  the  gods 
walked  in  procession.  The  rest  of  the  people,  with  the  women 
and  children,  crowded  to  the  funeral ;  not,  as  if  they  were  attend 
ing  the  interment  of  an  aged  king,  but  as  if  they  had  lost  one  of 
their  beloved  relations  in  the  bloom  of  life ;  for  they  followed  it 
with  tears  and  loud  lamentations.  They  did  not  burn  the  body,f 
because  (as  we  are  told)  he  himself  forbade  it ;  but  they  made  two 
stone  coffins,  and  buried  them  under  the  Janiculum— the  one  con* 
taining  his  body,  and  the  other  the  sacred  books  which  he  had 
written.  Numa  had  taken  care,  however,  in  his  life  time,  to  in- 
struct the  priests  in  all  that  those  books  contained,  and  to  impress 
both  the  senso  and  practice  on  their  memories.  He  then  ordered 
them  to  be  buried  with  him,  persuaded  that  such  mysteries  could 
not  safely  exist  in  lifeless  writing,  influenced  by  the  same 
reasoning,  it  is  said,  the  Pythagoreans  did  not  commit  their  pre. 
cepts  to  writing,  but  intrusted  them  to  the  memories  of  such  as 
they  thought   worthy  of  so  great  a  deposit.      And  when   they 

*  Rex  was  the  Miriiame  of  the  iCmiliani  and  Marciana,  but  not  or  the  Pompooiana, 
the  Pinariana,  or  Mamerriant   The  Hmarii  wer«  deacetided  from  a  family  who  wtr%. 


priattt  of  Hefcukt,  and  more  aneivnt  than  ihe  tlmea  of  Numa. 

4  lu  ib9  moflt  ancieot  timet  ihey  coinmiiieJ  the  budiaa  of  tb«  dead  to  tha  ground, 
••appear!  frnm  the  hiitorv  of  the  patriarchs  Hut  the  Kirvotmn*,  from  a  tram  de*ir« 
of  preserving  their  bodiet  from  corruption  after  deal'  rmlMlmed  :  pcraona 

of  condition  with  rich  spicaa,  and  even  the  poor  ha<*  rved  with  aali.    TiM 

Qrceka,  to  obviate  the  incoovepiBncea  that  migitt  |H»M»iy  nnppoa  from  corrupUoo, 
burnt  the  tx>diet  of  the  dead :  tMit  Pliny  lelli  ua,  that  .Sylla  waa  tha  Ural  Roman  whoaa 
body  wai  burnt.  Whan  paKaoiam  waa  abolished,  tha  burninf  of  daad  bodica  caaaad 
with  It;  and  in  the  belief  of  the  returraciinn,  Cbrictiant  committed  their  detd  witlt 
dtie^are  and  honour  to  the  earth,  to  repoae  there  lilt  that  great  event. 


NUMA.  53 

happened  to  communicate  to  an  unworthy  person  their  abstruse 
problems  in  geometry^  they  gave  out  that  the  gods  threatened  to 
avenge  his  profaneness  and  impiety  with  some  great  and  signal 
calamity.  Those,  therefore,  may  be  well  excused  who  endeavour 
to  prove,  by  so  many  resemblances,  that  Numa  was  acquainted 
with  Pythagoras.  Valerius  Antius  relates,  that  there  were  twelve 
books  written  in  Latin,  concernmg  religion,  and  twelve  more  of 
philosophy,  in  Greek,  buried  in  that  coffin.  But  four  hundred 
years  after,*  when  Publius  Cornelius  and  Marcus  Baebius  were 
consuls,  a  prodigious  fall  of  rain  having  washed  away  the  earth 
that  covered  the  coffins,  and  the  lids  falling  off,  one  of  them 
appeared  entirely  empty,  without  the  least  remains  of  the  body; 
in  the  other,  the  boolcs  were  found.  Petilius,  then  praetor,  having 
examined  them,  made  his  report  upon  oath  to  the  senate,  that  it 
appeared  to  him  inconsistent  both  with  justice  and  religion  to  make 
them  public ;  in  consequence  of  which  all  the  volumes  were  carried 
into  the  Comitiiim,  and  burnt. 

Glory  follows  in  the  train  of  great  men,  and  increases  after  their 
death ;  for  envy  does  not  long  survive  them  ;  nay,  it  sometimes 
dies  before  them.  The  misfortunes,  indeed,  of  the  succeeding 
kings  added  lustre  to  the  character  of  Numa.  Of  the  five  that 
came  after  him,  the  last  was  driven  from  the  throne,  and  lived  long 
in  exile  ;  and  of  the  other  four,  not  one  died  a  natural  death. 
Three  were  traitorously  slain.  As  for  TuUus  Hostilius,  who  reigned 
nexi  after  Numa,  he  ridiculed  and  despised  many  of  his  best  fnsti- 
tutions,  particularly  his  religious  ones,  as  effeminate  and  tending 
to  inaction,  for  his  view  was  to  dispose  the  people  to  war  :  he  did 
not,  however,  abide  by  his  irreligious  opinions,  but  falling  into  a 
severe  and  complicated  sickness,  he  changed  them  for  a  supersti- 
tion  very  different  from  Numa's  piety  :  others  too  were  infected 
with  the  same  false  principles,  when  they  saw  the  manner  of  his 
death,  which  is  said  to  have  happened  by  lightning.f 

*  Plutarch  probably  wrote  five  hundred  :  for  this  happened  in  the  year  of  Rome, 
573.  ••  One  Ferentius,"  says  Varro,  (ap.  S.  August,  de.  Civ.  Dei.)  "  had  a  piece  of 
ground  near  the  Janiculum  ;  a  husbandman  of  his  one  day  accidentally  running  over 
Numa's  tomb,  turned  up  some  of  the  legislator's  books,  wherein  he  gave  his  reasons 
for  establishing  the  religion  of  the  Romans  as  he  left  it.  The  husbandman  carried  these 
books'to  the  praetor,  and  the  praetor  to  the  senate ;  who,  after  having  read  his  frivo- 
lous reasons  for  his  religious  establishments,  agreed  that  the  books'^fiould  be  destroyed, 
in  pursuance  of  Numa's  intentions.  It  was  accordingly  decreed,  that  the  praetor 
should  throw  them  into  the  fire."  But  though  Numa's  motives  for  the  religion  he  es- 
tablished might  be  trivial  enough,  that  was  not  the  chief  reason  for  suppressing  them. 
The  real,  at  least  the  principal  reason,  was  the  many  new  superstitions,  equally  tri- 
vial, which  the  Romans  had  introduced,  and  the  worship  which  they  paid  to  images, 
contrary  to  Numa's  appointment. 

f  The  palace  of  Tullus  Hostilius  was  burnt  down  by  lightning  :  and  he,  with  bis 
wife  and  children,  perished  in  the  fiames.  Though  some  historians  say,  that  Ancus 
Marcius,  who  was  the  grandson  of  Numa,  expecting  to  succeed  to  the  crown,  took 
the  opportunity  of  the  storm  to  assassinate  the  king. 


64 

SOLON. 

FUmruhed  597  years  before  Chriti, 

SOLON  was  the  son  of  Ercestides,  a  man  of  moderate  fortune 
and  power,  but  of  the  noblest  family  in  Athens,  being  descended 
from  Codrus  ;  bis  mother  was  cousin.german  to  the  mother  of  Pi- 
fiistralus.  Solon *s  father  having  injured  his  fortune,*  by  indulging 
his  great  and  munificent  spirit,  though  the  son  might  have  been 
supported  by  his  friends,  yet,  as  he  was  of  a  family  that  bad  long 
been  assisting  to  others,  he  was  ashamed  to  accept  of  assistance 
himself;  and  therefore,  in  his  younger  years,  he  applied  himself 
to  merchandise.  Some,  however,  say  that  he  travelled  rather  to 
gratify  his  curiosity,  and  extend  his  knowledge,  than  to  raise  an 
estate.  For  he  professed  his  love  of  wisdom,  and  when  far  ad. 
vanced  in  years  made  this  declaration,  /  grow  old  in  the  pursuit 
of  learning.  He  was  not  too  much  attached  to  wealth,  as  we  may 
gather  from  the  following  verses  : 

The  man  who  boasts  of  golden  stores. 
Of  grain  that  loads  hU  bending  floort, 
or  fields  with  freshening  herbage  green. 
Where  bounding  steeds  and  herds  are  seen, 
I  call  not  happier  than  the  twain 
Whose  limbs  are  sound,  whose  food  ie  plain, 
Whose  joys  a  blooming  wife  endears. 
Whose  hours  a  smiling  ofispving  cbeer& 

Aud  in  another  place  he  says 

The  flow  of  riches  though  desir'd, 
Life*s  real  goods  if  well  acquir*d. 
Unjustly  let  me  never  gain. 
Lest  vengeance  follow  in  their  traiiv 

Indeed,  a  good  man,  a  valuable  member  of  society,  should  neither 
set  his  heart  upon  superfluities,  nor  reject  the  use  of  what  is  ne> 
cditary  and  convenient.     And  in  those  times,  as  Hesiod  informs 

•  Aristotle  reckons  Solon  himself  among  the  inferior  citiuas,  and  qnoMt  bUown 
works  to  prove  it.  Tne  truth  it,  that  Solon  was  never  rich,  it  may  ba,  t>ecauee  ba  «vas 
always  honett  In  his  youth,  he  was  mightily  addicted  to  poetry.  And  Plato  (in 
'J\nuto)  says,  that  if  tie  had  finished  all  hispioems,  aud  particularly  the  Hniory  of 
Uie  AUantic  Island,  which  be  brought  out  of  li^fvpt,  and  bad  takao  time  to  i«vne  and 


correct  them,  aa  others  did,  neither  Homer,  Hesiod,  dm  aay  olbar  aaoisat  poat, 
would  have  been  more  famoua.  It  is  evident,  both  from  Iba  lUbaod  wrHtaf*  oi  ibb 
freat  man,  that  be  was  a  person  not  only  of  exalted  virtiM,  twt  of  a  pleaaaal  and 
ag raeabie  temper.  He  considered  men  as  men  :  and  kaaping  boUi  tbeir  capawity  fi>r 
vurtua,  and  their  proneneu  to  evil,  io  his  view,  he  adapted  hislawa  ao  as  tostrengtbea 
aad  support  the  one,  and  to  check  and  keep  under  the  other.  His  institutions  are  at 
ramarkable  for  their  sweetness  and  practicability,  as  Uioae  of  Lycurgus  ate  for  barah* 
■•M  and  forcing  buman  nature. 


SOLON.  •    55 

us,  no  business  was  looked  upon  as  a  disparagement,  nor  did  any- 
trade  cause  a  disadvantageous  distinction.  The  profession  of 
merchanaise  was  honourable,  as  it  brought  home  the  produce  of 
barbarous  countries,  engaged  the  friendship  of  kings,  and  opened 
a  wide  field  of  knowledge  and  experience.  Nay,  some  merchants 
have  been  founders  of  great  cities ;  Protus,  for  instance,  who 
built  Marseilles.  '  Thales  also,  and  Hippocrates  the  mathemati- 
cian, are  said  to  have  had  their  share  in  commerce ;  and  the  oil 
that  Plato  disposed  of  in  Egypt,*  defrayed  the  expense  of  his 
travels. 

If  Solon  was  too  expensive  or  luxurious  in  his  way  of  living, 
and  indulged  his  poetical  vein  in  his  description  of  pleasure  too 
freely  for  a  philosopher,  it  is  imputed  to  his  mercantile  life :  for, 
as  he  passed  through  many  and  great  dangers,  he  might  surely 
compensate  them  with  a  little  relaxation  and  enjoyment.  That 
he  placed  himself  rather  in  ihe  class  of  the  poor  than  the  rich,  is 
evident  from  these  lines. 

For  Vice  though  Plenty  fills  her  horn, 
And  Virtue  sinks  in  want  and  scorn ; 
Yet  never  sure  shall  Solon  change 
His  truth  for  Wealth's  most  easy  range ! 
Since  Virtue  lives,  and  Truth  shall  stand, 
While  Wealth  eludes  the  grasping  hand. 

He  seems  to  have  made  use  of  his  poetical  talent  at  first,  not  for 
any  serious  purpose,  but  only  for  amusement  and  to  fill  up  his 
hours  of  leisure  ;  but  afterwards  he  inserted  moral  sentences,  and 
interwove  many  political  transactions  in  his  poems.  Some  are  of 
opinion,  that  he  attempted  to  put  his  laws  too  in  verse,  and  they 
give  us  this  beginning  : 

Supreme  of  Gods,  whose  power  we  first  address, 
This  plan  to  honour,  and  these  laws  to  bless. 

Like  most  of  the  sages  of  these  times  he  cultivated  chiefly  that 
part  of  moral  philosophy  which  treats  of  civil  obligations  ;  his  phy- 
sics were  of  a  very  simple  and  ancient  cast.  Thales  seems  to 
have  been  the  only  philosopher  who  then  carried  his  speculations 
beyond  things  in  common  use,  while  the  rest  of  the  wise  men 
maintained  their  character  by  rules  for  social  life. 

We  have  a  particular  account  of  a  conversation  which  Solon 
had  with  Anacharsis,f  and  of  another  he  had  with  Thales.    Ana- 

*  It  was  usual  to  trade  into  Egypt  with  the  oil  of  Greece  and  Judea.  It  is  said  in 
the  prophet  Hosea  (c.  xii  v.  1,)  Ephraim  carrieih  oil  into  Egypt. 

f  Ihe  Scythians  long  before  the  days  of  Solon,  had  been  celebrated  for  their  fruga- 
lity, their  temperance,  and  justice.  Anacharsis  was  one  of  these  Scythians,  and  a 
prince  of  the  blood.  He  went  to  Athens  about  the  forty  seventh  Olympiad,  that  is  590 
years  before  Christ.  His  good  sense,  his  knowledge,  and  great  experience,  made  him 
pass  for  one  of  the  seven  wise  men.  But  the  greatest  and  wisest  men  have  their  in- 
consistencies •  for  such  it  certainly  was,  for  Anacharsis  to  carry  the  Grecian  worshro, 


le   T  SOLON.. 

cbaraif  went  to  Solon's  house  at  Athens,  knocked  at  the  door,  and 
saidf  'he  was  a  stranger  who  desired  to  enter  into  engagements  of 
friendship  end  mtaual  hospitality  teith  him.  8<>loo  answered, 
Friends  fups  are  best  formed  at  home.  Then  do  you^  said  Anachar- 
flis,  who  are  at  home^  make  me  your  friend  and  receive  me  into  your 
house.  Struck  with  the  quickness  of  his  repartee,  Solon  pave  him 
a  kind  welcome,  and  kept  him  some  time  with  him,  bemg  then 
employed  in  public  affairs  and  modelling  his  laws.  When  Ana« 
charsis  knew  what  Solon  was  about,  he  laughed  at  bis  undertaking, 
and  at  the  absurdity  of  imagining  he  could  restrain  the  avarice  and 
injustice  of  his  citizens  by  written  laws^  which  in  all  respects  resem- 
bled spiders*  webs,  and  wouldy  like  them,  only  entangle,  and  hold 
the  poor  and  weak,  while  the  rich  and  powerful  easily  broke  through 
them.  To  this  Solon  replied.  Men  keep  their  agreements,  when  it 
is  an  advantage  to  both  parties  not  to  break  them  ;  and  he  would  so 
frame  his  laws,  as  to  make  it  evident  to  the  Athenians,  that  it  would 
be  more  for  their  interest  to  observe  than  to  transgress  them.  The 
event,  however,  showed,  that  Anacharsis  was  nearer  the  truth  in- 
his  conjecture,  than  Solon  was  in  his  hope.  Anacharsis  having 
seen  an  assembly  of  the  people  at  At^iens  said,  I  he  was  surprised 
at  this,  that  in  Greece  wise  men  pleaded  causes,  and  fools  dettermmed 
lhem.\ 

When  Solon  was  entertained  by  Thales  at  Miletus,  he  expressed 
some  wondc  that  he  did  not  marry  and  raise  a  family.  To  this 
Thales  gave  no  immediate  answer ;  but  some  days  alter  he  in- 
Btructed  a  stranger  to  say,  That  he  came  from  Athens  ten  days 
before.  Solon  inquiring.  What  news  there  was  at  Athens,  the  man, 
according  to  his  instructions  said,  None,  except  the  funeral  of  a 
young  man,  which  was  attended  by  the  whole  city.  For  he  was  the 
son  {as  they  told  me)  of  a  person  of  great  honour^  and  of  the  highest 
reputation  for  virtue,  who  was  then  abroad  upon  his  trwoels.  What 
a  miserable  man  is  he  !  said  Solon  ;  but  what  wm  his  name  ?  I  have 
heard  his  name,  answered  the  stranger,  but  do  not  recollect  it.  All 
I  remember  is  that  there  was  much  talk  of  his  wisdom  and  justice 
Solon,  whose  apprehensions  increased  with  every  repK,  was  now 
much  disconcerted,  and  mentioned  his  own  name,  asking.  Whether  it 
was  not  Solon's  son  that  was  dead  f  The  stranger  answering  m  the 
affirmative,  he  began  to  beat  his  head,  and  to  dn  nnd  say  such 
things  as  are  usual  to  men  in  a  transport  of  grief. "^  Then  Thales, 
taking  him  by  the  hand,  said  with  a  smile,  These  things  which  strike 

the  riiM  of  Cybele,  ioto  Scjrthis,  coniranr  to  the  Uw«  of  hH  eountrt.  TiMmgb  he 
perlbrmed  thoie  met  privately  in  a  woody  part  of  the  f»Miatry.  a  iiciithiaa  hapfiened 
to  eee  him,  and  acquainted  the  ktng  with  it,  who  came  immadarialy  aitd  •hot  Mm 
with  an  arrow  upon  Um  wpfiA.—Htfidot.  I  it.  c  76. 

•  Whether  on  thii  occasion,  or  on  the  real  Iom  of  a  ton.  it  imcertaia,  Solqa,  btim 
desired  not  to  we^  aiooe  weeping  would  avail  nothing ;  ha  antworad  wtabiaocJi  Ink 
manity  and  good  aanee,  *•  Antt  for  this  cause  I  weep.** 


SOLON.  57 

down  so  firm  a  man  as  Solon,  kept  me  from  marriage^  and  from 
having  children.  But  take  courage,  my  good  friend,  for  not  a  word 
of  what  has  been  told  you  is  true.  To  neglect,  however,  the  pro- 
curing of  what  is  necessary  or  convenient  in  life,  for  fear  of 
losing  it,  would  be  acting  a  very  mean  and  absurd  part.  Her- 
mippus  says,  he  took  this  story  from  Pataecus,  who  used  to  boast 
he  had  the  soul  of  jEsop. 

When  the  Athenians,  tired  out  with  a  long  and  troublesome 
war  against  the  Megarensians,  for  the  isle  of  Salamis,  made  a 
law,  that  no  one  for  the  future,  under  pain  of  death,  should  either 
by  speech  or  writing  propose  that  the  city  should  assert  its  claim 
to  that  island ;  Solon  was  very  uneasy  at  so  dishonourable  a  decree, 
and  seeing  great  part  of  the  youth  desirous  to  begin  the  war  again, 
being  restrained  from  it  only  by  fear  of  the  law,  he  feigned  him- 
self insane  ;*  and  a  report  spead  from  his  house  into  the  city,  that 
he  was  out  of  his  senses.  Privately,  however,  he  had  composed 
an  elegy,  and  got  it  by  heart,  in  order  to  repeat  it  in  public ;  thus 
prepared,  he  sallied  out  unexpectedly  into  the  market-place  with 
a  cap  upon  his  head.f  A  great  number  of  people  flocking  about 
him,  he  got  upon  the  herald's  stone,  and  sung  the  elegy  which 
begins  thus : 

Hear  and  attend ;  from  Salamis  1  came 
To  show  your  error. 

This  composition  is  entitled  Salamis,  and  consists  of  a  hundred 
very  beautiful  lines.  When  Solon  had  done,  his  friends  began 
to  express  their  admiration,  and  Pisistratus,  in  particular,  exerted 
himself  in  persuading  the  people  to  comply  with  his  directions ; 
whereupon  they  repealed  the  law,  once  more  undertook  the  war, 
and  invested  Solon  whh  the  command.  The  common  account  of 
his  proceedings  is  this  :  He  sailed  with  Pisistratus  to  Colias,  and 
having  seized  the  women  who,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
country,  were  offering  sacrifice  to  Ceres  there,  he  sent  a  trusty 
person  to  Salamis,  who  was  to  pretend  he  was  a  deserter,  and  to 
advise  the  Megarensians,  if  they  had  a  mind  to  seize  the  principal 
Athenian  matrons,  to  set  sail  immediately  for  Colias,  The  Me- 
garensians readily  embracing  the  proposal,  and  sending  out  a  body 
of  men,  Solon  discovered  the  ship  as  it  put  off  from  the  island ; 
and  causmg  the  women  directly  to  withdraw,  ordered  a  number  of 
young  men,  whose  faces  were  yet  smooth,  to  dress  themselves  in 
their  habits,  caps,  and  shoes.     Thus  with  weapons  concealed  un 

*  When  the  Athenians  were  delivered  from  their  fears  by  the  death  of  Epaminondas, 
they  began  to  squander  away  upon  shows  and  plays  the  money  that  bad  been  assigned 
for  the  pay  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  at  the  same  time  they  made  it  death  for  any  one 
to  propose  a  reformation.  In  that  case.  Demosthenes  did  not,  like  Solon,  attack  their 
error  under  a  pretence  of  insanity,  but  boldly  and  resolutely  spoke  against  it,  and  by 
ilje  force  of  his  eloquence  brought  them  to  correct  it. 

T  None  wore  caps  but  the  sick. 
H 


58  SOLON. 

der  their  clothes,  they  were  to  dance  and  play  by  the  tea  aide  tfll 
the  enemy  was  landed,  and  the  vessel  near  enough  to  be  seized. 
Matters  being  thus  ordered,  the  Megarenstans  were  deceived  with 
the  appearance,  and  ran  confusedly  on  shore,  striving  who  should 
first  lay  hold  on  the  women.  But  they  met  with  so  warm  a  recep. 
tion,  that  they  were  cut  off  to  a  man  :  and  the  Athenians  embark- 
ing immediately  for  Salamis,  took  possession  of  the  island. 

The  Athenians  soon  at\er  relapsed  into  their  old  disputes  con- 
cerning the  government ;  for  there  were  as  many  parties  among 
them  as  there  were  different  tracts  of  land  in  their  country.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  mountainous  part  were  for  a  democracy ;  those 
of  the  plains  for  an  oligarchy ;  and  those  of  the  sea-coasts  con- 
tending for  a  mixed  kind  of  government,  hindered  the  other  two 
from  gainine  their  point.  At  the  same  time,  the  inequality  between 
the  poor  and  the  rich  occasioned  the  greatest  discord,  and  the  state 
was  in  so  dangerous  a  situation,  that  there  seemed  to  be  no  way 
to  quell  the  seditious,  or  to  save  it  from  ruin,  but  changing  it  to  a 
monarchy.  So  greatly  were  the  poor  in  debt  to  the  rich,  that  they 
were  obliged  either  to  pay  them  a  sixth  part  of  the  produce  of  the 
land,  or  else  to  engage  their  persons  to  their  creditors,  who  might 
seize  them  on  failure  of  payment.  Accordingly  some  made  slaves 
of  them,  and  others  sold  them  to  foreigners.  Nay,  some  parents 
were  forced  to  sell  their  own  children  (for  no  law  forbade  it),  and 
to  quit  the  city,  to  avoid  the  severe  treatment  of  those  usurers. 
But  the  greater  number,  and  men  of  the  most  spirit,  agreed  to 
stand  by  each  other,  and  to  bear  such  impositions  no  longer.  They 
determined  to  choose  a  trusty  person  for  their  leader,  to  deliver 
those  who  bad  failed  in  their  time  of  payment,  to  divide  the  land, 
and  to  give  an  entire  new  face  to  the  commonwealth. 

Then  the  most  prudent  of  the  Athenians  cast  their  eyes  upon 
Solon,  as  a  man  least  obnoxious  to  either  party,  having  neither 
been  engaged  in  oppressions  with  the  rich,  nor  entangled  in  neces- 
sities  with  the  poor.  Him,  therefore,  they  entreated  to  aanst  the 
public  in  this  exigency,  and  to  compose  their  difierences.  Pha- 
nias  the  Lesbian  asserts,  indeed,  that  Solon,  to  save  the  state, 
dealt  artfully  with  both  parties,  and  privately  promised  the  poor  a 
division  of  the  lands,  and  the  rich  a  confirmation  of  their  securi- 
ties. At  first  he  was  loth  to  take  the  administration  upon  him 
by  reason  of  the  avarice  of  some,  the  insolence  of  others ;  but, 
was,  however,  chosen  archon  next  afier  Philombrotua,  and  at  the 
same  time  arbitrator  and  lawgiver;  the  rich  accepting  of  him  rea- 
dily, as  one  of  themt  and  the  poor,  as  a  good  and  worthy  man. 
They  tell  us  too,  that  a  saying  of  his,  which  he  had  let  faH  some 
time  before,  that  "equality  causes  no  war,"  was  then  much  re- 
peated, and  pleased  both  the  rich  and  the  poor ;  the  latter  expect- 
ing to  come  to  a  balance  bv  their  numbers  and  bv  the  measure  of 


SOLON.  59, 

divided  lands,  and  the  former  to  preserve  an  equality  at  least  by 
their  dignity  and  power.  Thus  both  parties  being  in  great  hopes, 
the  heads  of  them  were  urgent  with  Solon  to  make  himself  king, 
and  endeavoured  to  persuade  him,  that  he  might  with  better  as- 
surance  take  upon  him  the  direction  of  a  city  where  he  had  the 
supreme  authority.  Nay,  many  of  the  citizens  that  leaned  to 
neither  party,  seeing  the  intended  change  difficult  to  be  effected 
by  reason  and  law,  were  not  against  entrusting  the  government  to 
the  hands  of  one  wise  and  just  man.  Some,  moreover,  acquaint 
us,  that  he  received  this  oracle  from  Apollo, 

Seize,  seize  the  helm ;  the  reeling  vessel  guide, 
With  aiding  patriots  stem  the  raging  tide. 

His  friends,  in  particular,  told  him  it  would  appear  that  he  wanted 
courage,  if  he  rejected  the  monarchy  for  fear  of  the  name  of  ty- 
rant ;  as  if  the  whole  and  supreme  power  would  not  soon  become 
a  lawful  sovereignty  through  the  virtues  of  him  who  received  it. 
Thus  formerly  (said  they)  the  Eubceans  set  up  Tynnondas,  and 
lately  the  Mitylenaeans  Pittacus  for  their  prince.*  None  of  these 
things  moved  Solon  from  his  purpose,  and  the  answer  he  is  said 
to  have  given  to  his  friends  is  this,  "  Absolute  monarchy  is  a  fair 
field,  but  it  has  no  outlet."  And  in  one  of  his  poems  he  thus 
addresses  himself  to  his  friend  Phocus: 

If  I  spared  my  country, 

If  gilded  violence  and  tyrannic  sway 

Could  never  charm  me,  thence  no  shame  accrues ; 

Still  the  mild  honour  of  my  name  I  boast, 

Aud  find  my  empire  there. 

Whence  it  is  evident  that  his  reputation  was  very  great,  before  he 
appeared  in  the  character  of  a  legislator.  As  for  the  ridicule  he 
was  exposed  to  for  rejecting  kingly  power  he  has  described  it  in 
the  following  verses : 

Nor  wisdom^s  palm  nor  deep-laid  policy. 
Can  Solon  boast.     For  when  its  noblest  blessings 
Heaven  poured  into  his  lap,  he  spurned  them  from  hiim 
Where  was  his  sense  and  spirit,  when  enclos'd 
He  found  the  choicest  prey,  nor  deign'd  to  draw  it  ? 
Who  to  command  fair  Athens  but  one  day, 
Would  not  himself,  with  all  bis  race,  have  fallen 
Contented  on  the  morrow  f 

Thus  he  has  introduced  the  multitude  and  men  of  low  minds,  as 
discoursing  about  him.     But  though  he  rejected  absolute  power, 

»  Pittacus,  one  of  the  seven  wise  men  of  Greece,  made  himself  master  of  Mitylene ; 
for  which  Aloeeus,  who  was  of  the  same  town,  contemporary  with  Pittacus,  and  as  a 
poet,  a  friend  to  liberty,  satirized  him,  as  he  did  the  other  tyrants.  Pittacus  disre" 
gardcd  his  censures;  and  having  by  his  authority  quelled  the  seditions  of  his  citizens, 
and  established  peace  and  harmony  among  them,  he  voluntary  quitted  his  power,  and 
xestored  his  country  to  its  liberty. 


0Oi  SOLON. 

he  proceeded  with  spirit  in  the  administration  ;  he  did  not  make 
any  concessions  in  behalf  of  the  powerful,  nor,  in  the  framing  of 
his  laws,  did  he  indulge  the  humour  of  his  constituents.     Where 
the  former  establishment  was  tolerable,  he  neither  applied  reme. 
dies,  nor  used  the  incision-knife,  lest  he  should  put  the  whole  in 
disorder,  and  not  have  power  to  settle  or  compose  it  afterwards  in 
the  temperature  he  could  wish.     He  only  made  such  alterations 
as  he  might  bring  the  people  to  acquiesce  in  by  persuasion,  or 
compel  them  to  by  his  authority,  making,  (as  he  says)  "  force  and 
right  conspire."     Hence  it  was,  that  havine  the  question  after- 
wards put  to  him,  **  Whether  he  had  provided  the  best  of  laws  for 
the  Athenians  ?"  He  answered,  "  The  best  they  were  capable  of 
receiving."    And  as  the  Athenians  used  to  qualify  the  harshness 
of  things  by  giving  them  soAer  and  politer  names,  calling  tributes 
contributions f  garrisons  guards,  and  prisons  castles  ;  so  Solon  seems 
to  be  the  first  that  distinguished  the  cancelling  of  debts  by  the 
name  of  a  discharge.     For  this  was  the  first  of  his  public  acts, 
that  debts  should   be  forgiven,  and  that  no  man  for  the  future 
should  take  the  body  of  his  debtor  for  security.     Though  Andro- 
tion  and  some  others  say,  that  it  was  not  by  the  cancelling  of 
debts,  but  by  moderating  the  interest,  that  the  poor  were  relieved, 
they  thought  themselves  so  happy  in  it,  that  they  gave  the  name  of 
discharge  to  this  act  of  humanity,  as  well  as  to  the  enlarging  of 
measures  and  the  value  of  money,  which  went  along  with  it.     For 
he  ordered  the  mimB,  which  before  went  but  for  seventy. three 
drachmas^  to  go  for  a  hundred ;  so  that,  as  they  paid  the  same  in 
value,  but  much  less  in  weight,  those  that  had  great  sums  to  pay 
were  relieved,  while  such  as  received  them  were  no  losers. 

The  greater  part  of  writers,  however,  affirm,  that  it  was  the 
abolition  of  past  securities  that  was  called  a  discharge ,  and  with 
these  the  poems  of  Solon  agree.  For  in  them  he  values  himself 
on  having  taken  away  the  marks  of  mortgaged  kmdy*  which  before 
toere  almost  every  where  set  up,  and  made  free  those  fidds  which  before 
were  bound:  and  not  only  so,  but  of  such  citizens  as  were  seizabte 
by  their  creditors  for  debt — "  Some,"  he  tells  us,  "  he  bad  brought 
back  from  other  countries,  where  they  had  wandered  so  long,  that 
they  had  forgot  the  Attic  dialect,  and  others  he  had  set  at  liberty, 
who  had  experienced  a  cruel  slavery  at  home." 

This  affair,  indeed,  brought  upon  him  the  greatest  trouble  he 
met  with  :  for  when  he  undertook  the  annulling  of  debts,  and  was 
considering  of  a  suitable  speech  and  a  proper  method  of  introduc 
mg  the  business,  he  told  some  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  namely 
Conon,  Clinias,  and  Hipponicus,  that  he  intended  only  to  abolish 
the  debts,  and  not  to  meddle  with  the  lands.    These  friends  of  hit 

*  The  AihMiant  had  a  cuttom  of  filing  op  billeta,  to  tbow  tbat  bouwt  or  landt 
«Mis  mortfifid. 


SOLON. 


61 


hastening  to  make  their  advantage  of  the  secret  before  the  decree 
took  place,  borrowed  large  sums  of  the  rich,  and  purchased  estates 
with  them.  Afterwards,  when  the  decree  was  published,  they 
kept  their  possessions  without  paying  the  money  they  had  taken 
up  ;  which  brought  great  reflections  upon  Solon,  as  if  he  had  not 
been  imposed  upon  with  the  rest,  but  were  rather  an  accomplice 
in  the  fraud.  This  charge,  however,  was  soon  removed,  by  his 
bemg  the  first  to  comply  with  the  law,  and  remitting  a  debt  of  five 
talents,  which  he  had  out  at  interest.  Others,  among  whom  is 
Polyzelus  the  Rhodian,  say  it  was  fifteen  talents.  But  his  friends 
went  by  the  name  of  ChreocopidcB,  or  debt-cutters ^  ever  after. 

The  method  he  took  satisfied  neither  the  poor  nor  the  rich. 
The  latter  were  displeased  by  the  cancelling  of  their  bonds,  and 
the  former  at  not  finding  a  division  of  lands  :  upon  this  they  had 
fixed  their  hopes,  and  they  complained  that  he  had  not,  like  Ly- 
curgus,  made  all  the  citizens  equal  in  estate.  Lycurgus,  however, 
being  the  eleventh  from  Hercules,  and  having  reigned  many  years 
in  Lacedaemon,  had  acquired  great  authority,  interest,  and  friends, 
of  which  he  knew  very  well  how  to  avail  himself  in  setting  up  a 
new  form  of  government.  Yet  he  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
force  rather  than  persuasion,  and  had  an  eye  struck  out  in  the 
dispute,  before  he  could  bring  it  to  a  lasting  settlement,  and  estab- 
lish such  an  union  and  equality,  as  left  neither  rich  nor  poor  in  the 
city.  On  the  other  hand,  Solon's  estate  was  but  moderate,  not 
superior  to  that  of  some  comm<'ners,  and  therefore  he  attempted 
not  to  erect  such  a  commonwealth  as  that  of  Lycurgus,  consider, 
ing  it  as  out  of  his  power ;  he  proceeded  as  far  as  he  thought  he 
could  be  supported  by  the  confidence  the  people  had  in  his  probity 
and  wisdom. 

That  he  answered  not  the  expectations  of  the  generality,  but 
offended  them  by  falling  short,  appears  from  these  verses  of  his— 

Those  eyes,  with  joy  once  sparkling  when  they  view'd  me, 
With  cold,  oblique  regard  behold  me  now. 

And  a  little  after— 

—— — Yet  who  but  Solon 

Could  have  spoke  peace  to  their  tumultuous  waves, 

And  not  have  sunk  beneath  them  ? 

But  being  soon  sensible  of  the  utility  of  the  decree,  they  laid  aside 
their  complaints,  off*ered  a  public  sacrifice,  which  they  called  sei. 
sacthiat  or  the  sacrifice  of  the  discharge^  and  constituted  Solon 
lawgiver  and  superintendent  of  the  commonwealth,  committing  to 
him  the  regulation,  not  of  a  part  only,  but  the  whole,  tnagistracTes, 
assemblies,  courts  of  judicature,  and  senate  ;  and  leaving  him  to 
determine  the  qualification,  number,  and  time  of  meeting  for  them 
all,  as  well  as  to  abrogate  or  continue  the  former  constitutions  at 
his  pleasure. 

6 


First,  then,  he  repealed  the  laws  of  Draco,*  except  those  coo- 
ceroing  murder,  because  of  the  seventy  of  the  punishments  they 
appointed,  which  for  almost  all  ofiences  were  capital :  even  those 
that  were  convicted  of  idleness  were  to  suffer  death,  and  such  as 
stole  only  a  few  apples  or  pot-herbs,  were  to  be  punished  in  the 
same  manner  as  sacrilegious  persons  and  murderers.  Hence  a 
saying  of  Dcmades,  who  lived  long  af\er,  was  much  admired,  that 
"  Draco  wrote  his  laws  not  with  ink,  but  with  blood."  And  he 
himself  being  asked,  **  Why  he  made  death  the  punishment  for 
most  offences  ?"  answered,  "  Small  ones  deserve  it,  and  1  can  find 
«io  greater  for  the  most  heinous." 

In  the  next  place,  Solon  took  an  estimate  of  the  estates  of  the 
citizens,  intending  to  leave  the  great  offices  in  the  hands  of  the 
rich,  but  to  give  the  rest  of  the  people  a  share  in  the  other  depart- 
ments which  they  had  not  before.  Such  as  had  a  yearly  income 
of  five  hundred  measures  in  wet  and  dry  goods,  he  placed  in  the 
first  rank,  and  called  them  PerUacosiomedimni:  The  second  con- 
sisted of  those  who  could  keep  a  horse,  or  whose  lands  produced 
three  hundred  measures  ;  these  were  of  the  equestrian  order,  and 
called  Hippodatelounles.  And  those  of  the  third  class,  who  had  but 
two  hundred  measures,  were  called  ZeugiUB,  The  rest  were  named 
TheteSj  and  not  admitted  to  any  office  ;  they  had  only  a  right  to 
appear  and  give  their  vote  in  the  general  assembly  of  the  people. 
This  seemed  at  first  but  a  .slight  privilege,  but  aflerwards  becama 
a  matter  of  great  importance  :  for  most  causes  came  at  last  to  be 
decided  by  them ;  and  in  such  matters  as  were  under  the  cognizance 
of  the  magistrates,  there  lay  an  appeal  to  the  people.  Besides,  he 
is  said  to  have  drawn  up  his  laws  in  an  obscure  and  ambiguous 
manner,  on  purpose  to  enlarge  the  authority  of  the  popular  tribu- 
nal. For  as  they  could  not  adjust  their  differences  by  the  letter 
of  the  law,  they  were  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  living  judges ; 
I  mean  the  whole  body  of  citizens,  who  therefore  had  all  contro- 
versies  brought  before  them,  and  were  in  a  manner  superior  to  the 

*  Draco  was  arrhon  in  ihe  Mcond,  ihouKh  wm*  tay  in  tbe  Imat  year  of  the  thiitj- 
ninth  olympiad,  about  the  year  before  (.'britt  623.  Tbousii  tba  name  of  thii  great 
man  occura  frequently  in  hutory,  yet  we  no  where  find  ao  much  at  tea  linei  tnfethar 
'  ooocemiiM  him  and  hit  inttitutiont.  He  may  be  convidered  ai  the  firat  lagiahttor  si 
the  Ath<>niant;  for  tke  laws,  or  rather  precepts,  of  Triptolemua  were  very  fcw,  iris. 
Honour  your  partnta;  yeorthif  tkt  god* ;  hurl  not  tmimmUt  Draco  wat  the  firM  of 
the  (irerk*  that  fiunikhed  adultery  with  death:  and  be  oaMSSMd  inurdrr  to  high  ■ 
criiite.  that  to  imprint  a  deep  ahhotrence  of  ii  in  the  niiiida  of  men.  he  nrdamed  that 
pmcMe  fthould  be  carried  on  even  a|i«ii»t  mammal*'  thinK«,  if  Ihev  arcidentaily  cauaed 
the  death  of  any  person  Hut  t»ritiiie«  muriter  and  adolterv.  which  d<>»erver<  deati^ 
be  made  a  number  of  smaller  oflfence*  capital ;  and  that  brou|bt  almost  all  his  lateo 
into  disuM  I'he  extravacani  severitv  of  them,  like  an  edaa  too  Aaolv  grouod,  hm> 
dereH  his  thumoi.  as  he  called  them,  from  striking  deef»  Pacpbyiy  (ir  oMtemt) 
has  pnsaenred  one  of  them  eoacerniiif  nivine  worship:  •*ll  b  oo  •veraatinf  law  in 
Attica,  that  the  gods  are  to  be  worshipped  and  the  heroes  alto,  aoeording  to  the  cus- 
tom of  our  ance«tora,  and  in  private  only  with  a  proper  addrtaa,  ftm  Iruita,  and  an- 
Dual  libations.  *' 


SOLON.  g3 

laws.     Of  this  equality  he  himself  takes  notice  in  these  words : 

By  me  the  people  held  their  native  rights 
Uninjured,  unoppress'd — The  great  restrain'd 
From  lawless  violence,  and  the  poor  from  rapine, 
By  me,  their  mutual  shield. 

Desirous  yet  farther  to  strengthen  the  common  people,  he  empu.^. 
ered  any  man  whatever  to  enter  an  action  for  one  who  was  injured. 
If  a  person  was  assaulted,  or  suffered  damage  or  violence,  another 
if  able  or  willing  to  do  it,  might  prosecute  the  offender.  Thus 
the  lawgiver  wisely  accustomed  the  citizens,  as  members  of  one 
body,  to  feel  and  to  resent  one  another's  injuries.  And  we  are 
told  of  a  saying  of  his  agreeable  to  this  law  :  being  asked,  "  What 
city  was  best  modelled  ?"  he  answered,  "  That  where  those  who 
are  not  injured  are  no  less  ready  to  prosecute  and  punish  offenders 
than  those  who  are." 

When  these  points  were  adjusted,  he  established  the  council  of 
the  areopagus,  which  was  to  consist  of  such  as  had  borne  the  office 
ofarchorif  and  himself  was  one  of  the  number.  But  observing 
that  the  people,  now  discharged  from  their  debts,  grew  insolent 
and  imperious,  he  proceeded  to  constitute  another  council  or  se- 
nate, of  four  hundred,  a  hundred  out  of  each  tribe,  by  whom  all 
affairs  were  to  be  previously  considered  ;  and  ordered  that  no  mat. 
ter,  without  their  approbation,  should  be  laid  before  the  assembly. 
In  the  meantime  the  high  court  of  the  areopagus  were  to  be  the 
inspectors  and  guardians  of  the  laws.  Thus  he  supposed  the  com. 
monwealth,  secured  by  two  councils,  as  by  two  archons,  would 
be  less  liable  to  be  shaken  by  tumults,  and  the  people  would  be- 
come  more  orderly  and  peaceable.  Most  writers,  as  we  have 
observed,  affirm  that  the  council  of  the  areopagits  was  of  Solon's 
appointing  :  and  it  seems  greatly  to  confirm  their  assertion,  that 
Draco  has  made  no  mention  of  the  areopagites,  but  in  capital  causes 
constantly  addresses  himself  to  the  epheUe;  yet  the  eighth  law  of 
Solon's  thirteenth  table  is  set  down  in  these  very  words,  ^^  Who- 
ever were  declared  infamous  before  Soloa's  archonship,  let  them 
be  restored  in  honour,  except  such  as,  having  been  condemned  in 
the  areopagits^  or  by  the  ephetcBf  or  by  the  kings  in  the  Prytaneuniy 
for  murder  or  robbery,  or  attempting  to  usurp  the  government, 
had  fled  their  country  before  this  law  was  made."  This,  on  the 
contrary,  shows,  that  before  Solon  was  chief  magistrate  and  de 
livered  his  laws,  the  council  o^  the  areopagus  was  in  being. 

The  most  peculiar  and  surprising  of  his  other  laws,  is  that 
which  declares  the  man  infamous  who  stands  neuter  in  time  of  se- 
dition. It  seems,  he  would  not  have  us  be  indifferent  and  unaf- 
fected with  the  fate  of  the  public,  when  our  own  concerns  are  upon 
a  safe  bottom ;  nor  when  we  are  in  health,  be  insensible  to  the 
distempers  and  griefs  of  our  country.     He  would  have  us  espouse 


ei  SOLON. 

the  better  and  juster  cause,  and  hazard  every  thing  in  defence  of 
it,  rather  than  wait  in  safety  to  see  which  side  the  victory  will  in- 
cline to.  That  law,  too,  seems  quite  ridiculous  and  absurd,  which 
permits  a  rich  heiress,  whose  husband  happens  to  neglect  her,  to 
console  herself  with  his  nearest  relations.  In  all  other  marriages, 
he  ordered  that  no  dowries  should  be  given :  the  bride  was  to  bring 
with  her  three  suits  of  clothes,  and  some  household  stuff  of  i^mall 
value.  For  he  did  not  choose  that  marriages  should  be  m>ide  with 
mercenary  or  venal  views,  but  would  have  thai  union  cemented  by 
the  endearment  of  children,  and  every  other  instance  of  love  and 
friendship.  Nay,  Dionysius  himself,  when  his  mother  desired  to 
be  married  to  a  young  Syracusan,  told  her,  '*  He  had  indeed,  by 
his  tyranny,  broke  through  the  laws  of  bis  country,  but  he  could 
not  break  through  those  of  nature,  by  countenancing  so  dispropor- 
tionate a  match."  And  surely  such  disorders  should  not  be  tole- 
rated in  any  state,  nor  such  matches  where  there  is  no  equality  of 
years,  or  inducements  of  love,  or  probability  that  the  end  of  mar* 
riage  will  be  answered. 

That  law  of  Solon  is  also  justly  commended,  which  forbids  men 
to  speak  ill  of  the  dead.  For  piety  requires  us  to  consider  the  de* 
ceased  as  sacred  :  justice  calls  upon  us  to  spare  those  that  are  not 
in  being ;  and  good  policy,  to  prevent  the  perpetuating  of  hatred. 
He  forbade  his  people  also  to  revile  the  living,  in  a  temple,  in  a 
court  of  justice,  in  the  great  assembly  of  the  people,  or  at  the  pub. 
lie  games.  He  that  ofiended  in  this  respect,  was  to  pay  three 
drachma*  to  the  person  injured,  and  two  to  the  public.  Never  to 
restrain  anger  is,  indeed,  a  proof  of  weakness  and  a  want  of  breed- 
ing ;  and  always  to  guard  against  it,  is  very  difficult,  and  to  some 
persons  impossible. 

His  laws  concerning  wills  has  likewise  its  merit.  For  before 
his  time  the  Athenians  were  not  allowed  to  dispose  of  their  estates 
by  will ;  the  houses  and  other  substance  of  the  deceased  were  to 
remain  among  his  relations.  But  he  permitted  any  one  who  bad 
no  children,  to  leave  his  possessions  to  whom  he  pleased ;  thus 
preferring  the  tie  of  friendship  to  that  of  kindred,  and  choice  to 
necessity,  he  gave  every  man  the  full  and  free  disposal  of  his  own. 
Yet  he  allowed  not  all  sorts  of  legacies,  but  those  only  that  were 
not  extorted  by  frenzy,  the  consequence  of  disease  or  poisons,  by 
imprisonment  or  violence,  or  the  persuasions  of  a  wife.  For  he 
considered  inducements,  that  operated  against  reason,  as  no  better 
than  force ;  to  be  deceived  was  with  him  the  same  thing  as  to  be 
compelled ;  and  he  looked  upon  pleasure  to  be  as  great  a  porverter 
as  pain. 

He  regulated,  moreover,  the  journeys  of  women,  their  mourn- 
ings and  sacrifices,  and  endeavoured  to  keep  them  clear  of  all 
disorder  and  excess.    They  were  not  to  go  out  of  town  with  mora 


SOLON.  ^ 

than  three  habits;  the  provisions  they  carried  with  them,  were  not 
to  exceed  the  .value  of  an  obidiis  ;  their  basket  was  not  to  be  above 
a  cubit  high  ;  and  in  the  night  they  were  not  to  travel  but  in  a 
carriage,  with  a  torch  before  them.  At  funerals  they  were  forbid 
to  tear  themselves,*  and  no  hired  mourner  was  to  utter  lamentable 
notes,  or  to  act  any  thing  else  that  tended  to  excite  sorrow.  They 
were  not  permitted  to  sacrifice  an  ox  on  those  occasions,  or  to  bury 
more  than  three  garments  with  the  body;  or  to  visit  any  tombs  be- 
side those  of  their  own  family,  except  at  the  time  of  interment. 

As  the  city  was  filled  with  persons  who  assembled  from  all  parts, 
on  account  of  the  great  security  in  which  people  lived  in  Attica, 
Solon,  observing  this,  and  that  the  country  withal  was  poor  and 
barren,  and  that  merchants  who  traffic  by  sea,  do  not  use  to  im- 
port their  goods  where  they  can  have  nothing  in  exchange,  turned 
the  attention  of  the  citizens  to  manufactures.  For  this  purpose  he 
made  a  law,  thaUiojon  should  he  obliged  ta  maintain  his  father, 
if  he  had  not  tajig^hLhlm,  a jyi:ade."j:  As  for  Lycurgus,  whose  city 
AvaTcTear  of  strangers,  and  whose  country,  according  to  Euripides, 
was  sufficient  for  twice  the  number  of  inhabitants  ;  where  there 
was,  moreover,  a  multitude  of  HeloteSf  w  ho  were  not  only  to  be 
kept  constantly  employed,  but  to  be  humbled  and  worn  out  by  ser- 
vitude :  it  was  right  for  him  to  set  the  citizens  free  from  laborious 
mechanic  arts,  and  to  employ  them  in  arms,  as  the  only  art  fit  for 
them  to  learn  and  exercise.  But  Solon,  rather  adapting  his  laws 
to  the  state  of  his  country,  than  his  country  to  his  laws,  and  per- 
ceiving that  the  soil  of  Attica,  which  hardly  rewarded  the  husband- 
man's labour,  was  far  from  being  capable  of  maintaining  a  lazy 
multitude,  ordered  that  trades  should  be  accounted  honourable, 
that  the  council  of  the  areopagiis  should  examine  into  every  man's 
means  of  subsisting,  and  chastise  the  idle. 

As  Attica  was  not  supplied  with  water  from  perennial  rivers, 
lakes,  or  springs,  but  chiefly  by  wells  dug  for  that  purpose,  he  made 
a  law,  that  were  there  was  a  public  well,  all  within  the  distance  of 
four  furlongs  should  make  use  of  it :  but  where  the  distance  was 
greater,  they  were  to  provide  a  well  of  their  own.  And  if  they 
dug  ten  fathoms  deep  in  their  own  ground,  and  could  find  no  wa- 
ter, they  had  liberty  to  fill  a  vessel  of  six  gallons  twice  a  day  at 
their  neighbour's.     Thus  he  thought  it  proper  to  assist  persons  in 

*  Demosthenes  (m  Timocr.)  recites  Solon's  directions  as  to  funerals  as  follows :— - 
"  Let  the  dead  bodies  be  laid  out  in  the  house  according  as  the  deceased  gave  order, 
and  the  d-iy  following,  before  sun  rise,  carried  forth.  "Whilst  the  body  is  carr)'ing  to 
the  grave,  let  the  men  go  before,  the  women  follow.  It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any 
woman  to  enter  upon  the  goods  of  the  dead,  and  to  follow  the  body  to  the  grave  un- 
der threescore  years  of  age,  except  such  as  are  within  the  degrees  of  cousins." 

f  He  that  was  thrice  convicted  of  idleness  was  to  b*}  declared  infamous.     Herodo- 
tus (1.  vii.)  and  Diodorus  Siculus  (I.  i.)  agree  that  a  law  of  this  kind  was  in  use  in 
Egypt,    it  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Solon,  who  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  (be 
learning  of  that  nation,  borrowed  it  from  them. 
I  6* 


6J$  SOLON. 

real  necessity,  but  DOt  to  encourage  idleness.  His  regulations  with 
respect  to  the  planting  of  trees  were  also  very  judicious.  He  who 
planted  any  tree  in  his  field,  was  to  place  it  at  least  five  feet  from 
his  neighbour's  ground ;  and  if  it  was  a  (ig.tree  or  an  olive,  nine ; 
for  these  extend  their  roots  farther  than  others,  and  their  neigh, 
bourhood  is  prejudicial  to  some  trees,  not  only  as  they  take  away 
the  nourishment,  but  as  their  effluvia  is  noxious.  He  that  would 
dig  a  pit  or  a  ditch,  was  to  dig  it  as  far  from  another  man's  ground 
as  itvwas  deep :  and  if  any  one  would  raise  stocks  of  bees,  be  was 
to  place  them  three  hundred  feet  from  those  already  raised  by 
another. 

Of  all  the  products  of  the  earth,  he  allowed  none  to  be  sold  to 
strangers,  but  oil ;  and  whoever  presumed  to  export  any  thing  else, 
the  archan  was  solemnly  to  declare  him  accursed,  or  pay  himself  a 
hundred  drachmas  into  the  pubhc  treasury.  This  law  is  in  the 
first  table.  And  therefore  it  is  not  absolutely  improbable,  what 
some  affirm,  that  the  exportation  of  figs  was  formerly  forbidden, 
and  that  the  informer  against  the  delmquents  was  called  a 
BycopharU. 

He  likewise  enacted  a  law  for  reparation  of  damage  received 
from  beasts.  A  dog  that  had  bit  a  man  was  to  be  delivered  up 
bound  to  a  log  four  cubits  long  ;*  an  agreeable  contrivance  for 
security  against  such  an  animal. 

But  the  wisdom  of  the  law  concerning  the  naturalizing  of  foreign- 
era  is  a  little  dubious ;  because  it  forbids  the  freedom  of  the  city 
to  be  granted  to  any  but  such  as  are  for  ever  exiled  from  their 
own  country,  or  transplant  themselves  to  Athens  with  their  whole 
fiunily,  for  the  sake  of  exercising  some  manual  trade.  This  we 
are  told,  he  did,  not  with  a  view  to  keep  strangers  at  a  distance, 
but  rather  to  invite  them  to  Athens,  upon  the  sure  hope  of  being 
admitted  to  the  privilege  of  citizens:  and  he  imagint>d  the  settle* 
roent  of  those  might  be  entirely  depended  upon,  who  had  beea 
driven  from  their  native  country,  or  had  quitted  it  by  choice. 

That  law  is  peculiar  to  Solon,  which  regulates  the  going  to 
entertainments  made  at  the  public  charge,  by  him  called  poran- 
tien.  For  he  does  not  allow  the  same  person  to  repair  to  them 
often,  and  he  lays  a  penalty  upon  such  as  refuse  to  go  when  in- 
vited ;  looking  upon  the  former  as  a  mark  of  epicurism,  and  the 
latter  of  contempt  of  the  public. 

All  his  laws  were  to  continue  in  force  for  a  hundred  years,  and 
were  written  on  wooden  tables,  which  might  be  turned  round  in  the 
oblong  cases  that  contained  them.    The  Senate,  in  a  body,  bound 

•  This  law,  and  MTeral  othort  of  Solon,  when  takM  ioio  tht  l»«lv«  hMm.  In  lb* 
coMulate  of  T.  Romiliui  and  C.  Veiuriut.  in  Um  jmi  ct  Roma,  199,  Um  Roowuw 
■ant  deputiat  to  Atbans,  to  trantcriba  hit  lawa,  aodT  tlMMa  of  iIm  oibar  lawgHrtn  ef 
OrsSQfl.  in  order  to  (brm  thareby  a  body  of  lawt  for  T 


SOLON.  37 

themselves  by  oath  to  establish  the  laws  of  Solon  ;  and  the  ihesmo- 
thet(Bf  or  guardians  of  the  laws,  severally  took  an  oath  in  a  parti- 
cular form,  by  the  stone  in  the  market-place,  that  for  every  law 
they  broke,  each  would  dedicate  a  golden  statue  at  Delphi  of  the 
same  weight  with  himself. 

Observing  the  irregularity  of  months,  and  that  the  moon  neither 
rose  nor  set  at  the  same  time  with  the  sun,  as  it  oftened  happened 
that  in  the  same  day  she  overtook  and  passed  by  him,  he  ordered 
that  day  to  be  called  hene  kai  nea  (the  old  and  the  new) ;  assign- 
ing the  part  of  it  before  the  conjunction  to  the  old  month,  and  the 
rest  to  the  beginning  of  the  new.  He  seems,  therefore,  to  have 
been  the  first  who  understood  that  verse  in  Homer,  which  makes 
mention  of  a  day  wherein  "  the  old  month  ended  and  the  new  be- 
gan." The  day  following  he  called  rhe  new  moon.  After  the 
twentieth  he  counted  not  by  adding,  but  subtracting,  to  the  thir- 
teenth, according  to  the  decreasing  phases  of  the  moon. 

When  his  laws  took  place,*  Solon  had  his  visitors  every  day, 
finding  fault  with  some  of  them,  and  commending  others,  or  ad- 
vising him  to  make  certain  additions  or  retrenchments.  But  the 
greater  part  came  to  desire  a  reason  for  this  or  that  article,  or  a 
clear  and  precise  explication  of  the  meaning  and  design.  Sensi- 
ble that  he  could  not  well  excuse  himself  from  complying  with 
their  desires,  and  that,  if  he  indulged  their  importunity,  the  doing 
it  might  give  offence,  be  determined  to  withdraw  from  the  diffi- 
culty, and  to  get  rid  at  once  of  their  cavils  and  exceptions.  For, 
as  he  himself  observes. 

Not  all  the  greatest  enterprise  can  please. 

Under  pretence,  therefore,  of  traffic,  he  set  sail  for  another  coun- 
try, having  obtained  leave  of  the  Athenians  for  ten  years  absence. 
In  that  time  he  hoped  his  laws  would  become  familiar  to  them. 

His  first  voyage  was  to  Egypt,  where  he  abode  some  time,  as 
he  himself  relates. 

On  the  Canopian  sbore,  by  Nile's  deep  mouth. 

*  Plutarch  has  only  mentioned  such  of  Solon's  la<^s  as  he  thought  the  most  singu^ 
lar  and  remarkable:  Diogenes  Laertius,  and  Demosthenes  have  given  us  an  account 
of  some  others  that  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  : — '*  Let  not  the  guardian  live  in  the  same 
bouse  with  the  mother  of  his  wards.  Let  not  the  tuition  of  inmors  be  committed  to 
him  who  is  next  after  them  in  the  inheritance.  Let  not  an  engraver  keep  the  im* 
pression  of  a  seal  he  has  engraved.  Let  him  who  puts  out  the  eye  of  a  man  who  has 
but  one,  lose  both  his  own.  If  an  archon  is  taken  in  liquor,  let  him  be  put  to  death. 
Let  hitn  who  refuses  to  maintain  his  father  and  mother,  be  infamous;  and  so  let  him 
that  has  consumed  his  patrimony.  Let  him  who  refuses  to  go  to  war.  flies,  or  behaves 
cowardly,  be  debarred  the  precincts  of  the  Jorum,  and  places  of  i^ublic  worship.  If 
a  man  surprises  his  wife  in  adultery,  and  lives  with  her  afterwards,  let  him  be  deemed 
infamous.  Let  him  who  frequents  the  houses  of  icwd  women,  be  debarred  from  speak- 
ing in  the  assemblies  of  the  people.  Let  a  pander  be  pursued,  and  put  to  death  if 
taken.  If  any  man  steal  m  the  day-time,  let  him  he  carried  to  the  eleven  officers;  if 
in  the  night,  it  shall  he  lawful  to  kill  him  in  the  act,  or  to  wound  him  in  the  pursuit, 
and  carry  him  to  the  aJbresaid  officers ;  if  he  steals  common  things  let  him  pay  double, 
and,  if  the  convictor  thinks  fit,  he  exposed  in  chains  five  days;  if  be  be  guilty  of  saciir 
l^ge,  let  him  be  put  to  death." 


es  souxv. 

There  he  conversed  on  points  of  philosophy,  with  Psenophis  the 
Ileliopohtan,  and  Senchiti  the  Saite,  the  most  learned  of  the  Kgyp« 
tian  priests ;  and  having  an  account  from  them  ot*  the  Atkmtic 
Island^  (as  Plato  informs  us),  he  attempted  to  descrihe  it  to  the 
Grecians  in  a  poem.  From  Egypt  he  sailed  to  Cyprus,  and  there 
was  honoured  with  the  best  regards  of  Phih tcy  prus,  one  of  the 
kings  of  that  island,  who  reigned  over  a  small  city  huiU  by  D^mo- 
phon  the  son  of  Theseus,  near  the  river  Clarius,  in  a  strong  situ- 
ation  indeed,  but  very  indilferent  soil.  As  there  was  an  agreeable 
plam  below,  Solon  persuaded  him  to  build  a  larger  and  pleunanter 
city  there,  and  to  remove  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  to  it.  Ho 
also  assisted  in  laying  out  the  whole,  and  building  it  in  the  best 
manner  for  convenience  Hnd  defence  :  so  that  Pbilocyprus  m  a 
short  time  had  it  so  well  peopled,  as  to  excite  the  envy  of  the  other 
princes.  And,  therefore,  though  the  former  city  was  called  Ai- 
peiot  yot  in  honour  of  Solon,  he  called  the  new  one  Soli,  Ho 
himself  speaks  of  the  building  of  this  city,  in  his  elegies,  address, 
ing  himself  to  Philocyprus; 

For  you  be  long  the  Solon  throne  decreed ! 
For  ]rou,  a  race  of  prospeious  aont  mcceed ! 
If  in  thoM  Kcnes,  to  her  to  justly  dear, 
My  hand  a  blooming  city  helped  to  rear. 
May  the  sweet  voice  of  uniling  Venus  bleei. 
And  lipeed  me  borne  with  honours  and  succeM ! 

As  for  his  interview  with  Croesus,  some  pretend  to  prove  from 
chronology  that  it  is  fictitious.  But  since  the  story  is  so  famous, 
and  so  well  attested,  nay  (what  is  more),  so  agreeable  to  Solon's 
character,  so  worthy  of  his  wisdom  and  magnanimity,  1  cannot 
prevail  with  myself  to  reject  it  for  the  sake  of  certain  chronologi. 
cal  tables,  which  thousands  are  correcting  to  this  day,  without  being 
able  to  bring  them  to  any  certainty,  ^lon,  then,  is  said  to  have 
gone  to  Sardis,  at  the  request  of  Crcesus ;  and  when  he  came  there, 
he  was  affected  much  in  the  same  manner  as  a  person  bom  in  an 
inland  country,  when  he  first  goes  to  see  the  ocean  :  for  as  he  taket 
every  great  river  he  comes  to  for  the  tea,  so  Soloo,  as  he 


•  Plaio  finished  this  hutory  from  Solon*fl  niMioira,  as  may  be  seen  in  hit  Tima«M 
and  CriiiM.  He  pretends,  that  this  Atlantis,  an  island  situated  in  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
srae  bigger  than  Asia  and  Africa  and  that  notwiihstandina  its  vast  extent,  it  was 
dnwaen  in  one  dav  and  night  Dindorus  SkskIus  sars,  ibe  Carthaginians,  who  di»> 
oovatcd  ii,  made  it  death  for  any  one  to  settle  in  it.  Amidvi  a  nninber  of  conjeclurat 
4saacerTiing  it,  one  of  the  most  prot»ar>le  is.  that  in  those  days  ihr  Africans  hart  soma 
fcaowledge  of  America  Another  opinion  woith  mpntiooing  it,  that  the  JiUtmhJt*.  or 
ilhrtunate  islands,  were  what  we  now  call  the  Canariasi     Hmnar  thus  deacribef 

Stem  winter  smiles  on  thai  Huspiciousclinia: 

The  fields  are  florid  with  unfading  prima. 

From  the  bleak  pole  no  winds  inclaineni  blow, 

Moul'i  ihit  round  hail,  or  flake  iba  fle«oy  saow ; 

fiut  from  thu  breety  deep  the  bleel  inhala 

The  fragrant  murmur*  of  tha  wattaro  fsl*.  Pops. 


SOLON 


69 


through  the  court,  and  saw  many  of  the  nobiUty  richly  dressed, 
and  walking  in  great  pomp  amidst  a  crowd  of  attendants  a^id  guards, 
took  each  of  them  for  Croesus.  At  last,  when  he  was  conducted 
into  the  presence,  he  found  the  king  set  off  with  whatever  can  be 
imagined  curious  and  valuable,  either  in  beauty  of  colours,  elegance 
of  golden  ornaments,  or  splendour  of  jewels  ;  in  order  that  the  gran- 
deur  and  variety  of  the  scene  might  be  as  striking  as  possible. 

Solon,  standing  over  against  the  throne,  was  not  at  all  surprised, 
nor  did  he  pay'  those  compliments  that  were  expected  ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  plain  to  all  persons  of  discernment,  that  he  despised 
such  vain  ostentation  and  Httleness  of  pride.  Croesus  then  ordered 
his  treasures  to  be  opened,  and  his  magnificent  apartments  and 
furniture  to  be  shown  him:  this  was  quite  a  needless  trouble  ;  for 
Solon,  in  one  viev/  of  the  king,  was  able  to  read  his  character. 
When  he  had  seen  all  and  was  conducted  back,  Croesus  asked 
him,  "  If  he  had  ever  beheld  a  happier  man  than  he  ?"  Solon  an- 
swered, "  He  had,  and  that  the  person  was  one  Tellus,  a  plain,  but 
worthy  citizen  of  Athens,  who  left  valuable  children  behind  him, 
and  who  having  been  above  the  want  of  necessaries  all  his  life, 
died  gloriously  fighting  for  his  country."  By  this  time  he  appeared 
to  Croesus  to  be  a  strange  uncouth  kind  of  rustic,  who  did  not  mea- 
sure happiness  by  the  <|uantity  of  gold  and  silver,  but  could  prefer 
the  life  and  death  of  a  private  and  mean  person  to  his  high  dignity 
and  power.  However,  he  asked  him  again,  "  Whether,  after 
Tellus,  he  knew  another  happier  man  in  the  world  ?"  Solon  an- 
swered, "  Yes,  Cleobis  and  Biton,  famed  for  their  brotherly  affec- 
tion, and  dutiful  behaviour  to  their  mother  ;  for  the  oxen  not  being 
ready,  they  put  themselves  in  the  harness,  and  drew  their  mother 
to  Juno's  temple,  who  was  extremely  happy  in  having  such  sons, 
and  moved  forward  amidst  the  blessings  of  the  people.  After  the 
sacrifice,  they  drank  a  cheerful  cup  with  their  friends,  and  then 
lay  down  to  rest,  but  rose  no  more ;  for  they  died  in  the  night 
without  sorrow  or  pain,  in  the  midst  of  so  much  glory."  "  Well," 
said  Croesus,  now  highly  displeased,  "  and  do  you  not  then  rank  us 
in  the  number  of  happy  men?"  Solon,  unwilling  either  to  flatter 
him,  or  to  exasperate  him  more,  replied,  "King  of  Lydia,  as  God 
has  given  the  Greeks  a  moderate  proportion  of  other  things,  so 
likewise  he  has  favoured  them  with  a  democratic  spirit,  and  a  liberal 
kind  of  wisdom,  which  has  no  taste  for  the  splendours  of  royalty. 
Moreover,  the  vicissitudes  of  life  suffer  us  not  to  be  elated  by  any 
present  good  fortune,  or  to  admire  that  felicity  which  is  liable  to 
change.  Futurity  carries  for  every  man  many  various  and  uncer- 
tain events  in  its  bosom.  He,  therefore,  whom  Heaven  blesses 
with  success  to  the  last,  is  in  our  estimation  the  happy  man.  But 
the  happiness  of  him  who  still  lives,  and  has  the  dangers  of  life  to 
jencounter,  appears  to  us  no  better  than  that  of  a  champion,  before 


70  SOLO."<I. 

the  combat  is  determined,  and  while  the  crown  is  uncertaia.^ 
With  these  words  Solon  departed,  leaving  Crcesus  chagrined,  but 
not  instructed. 

At  that  lime  iEsop,  the  fabulist,  was  at  the  court  of  Crcesus, 
who  had  sent  for  him,  and  caressed  him  not  a  little.  He  was  con. 
eerned  at  the  unkind  reception  Solon  met  with,  and  thereupon  gave 
him  this  advice  :  *'  A  man  should  either  not  converse  with  kmgs  at 
all,  or  say  what  is  agreeable  to  them."  To  which  Solon  replied, 
'*  Nav,  but  he  should  either  not  do  it  all,  or  say  what  is  useful  to 
them." 

Though  Croesus  at  that  time  held  our  law.giver  in  contempt, 
yet  when  he  was  defeated  in  his  wars  with  Cyrus,  when  his  city 
was  taken,  himself  made  prisoner,  and  laid  bound  upon  the  pile, 
m  order  to  be  burnt,  m  the  presence  of  Cyrus  and  all  the  Persians, 
he  cried  out  as  loud  as  he  possibly  could,  *'  Solon !  Solon !  Solon!" 
Cyrus,  surprised  at  this,  sent  to  inquire  of  him,  "  What  God  or 
man  it  was  whom  alone  he  thus  invoked  under  so  great  a  cala- 
mity V*  Crcesus  answered  without  the  least  disguise,  **  He  is  one 
of  the  wise  men  of  Greece,  whom  I  sent  for,  not  with  a  design  to 
bear  his  wisdom,  or  to  learn  what  might  be  of  service  to  me,  but 
that  he  might  see  and  extend  the  reputation  of  that  glor}-,  the  loss 
of  which  I  find  a  much  greater  misfortune,  than  the  possession  of 
it  was  a  blessing.  My  exalted  state  was  only  an  exterior  advan- 
tage,  the  happiness  of  opinion ;  but  the  reverse  plunges  me  into 
real  sufferings,  and  ends  in  misery  irremediable.  This  was  fore- 
seen by  that  great  man,  who,  forming  a  conjecture  of  the  future 
from  what  he  then  saw,  advised  me  to  consider  the  end  of  life,  and 
not  to  rely  or  grow  insolent  upon  uncertainties."  When  this  was 
told  Cyrus,  who  was  a  much  wiser  man  than  Croesus,  finding  So- 
lon's maxim  confirmed  by  an  example  before  him,  he  not  only  set 
Croesus  at  liberty,  but  honoured  him  with  his  protection  as  long 
as  he  lived.  Thus  Solon  had  the  glory  of  saving  the  life  of  one 
of  these  kings,  and  of  instructing  the  other. 

During  his  absence,  the  Athenians  were  much  divided  among 
themselves  ;  Lycurgus  being  at  the  head  of  the  low  country;  Me- 
gacles,  the  son  of  Alcoucon,  of  the  people  that  lived  near  the  sea 
coast ;  and  Pisistratus,  of  the  mountaineers ;  among  which  last 
was  a  multitude  of  labouring  people,  whose  enmity  was  chiefly  le- 
velled at  the  rich.  Hence  it  was  that,  though  the  city  did  obMrve 
Solon's  laws,  yet  all  expected  some  change,  and  were  desirous 
of  another  establishment ;  not  in  hopes  of  an  equality,  but  with  a 
view  to  be  gainers  by  the  alteration,  and  entirely  to  subdue  those 
who  differed  from  them. 

While  matters  stood  thus,  Solon  arrived  at  Athens,  where  ha 
was  received  with  great  respect,  and  still  held  in  veneration  by  all; 
but,  by  reaaoD  of  his  great  age,  be  had  neither  the  strength  nor 


SOLON.  71 

spirit  to  act  or  speak  in  public  as  he  had  done.  He  therefore  ap- 
plied in  private  to  the  heads  of  ihe  factions,  and  endeavoured  tO 
appease  and  reconcile  them.  Pisistratus  seemed  to  give  hina 
greater  attention  than  the  rest ;  for  Pisistratus  had  an  afi'able  and 
engaging  manner.  He  was  a  liberal  benefactor  to  the  poor  ;* 
and  even  to  his  enemies  he  behaved  with  great  candour.  He  coun- 
terfeited so  dexterously  the  good  qualities  which  nature  had  denied 
him,  that  he  gained  more  credit  than  the  real  possessors  of  them, 
and  stood  foremost  in  the  public  esteem,  in  point  of  moderation 
and  equity,  in  zeal  for  the  present  government,  and  aversion  to 
all  that  endeavoured  at  a  change.  With  these  arts  he  imposed 
upon  the  people :  but  Solon  soon  discovered  his  real  character, 
and  was  the  first  to  discern  his  insidious  designs.  Yet  he  did  not 
absolutely  break  with  him,  but  endeavoured  to  soften  him,  and  ad- 
vise him  better ;  declaring  both  to  him  and  others,  that  if  ambition 
could  but  be  banished  from  his'soul,  and  he  could  be  cured  of  his 
desire  of  absolute  power,  there  would  not  be  a  man  better  disposed, 
or  a  more  worthy  citizen  in  Athens. 

About  this  time,  Thespis  b6gan  to  change  the  form  of  tragedy, 
and  the  novelty  of  the  thing  attracted  many  spectators ;  for  this 
was  before  any  prize  was  proposed  for  those  that  excelled  in  this 
respect.  Solon,  who  was  always  willing  to  hear  and  to  learn,  and 
in  his  old  age  more  inclined  to  any  thing  that  might  divert  and  en- 
tertam,  particularly  to  music  and  good  fellowship,  went  to  see 
Thespis  himself  exhibit,  as  the  custom  of  the  ancient  poets  was. 
When  the  play  was  done,  he  called  to  Thespis,  and  asked  him, 
*'  If  he  was  not  ashamed  to  tell  so  many  lies  before  so  great  an 
assembly  ?  Thespis  answered,  "  It  was  no  great  matter,  if  he  spoke 
or  acted  so  in  jest."  To  which  Solon  replied,  striking  the  ground 
violently  with  his  stajBT,  '*  If  we  encourage  such  jesting  as  this,  we 
shall  quickly  find  it  in  our  contracts  and  agreements." 

Soon  after  this  Pisistratus,  having  wounded  himself  for  the  pur 
pose,  drove  in  that  condition  into  the  market-place,  and  endea- 
voured to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  people,  by  telling  them,  his 
enemies  had  lain  in  wait  for  him,  and  treated  him  in  this  manner 
on  account  of  his  patriotism.  Upon  this,  the  multitude  loudly  ex- 
pressed their  indignation  :  but  Solon  came  up,  and  thus  accosted 
him.  Son  of  Hippocrates,  you  act  Horner^ s  Ulysses  but  very  indif- 
ferently, for  he  wounded  himself  to  deceive  his  enemies,  but  you  have 
done  it  to  impose  upon  your  countrymen.  Notwithstanding  this,  the 
rabble  were  ready  to  take  up  arms  for  him :  and  a  general  assem- 

*  By  the  poor  we  are  not  to  understand  such  as  asked  alms,  for  there  were  none 
such  at  Athens.  — "  In  those  days,"  says  Isocrates,  "  there  was  no  citizen  that  died'of 
want,  or  begged  in  the  streets,  to  the  dishonour  of  the  community."  This  was  owing 
to  the  laws  against  idleness  and  prodigality,  and  the  care  which  the  areopagvs  topk 
that  every  man  should  have  a  visible  livelihood. 


7^  «OLON. 

biy  of  the  people  being  summoned,  Ariston  made  a  motion,  thai  A 
body-guard  of  fifty  club-men  should  be  astigned  him.  Solon  stood 
up  and  opposed  it  with  many  arguroeots,  of  the  same  kind  with 
tboee  he  has  led  us  in  his  poems : 

You  hang  wiUi  rapture  oo  bit  booejr'd  •oofM. 

And  again, 

Tour  heart  to  public  interest  ever  blind. 
Your  fox  like  art  Mill  centres  in  yourselC 

But  when  he  saw  the  poor  behave  in  a  riotous  manner,  and  deter- 
mined to  gratify  Pisistratus  at  any  rate,  while  the  rich,  out  of  fear, 
declined  the  opposition,  he  retired  with  this  declaration  ;  that  be 
had  shown  more  wisdom  than  the  former,  in  discerning  what  me- 
thod should  have  been  taken ;  and  more  courage  than  the  latter, 
who  did  not  want  understanding,  but  spirit  to  oppose  the  establish- 
ment  of  a  tyrant.  The  people  having  made  the  decree,  did  not 
curiously  inquire  into  the  number  of  guards  which  Pisistratus  em- 
ployed, but  visibly  connived  at  his  keeping  as  many  as  he  pleased, 
till  he  seized  the  citadel.  When  this  was  done,  and  the  city  in 
great  confusion,  (Vlegacles,  with  the  rest  of  the  Alcmseonidsc,  iro* 
mediately  took  to  flight.  But  Solon,  though  he  was  now  very  old, 
and  had  none  to  second  him,  appeared  in  pubUc,  and  addressed 
himself  to  the  citizens,  sometimes  upbraiding  them  with  their  past 
indiscretion  and  cowardice,  sometimes  exhorting  and  encouraging 
them  to  stand  up  fur  their  liberty.  Then  it  was  that  he  spoke  those 
memorable  words.  It  would  have  been  easier  for  them  to  repress  the 
advances  of  tyranny,  and  prevent  its  esfabiimment ;  but  now  it  was 
established^  and  grown  to  some  height,  it  would  be  more  gtoriou*  to 
demolish  it.  However,  finding  thai  their  fears  prevented  their  at- 
tention  to  what  he  said,  he  returned  to  his  own  house,  and  placed 
his  weapons  at  the  street  door,  with  these  words,  /  have  done  all 
in  my  power  to  defend  my  country  and  its  laws.  This  was  his  last 
public  effort.  Though  some  exhorted  him  to  fly,  he  took  no  notice 
of  their  advice,  but  was  composed  enough  to  make  verses,  in 
which  he  thus  reproaches  the  Athenians. 

Iffeeror  lolly  has  your  rights  betrayed, 

IjKt  not  ihf>  fault  on  righteons  Heav'n  be  laid  . 

You  gave  ihem  guards :  you  raii'd  your  tyrants  high, 

T  impose  the  heavy  yoke  that  draws  the  heaving  sigh. 

Many  of  his  friends,  alarmed  at  this,  told  him  the  tyrant  would 
certainly  put  him  to  death  for  it,  and  asked  him  what  he  trusted  to, 
that  he  went  such  imprudent  lengths .  he  answered,  Yb  old  age. 
However,  when  Pisistratus  had  fully  established  himself,  he  made 
his  court  to  Solon,  and  treated  him  with  so  much  kindness  and  re- 
spect, that  Soion  became,  as  it  were,  his  counsellor,  and  gave 
sanction  to  many  of  his  proceedings.  He  observed  the  greatest 
part  of  Solon's  laws,  showing  himself  the  example,  and  obliging 


SOLON.  73 

his  friends  to  follow  it.  Thus  when  he  was  accused  of  murder  be- 
fore the  court  of  areopagus,  he  appeared  in  a  modest  manner  to 
make  his  defence  ;  but  his  accuser  dropped  the  impeachment.  He 
likewise  added  other  laws,  one  of  which  was,  that  persons  maimed 
in  the  warSy  should  be  maintained  at  the  public  charge.  Yet  this, 
Heraclides  tells  us,  was  in  pursuance  of  Solon's  plan,  who  had  de- 
creed the  same  in  the  case  of  Thersippus.  But  according  to  The. 
ophrastus,  Pisistratus,  not  Solon,  made  the  law  against  idleness, 
which  produced  at  once  greater  industry  in  the  country,  and  tran- 
quillity  in  the  city. 

Solon,  moreover,  attempted  in  verse  a  large  description,  or  rather 
fabulous  account  of  the  Atlantic  Island,*  which  he  had  learned  of 
the  wise  men  of  Sais,  and  which  particularly  concerned  the  Athe- 
nians ;  but  by  reason  of  his  age,  not  want  of  leisure  (as  Plato 
would  have  it),  he  was  apprehensive  that  the  work  would  be  too 
much  for  him,  and  therefore  did  not  go  through  with  it.  These 
verses  are  a  proof  that  business  was  not  the  hindrance  : 
I  grow  in  learning  as  I  grow  in  years. 

And  again. 

Wine,  wit,  and^ beauty,  still  their  charms  bestow, 
Light  all  the  shades  of  life,  and  cheer  us  as  we  go. 

Plato,  ambitious  to  cultivate  and  adorn  the  subject  of  the  Atlantic 
Island,  as  a  delightful  spot  in  some  fair  field  unoccupied,  to  which 
also  he  had  some  claim,  by  his  being  related  to  Solon,f  laid  out 
magnificent  courts  and  inclosures,  and  erected  a  grand  entrance  to 
it,  such  as  no  other  story,  fable,  or  poem  ever  had.  But  as  he 
began  it  late,  he  ended  his  life  before  the  work  ;  so  that  the  more 
the  reader  is  delighted  with  the  part  that  is  written,  the  more  regret 
he  has  to  find  it  unfinished. 

Heraclides  Ponticus  relates  that  Solon  lived  a  considerable  time 
after  Pisistratus  usurped  the  government ;  but  according  to  Phanias 
the  Ephesian,  not  quite  two  years.  For  Pisistratus  began  his  ty- 
ranny in  the  archonship  of  Comias ;  and  Phanias  tells  us  Solon  died 
in  the  archonship  of  Hegestratus,  the  immediate  successor  lo 
Comias. 

*  This  fable  imported,  that  the  people  of  Atlantis,  having  subdued  all  Lybia,  and 
a  great  part  of  Europe,  threatened  Egypt  and  Greece;  but  the  Athenians  making  head 
against  their  victorious  array,  overthrew  them  in  several  engagements,  and  confined 
them  to  their  own  island. 

t  Plato's  mother  was  a  descendant  of  the  brother  of  Soloo. 


74 

THEMI8T0CLES. 

Flwrished  471  years  before  Christ, 

THE  family  of  Themistocles  was  too  obscure  to  raise  him  to 
distinction.  He  was  the  son  of  Neocles,  an  inferior  citizen  of 
Athens,  of  the  ward  of  Phrear,  and  the  tribe  of  Leontis.  By  bis 
mother's  side,  he  is  said  to  have  been  illegitimate,*  according  to 
the  following  verses : 

Though  born  in  Thrace,  Abrotonon  my  name, 
My  soo  enrols  me  in  the  listfl  of  lame, 
The  great  Themistocles. 

Yet  Phanias  writes,  that  the  mother  of  Themistocles  was  of 
Caria,  not  of  Thrace,  and  that  her  name  was  not  Abrotonon,  but 
Euterpe.  Neanthes  mentions  Halicarnassus  as  the  city  to  which 
she  belonged.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  when  all  the  illegitimate 
youth  assembled  at  Cynosarges,  in  the  wrestling  rinc  dedicated 
to  Hercules,  without  the  gates,  which  was  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose,  because  Hercules  himself  was  not  altogether  of  divine  ex- 
traction, but  had  a  mortal  for  his  mother ;  Themistocles  found 
means  to  persuade  some  of  the  young  noblemen  to  go  to  Cynos- 
urges,  and  take  their  exercise  with  him.  This  was  an  ingenious 
contrivance  to  take  away  the  distinction  between  the  illegitimate 
or  aliens,  and  the  legitimate,  whoso  parents  were  botli  Athenians. 

When  a  boy,  he  was  full  of  spirit  and  fire,  quick  of  apprehen- 
sion,  naturally  inclined  to  bold  attempts,  and  likely  to  make  a 
great  statesman.  His  hours  of  leisure  and  vacation  he  spent  not 
like  other  boys,  in  idleness  and  play  ;  but  he  wus  blways  invent, 
ing  and  composing  declamations:  the  subjects  of  which  wero 
cither  the  impeachment  or  defence  of  some  of  his  schooUfsUows  : 
so  that  his  master  would  oflcn  say,  "  Boy,  you  will  bo  lothing 
common  or  indifferent ;  you  will  either  bo  a  blessing  or  a  curse 
to  the  community."  As  tor  moral  philosophy,  and  the  polite  arts, 
he  learned  them  but  slowly,  and  with  little  satisfaction ;  but  in- 
stnictions  in  political  knowledge,  and  the  administration  of  public 
affairs,  he  received  with  an  attention  above  his  years :  because 
they  suited  his  genius.  When,  therefore,  he  was  laughed  at,  long 
after,  in  company  where  free  scope  was  given  to  railler)-,  by  per- 
sons who  passed  as  more  accomplished  in  what  was  called  genteel 
breeding,  he  was  obliged  to  answer  them  with  some  asperity : 
"  Tis  true  1  never  learned  how  to  tune  a  harp,  or  play  upon  a  lute, 

•  It  was  a  law  at  Athens,  Uiat  every  citizen  who  bad  a  fcttiMii  lo  b't  mothar, 
should  be  deemed  a  bastard,  thott|h  bom  in  wedlock,  aad  riMwd  contequently  bt 
incapable  of  inhtriUog  his  father's  estate. 


THEMISTOCLES.  75 

but  I  know  how  to  raise  a  small  and  inconsiderable  city  to  glory 
and  greatness." 

In  the  first  sallies  of  youth,  he  was  irregular  and  unsteady;  as 
he  followed  his  own  disposition  without  any  moral  restraints.  He 
lived  in  extremes,  and  those  extremes  were  often  of  the  worst 
kind.  But  he  seemed  to  apologize  for  this  afterwards,  when  he 
observed,  that  the  "  wildest  colts  make  the  best  horses,  when  they 
come  to  be  properly  broke  and  managed." 

Themisiocles  had  an  early  and  violent  inclination  for  public  bu- 
siness, and  was  so  strongly  smitten  with  the  love  of  glory,  and  an 
ambition  of  the  highest  station,  that  he  involved  himself  in  trouble- 
some quarrels  with  persons  of  the  first  rank  and  influence  in  the 
state,  particularly  with  Aristides,  the  son  of  Lysimachus,  who  al- 
ways  opposed  him.  Their  enrnity  began  early,  but  the  cause,  as 
Ariston  the  philosopher  relates,  was  nothing  more  than  their  re- 
gard for  Ptesileus  of  Teos.  After  this,  their  disputes  continued 
about  public  affairs  :  and  the  dissimilarity  of  their  lives  and  man 
ners  naturally  to  it.  Aristides  was  of  a  mild  temper,  and  of  great 
probity.  He  managed  the  concerns  of  government  with  uiflexible 
justice,  not  with  a  view  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  people,  or  to 
promote  his  own  glory,  but  solely  for  the  advantage  and  safety  of 
the  stale.  He  was,  therefore,  necessarily  obliged  to  oppose  The- 
mistocles,  and  to  prevent  his  promotion,  because  he  frequently 
put  the  people  upon  unwarrantable  enterprises,  and  was  ambitious 
of  introducing  great  innovations.  Indeed,  Themistocles  was  so 
carried  away  with  the  love  of  glory,  so  immoderately  desirous  of 
distinguishing  himself  by  some  great  action,  that,  though  he  was 
very  young  when  the  battle  of  Marathon  was  fought,  and  when  the 
generalship  of  Miltiades  was  every  where  extolled,  yet  even  then 
he  was  observed  to  keep  much  alone,  to  be  very  pensive,  to  watch 
whole  nights,  and  not  to  attend  the  usual  entertainments  :  when  he 
was  asked  the  reason  by  his  friends,  who  wondered  at  the  change, 
he  said,  "  The  trophies  of  Miltiades  would  not  suffer  him  to  sleep." 
While  others  imagined  the  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon  had 
put  an  end  to  the  war,  he  considered  it  as  the  beginning  of  greater 
conflicts;  and,  for  the  benefit  of  Greece,  he,  was  always  preparing 
himself  and  the  Athenians  against  those  conflicts,  because  he  fore- 
saw  them  at  a  distance. 

And,  in  the  first  place,  whereas  the  Athenians  had  used  to  share 
the  revenue  of  the  silver  mines  of  Laurium  among  themselves,  he 
alone  had  the  courage  to  make  a  motion  to  the  people,  that  they 
should  divide  them  in  that  manner  no  longer,  but  build  with  them 
a  number  of  galleys  to  be  employed  in  the  war  against  the  Egi- 
netae,  who  then  made  a  considerable  figure  in  Greece,  and,  by 
means  of  their  numerous  navy,  were  masters  of  the  sea.  By  sea- 
sonably stirring  up  the  resentment  and  emulation  of  his  countrymen 


76  THEMiSTOCLES. 

against  these  islanders,  he  the  more  easily  prevailed  with  them  to 
provide  themselves  with  ships,  than  if  he  had  displayed  the  terrors 
of  Darius,  and  the  Persians,  who  were  at  a  greater  distance,  and 
of  whose  coming  they  had  no  great  apprehensions.  With  this 
money,  a  hundred  galleys  with  three  banks  of  oars  were  built, 
which  afterwards  fought  against  Xerxes.  From  this  step  he  pro. 
ceeded  to  others,  in  order  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  Athenians 
to  maritime  affairs,  and  to  convince  them,  that,  thoupli  by  land 
they  were  not  able  to  cope  with  their  neighbours,  yet  with  a  naval 
force  they  might  not  only  repel  the  barbarians,  but  hold  all  Greece 
in  subjection.  Thus  of  good  land  forces,  as  Plato  says,  he  made 
them  mariners  and  seamen,  and  brought  upon  himself  the  asper- 
sion of  taking  from  his  countrymen  the  spear  and  the  shield,  and 
Bonding  them  to  the  bench  and  the  oar. 

Stesimbrotus  writes,  that  Themistocles  effected  this,  in  spite  of 
the  opposition  of  M iltiades.  Whether  by  this  proceeding  he  cor- 
ruptcd  the  simplicity  of  the  Athenian  constitution,  is  a  speculation 
not  proper  to  be  indulged  in  here.  But  that  the  Greeks  owed  their 
safety  to  these  naval  applications,  and  that  those  ships  re-estab- 
lished  the  city  of  Athens  aHer  it  had  been  destroyed  (to  omit  other 
proofs),  Xerxes  himself  is  a  sufficient  witness.  For,  after  his  de- 
feat at  sea,  he  was  no  longer  able  to  make  head  against  the  Athe- 
nians,  though  his  land  forces  remained  entire  :  and  it  seems  to  me, 
that  he  left  Mardonius  rather  to  prevent  a  pursuit,  than  with  any 
hope  of  his  bringing  Greece  into  subjection. 

Some  authors  write,  that  Themistocles  was  intent  upon  the  ac 
quisition  of  money,  with  a  view  to  spend  it  profusely  :  and  indeed, 
for  his  frequent  sacrifices,  he  had  need  of  a  large  supply.  Yet 
others,  on  the  contrar>-,  accuse  him  of  meanness  and  attention  to 
trifles,  and  say  he  even  sold  presents  that  were  made  him  for  his 
table. 

In  ambition,  however,  he  had  no  equal.  For  when  he  was  yet 
young,  and  but  little  known,  he  prevailed  upon  Epicles  of  Her- 
mione,  a  performer  upon  the  lyre,  much  valued  by  the  Athenians, 
to  practise  at  his  house  :  hoping  by  this  means  to  draw  a  great 
number  of  people  thither.  And  when  he  went  to  the  Olympic 
games,  he  endeavoured  to  equal  or  exceed  Cimon,  in  the  elegance 
of  his  table,  the  splendour  of  his  pavilions,  and  other  expenses  of 
his  train.  These  things,  however,  were  not  agreeable  to  the  Greeks, 
They  looked  upon  them  as  suitable  to  a  young  man  of  a  noble  fa- 
roily  ;  but  when  an  obscure  person  set  himself  op  so  much  above 
his  fortune,  he  gained  nothing  by  it  but  the  imputation  of  vanity. 
He  exhibited  a  tragedy*  too  at  bis  own  expense,  and  gained  the 

*  Trafedr  al  this  timo  was  just  arrived  at  perfection  :  and  so  great  a  taste  bad  the' 
Athenians  for  this  khid  of  entertainment,  that  the  princifial  persons  in  the  common- 
WStltb  could  not  oblise  them  more,  than  t>v  exhibiting  the  Imii  in^v  trhh  the  most 


THEMISTOCLES.  77 

prize  with  his  tragedians,  at  a  time  when  those  entertainments 
were  pursued  with  great  avidity  and  emulation.  In  memory  of  his 
success,  he  put  up  this  inscription, "'  Themistocles  the  Phrearian 
exhibited  the  tragedy,  Phrynicus  composed  it,*  Adimantus  pre- 
sided." This  gained  him  popularity ;  and  what  added  to  it  was, 
his  charging  his  memory  with  the  names  of  the  citizens  ;  so  that 
he  readily  called  each  by  his  own.  He  was  an  impartial  judge 
too,  in  the  causes  that  were  brought  before  him ;  and  Simonides 
of  Ceosf  making  an  unreasonable  request  to  him  when  archon,  he 
answered,  "  Neither  would  you  be  a  good  poet,  if  you  transgressed 
the  rules  of  harmony  ;  nor  I  a  good  magistrate,  if  I  granted  your 
petition  contrary  to  law."  Another  time  he  rallied  Simonides  for 
his  absurdity  in  abusing  the  Corinthians,  who  inhabited  so  elegant 
a  city ;  and  having  his  own  picture  drawn,  when  he  had  so  ill- 
favoured  an  aspect. 

At  length,  having  attained  to  a  great  height  of  power  and  popu- 
larity, his  faction  prevailed,  and  he  procured  the  banishment  of 
Aristides  by  what  is  called  the  Ostracism.^ 

The  Modes  now  preparing  to  invade  Greece  again,  the  Athe. 
nians  considered  who  should  be  their  general ;  and  many  (we  are 
told)  thinking  the  commission  dangerous,  declined  it.  But  Epi- 
cydes,  the  son  of  Euphemides  a  man  of  more  eloquence  than 
courage,  and  capable  withal  of  being  bribed,  solicited  it,  and  was 
likely  to  be  chosen.  Themistocles,  fearing  the  consequence  would 
be  fatal  to  the  public,  if  the  cly)ice  fell  upon  Epicydes,  prevailed 
upon  him  by  pecuniary  considerations  to  drop  his  pretensions. 

As  soon  as  he  had  taken  the  command,  he  endeavoured  to  per- 
suade  the  people  to  quit  the  city,  to  embark  on  board  their  ships, 
and  to  meet  the  barbarians  at  as  great  a  distance  from  Greece  as  pos- 
sible.  But  many  opposing  it,  he  marched  at  the  head  of  a  great 
army,  together  with  the  Lacedaemonians,  to  Tempe,  intending  to 

elegant  decorations.  Public  prizes  were  appointed  for  those  that  excelled  in  this  re- 
spect; and  it  was  matter  of  great  emulation  to  gam  them. 

*  Phrynicus  was  the  disciple  of  Thespis,  who  was  esteen)ed  the  inventor  of  tragedy 
He  was  the  first  that  brought  female  actors  upon  the  stage.  His  chief  plays  were  Ac- 
taeon,  Alcestis,  and  the  Danaides.     ^schylus  was  his  contemporary. 

f  Simonides  celebrated  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis  in  his  poems :  and  was 
the  author  of  several  odes  and  elegies :  some  of  which  are  still  extant  and  well  known. 
He  was  much  in  the  favour  of  Pausanias,  king  of  Sparta,  and  of  Hiero,  king  of  Sicily. 
Plato  had  so  high  an  opinion  of  his  merit,  that  he  gave  him  the  epithet  of  divine.  He 
aied  m  the  first  year  of  the  78th  Olympiad,  at  almost  ninety  years  of  age:  so  that  he 
was  very  near  fourscore  when  he  described  the  battle  of  Salamis. 

t  It  is  not  certain  by  whom  the  Ostracism  was  introduced  :  some  say,  by  Pisistralus, 
or  rather  by  his  eons;  others,  by  Clistnenes-  and  others,  make  it  as  ancient  as  the 
time  of  Theseus.  By  this,  men,  who  became  powerful  to  such  a  degree  as  to  threaten 
the  state  with  danger,  were  banished  for  ten  years:  and  they  were  to  quit  the  Athe- 
nian territories  in  ten  days.  The  luethod  of  it  was  this ;  every  citizen  took  a  piece  of 
broken  prtt  or  shell,  on  which  he  wrote  the  name  of  the  person  he  would  have  banished. 
This  done,  the  magistrates  counted  the  shells;  and,  if  they  amounted  to  6000,  sorted 
them ;  and  the  man  whose  name  was  found  on  the  greatest  number  of  shells,  was  of 
course  exiled  for  ten  vears. 

7* 


78  THEMlSTOCLfiS. 

cover  Theasaly,  which  had  not  as  yet  declared  for  the  Pcrsiaos. 
When  he  returned  without  efiecting  any  thing,  the  ThessaUaot 
having  embraced  the  king's  party,  and  all  the  country  as  far  as 
Boeotia  following  their  example,  the  Athenians  were  more  willing 
to  hearken  to  his  proposal  to  fight  the  enemy  at  sea,  and  sent  him 
with  a  fleet  to  guard  the  straits  of  Artimisium.* 

When  the  fleets  of  the  several  states  were  joined,  and  the 
majority  v/ere  of  opinion,  that  Eurybiadcs  should  have  the  chief 
command,  and  with  his  Lacedaemonians  begin  the  engagement, 
the  Athenians,  who  had  a  greater  number  of  ships  than  all  the  rest 
united,-!-  thought  it  an  indignity  to  part  with  the  place  of  honour. 
But  Themistocles,  perceiving  the  danger  of  any  disagreement  at 
that  time,  gave  up  the  command  to  Eurybiades,  and  satisfied  the 
Athenians,  by  representing  to  them,  that,  if  they  behaved  like  men 
in  that  war,  the  Grecians  would  voluntary  yield  them  the  superi. 
ority  for  the  future.  To  him,  therefore,  Greece  seems  to  owe  her 
preservation;  and  the  Athenians  in  particular  the  distinguished 
glory  of  surpassing  their  enemies  in  valour,  and  their  allies  in 
moderation* 

The  Persian  fleet  coming  up  to  Aphetae,  Eurybiades  was  asto 
nished  at  such  an  appearance  of  ships,  particularly  when  he  was 
infcrmed  that  there  were  two  hundred  more  sailing  round  Sciathus. 
He  therefore  was  desirous,  without  loss  of  time,  to  draw  nearer  to 
Greece,  and  to  keep  close  to  the  Peloponnesian  coast,  where  he 
might  have  an  army  occasionally  to  assist  the  fleet ;  for  he  con- 
sidered  the  naval  force  of  the  Persians  as  invincible.  Upon  this, 
the  EubcBans,  apprehensive  that  the  Greeks  would  forsake  them, 
sent  Pelagon  to  negociate  privately  with  Themistocles,  and  to  offer 
him  a  large  sum  of  money.  He  took  the  money,  and  gave  it  (as 
Herodotus  writes)  to  Eurybiades.^  Finding  himself  most  opposed 
in  his  designs  by  Archtoles,  captain  of  the  sacred  gaUey^f^  who  had 

*  At  the  tame  time  that  the  Greeks  thought  of  defending  tb«  pass  of  Thermnp>la' 
by  land,  they  sent  a  fleet  to  hinder  the  passage  of  the  Persian  navy  through  th«  straits 
of  Eulxca,  which  fleet  rendezvoused  at  Artetnisium. 

t  Herodotus  tclis  us,  in  the  beginnmg  of  his  eighth  t)ook,  that  the  Athenians  fur> 
nitbed  127  vessels,  and  that  the  whole  complement  of  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  amounted 
to  no  more  than  151 ;  of  which  twenty  belonged  likewise  to  the  Athcuiaos,  who  bad 
lent  them  to  the  Chalcidians. 

t  According  to  Herodotus,  the  affair  was  thus:— The  Euboeans,  not  being  ablaio 
prevail  with  Eurybiades  to  remain  on  their  con«i  till  tbay  could  carry  oflf  tbtir  wivM 
and  children,  addressed  themselves  to  Thrinittocifs,  and  made  bin  a  praaant  oMf  thirty 
talents.  He  took  the  money,  and  wiih  five  talents  bribed  Eurybiadas.  Tbaa  Adia- 
manthus  the  Corinthian,  being  the  only  commanher  who  insisted  on  weighing  aiKhor, 
Themistocles  went  on  Ixiard  him,  and  told  bim  in  a  few  words, — "  Adiamanihus,  you 
shall  not  abandon  us.  for  I  will  give  you  a  greater  present  for  doing  your  duly,  than 
the  king  of  Me.if  s  would  send  you  for  deserting  the  Alliea  ;**  which  he  performad,  by 
tending  him  three  talents  on  t>oard  Thus  he  did  what  tba  Euboeans  rrquestad,  and 
saved  twenty  two  talents  fur  himself. 

}  The  $acred  galley  was  that  which  the  Athenians  sant  every  year  to  Deloa,  with 
MCI  i6ci!»  for  Apollo ;  and  they  pretend  it  was  the  same  in  which  Theseus  carriad  tba 
iribute  to  Crete. 


THEMJSTOCLES. 


d^9 


not  money  to  pay  his  men,  and  therefore  intended  immediately  to 
withdraw  ;  he  so  incensed  his  countrymen  against  him,  that  they 
went  in  a  tumuUuous  manner  on  board  his  ship  and  took  from  him 
what  he  had  provided  for  his  supper,  Architeles  being  much  pro- 
voked at  this  insuit,  Themistocles  sent  him  m  a  chest  a  quantity  of 
provisions,  and  at  the  bottom  of  it  a  talent  of  silver,  and  desired 
him  to  refresh  himself  that  evening,  and  to  satisfy  his  crew  in  the 
morning ;  otherwise  he  would  accuse  him  to  the  Athenians  of  hav- 
ing  received  a  bribe  from  the  enemy. 

Though  the  several  engagaments*  with  the  Persian  fleet  in  the 
straits  of  Euboea  A'ere  not  decisive,  yet  they  were  of  great  advan- 
tage  to  the  Greeks,  who  learned  by  experience,  that  neither  the 
number  of  ships,  nor  the  beauty  and  splendour  of  their  ornaments, 
nor  the  vaunting  shouts  and  songs  of  the  barbarians,  have  any  thing 
dreadful  in  them  to  men  who  know  how  to  fight  hand  to  hand,  and 
are  determined  to  behave  gallantly.  These  things  they  were 
taught  to  despise,  when  they  came  to  close  action  and  grappled 
with  the  foe.  In  this  case  Pindar's  sentiments  appear  just,  when 
he  says  of  the  fight  at  Artemisium, 

^Twas  then  that  Athens  the  foundation  laid 
Of  Liberty's  fair  structure. 

Indeed,  intrepid  courage  is  the  commencement  of  victory. 

The  news  of  what  had  happened  at  Thermopylae  being  brought 
to  Artemisium,f  when  the  confederates  were  informed  that  Leonidas 
was  slain  there,  and  Xerxes  master  of  the  passages  by  land,  they 
sailed  back  to  Greece ;  and  the  Athenians,  elate  with  their  late 
distinguished  valour,  brought  up  the  rear.  As  Themistocles  sailed 
aiouff  the  coasts,  wherever  he  saw  any  harbours  or  places  proper 
for  the  enemy's  ships  to  put  in  at,  he  took  such  stones  as  he 
happened  to  find,  or  caused  to  be  brought  thither  for  the  purpose, 
and  set  them  up  in  the  ports  and  watering-places,  with  the  follow- 
ing inscription  engraved  in  large  characters,  and  addressed  to  the 
loiiians :  "  Let  the  lonians,  if  it  be  possible,  come  over  to  the 
Greeks,  from  whom  they  are  descended,  and  who  now  risk  their 
lives  for  their  liberty.  If  this  be  impracticable,  let  them  at  least 
perplex  tlie  barbarians,  and  put  them  in  disorder,  in  time  of  action." 

*  They  came  to  three  several  engagements  within  three  days,  in  the  last  of  which 
Cliteas,  the  father  of  Alcibiades.  performed  wonders.  He  had,  at  bis  own  expense, 
fitted  out  a  ship  which  carried  two  hundred  men 

t  The  last  engagement  at  Thermopylae,  wherein  Xerxes  forced  the  passes  of  the 
mountains,  by  the  defeat  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  Thespians,  and  Thebans,  who  had 
been  left  to  guard  them,  happened  on  the  same  day  with  the  battle  at  Artimisium ;  and 
the  news  of  it  was  brought  to  Themistocles  by  an  Athenian  called  Abronichus. 
Though  the  action  at  Thermopylse  had  not  an  immediate  relation  to  Themistocles,  jret 
it  would  have  tended  more  to  the  giory  of  that  general,  if  Plutarch  had  taken  greater 
notice  of  it :  since  the  advantage  gamed  there  by  Xerxes,  opened  Greece  to  him,  and 
rendered  him  much  more  formidable.  Thermopyla;  is  well  known  to  be  a  narrow 
pass  in  the  raountains  near  theEuripus. 


80  THEMISTOCLES. 

By  this  he  hoped  either  to  bring  the  looians  over  to  his  side,  or  to 
sow  discord  among  them,  by  causing  them  to  be  suspected  by  the 
Persians. 

Though  Xerxes  had  passed  through  Doris  down  to  Phocis,  and 
was  burning  and  destroying  the  Phocian  cities,  yet  the  Greeks 
sent  them  no  succours.  And,  notwithstanding  all  the  entreaties 
the  Athenians  could  use  to  prevail  with  the  confederates,  to  repair 
with  them  into  Bceotia,  and  cover  the  frontiers  of  Attica,  as  they 
had  sent  a  fleet  to  Artemisium  to  serve  the  common  cause,  no  one 
gave  ear  to  their  request.  All  eyes  were  turned  upon  Pelopon- 
nesus, and  all  were  determined  to  collect  their  forces  within  the 
Jsthmust  and  to  build  a  wall  across  it  from  sea  to  sea.  The  Athe- 
nians were  greatly  incensed  to  see  themselves  thus  betrayed,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  dejected  and  discouraged  at  so  general  a  defec- 
tion. They  alone  could  not  think  of  giving  battle  to  so  prodigious 
an  army.  To  quit  the  city,  and  embark  on  board  their  ships,  was 
the  only  expedient  at  present :  and  this  the  generality  were  very 
unwUling  to  hearken  to,  as  they  could  neither  have  any  great 
ambition  for  victory,  nor  idea  of  safety,  when  they  had  left  the 
temples  of  their  gods  and  the  monuments  of  their  ancestors. 

Themistocles,  perceiving  that  he  could  not  by  the  force  of  human 
reason  prevail  with  the  multitudes,*  set  his  machinery  to  work,  as 
a  poet  would  do  in  a  tragedy,  and  had  recourse  to  prodigies  and 
oracles.  The  prodigy  he  availed  himself  of,  was  the  disappearing 
of  the  dragon  of  Minerva,  which  at  that  time  quitted  the  holy  place ; 
and  the  priests  finding  the  daily  ofTerings  set  before  it  untouched, 
gave  it  out  among  the  people,  at  the  suggestion  of  Themistocles, 
that  the  goddess  had  forsaken  the  city,  and  that  she  offered  to 
conduct  them  to  sea.  Moreover,  by  way  of  explaining  to  the 
people  an  oracle  then  received.f  he  told  them,  that,  by  toooden 
wallet  there  could  not  possibly  be  any  thing  meant  but  ships ;  and 
that  Apollo,  now  called  Salamis  divine^  not  wretched  and  unfortu* 
note  as  formerly,  signified  by  such  an  epithet,  that  it  would  be  pro- 
ductive of  some  great  advantage  to  Greece.     His  councils  pre- 

*  He  prevuled  to  effectually  at  last,  that  the  Athenians  itoned  Cvntilus,  an  orator, 
who  vehemently  opposed  him :  and  urgeJ  all  the  common  topics  of  love  to  the  plaot 
of  one's  birth,  and  the  affecttoi)  to  wives  and  balplaea  influita.  The  woeeM,  too,  ID 
show  how  far  they  were  from  desiring  that  the  cause  of  Gieeca  should  sufler  for  than* 
stoned  his  wife. 

f  This  was  the  second  oracle  which  the  Athenian  deputies  received  from  Aristo> 
nice,  priesteM  of  Apollo.  Many  were  of  opinion,  that,  by  the  walls  of  wood  which 
sba  advised  them  to  have  recourse  to,  was  meant  the  citadel,  because  it  was  pettaaded ; 
but  others  thought  ii  could  intend  ooihioa  bat  ships.  The  neinuiocrs  of  the  former 
opinion  urged  against  such  as  supported  the  latter,  that  the  Isn  line  hot  one  of  the 
oracle  was  directly  against  him.  and  that,  without  questloo,  It  portMided  the  deelfuo 
tioo  of  the  Athenian  fleet  near  Salamis.  Themistocles  alleged  ia  ensver,  that  If  the 
oracle  had  Intended  to  foretell  the  destruction  of  the  Athenlaas,  it  would  not  have 
railed  It  the  divine  Salamis,  but  the  unhappy ;  and  that,  wbereai,  the  unfortunate  hi 
the  oraele  were  styled  the  sons  of  women,  it  could  mean  MMMher  than  the  Persian*, 
wbo  were  eeandtlcutly  effeminate.  —Htnydot.  I.  vii.  c.  143, 144 


•    THEMISTCXJLES. 


SI 


vailed,  and  he  proposed  a  decree,  that  the  city  should  be  left  to 
the  protection  of  Minerva,*  the  tutelary  goddess  of  the  Athenians; 
that  the  young  men  should  go  on  board  the  ships  ;  and  that  every 
one  should  provide  as  well  as  he  possibly  could  for  the  safety  of  the 
children,  the  women,  and  the  slaves. 

When  this  decree  was  made,  most  of  the  Athenians  removed 
their  parents  and  wives  to  Trcezene,  where  they  were  received  with 
a  generous  hospitality.  The  Trcezenians  came  to  a  resolution  to 
maintain  them  at  the  public  expense,  for  which  purpose  they  al- 
lowed each  of  them  two  aboli  a  day ;  they  permitted  the  children 
to  gather  fruit  wherever  they  pleased,  and  providing  for  their  edu- 
cation by  paying  their  tutors.  This  order  was  procured  by  Nica- 
goras. 

The  embarkation  of  the  people  of  Athens  was  a  very  affecting 
scene.  What  pity !  what  admiration  of  the  firmness  of  those  men, 
who,  sending  their  parents  and  families  to  a  distant  place,  unmoved 
with  their  cries,  their  tears,  or  embraces,  had  the  fortitude  to  leave 
the  city,  and  embark  for  Salamis  !  What  greatly  heightened  the 
distress,  was  the  number  of  citizens  whom  they  were  forced  to  leave 
behind,  because  of  their  extreme  old  age.|  And  some  emotions  of 
tenderness  were  due  even  to  the  tame  domestic  animals,  which, 
running  to  the  shore  with  lamentable  bowlings  expressed  their 
affection  and  regret  for  the  persons  that  had  fed  them.  One  of 
these,  a  dog,  that  belonged  to  Xanthippus,  the  father  of  Pericles, 
unwilling  to  be  left  behind,  is  said  to  have  lept  into  the  sea,  and  to 
have  swam  by  the  side  of  the  ship,  till  it  reached  Salamis,  where, 
quite  spent  with  toil,  it  died  immediately. 

To  these  great  actions  of  Themistocles  may  be  added  the  fol- 
lowing :  he  perceived  that  Aristides  was  much  regretted  by  the 
people,  who  were  apprehensive  that,  out  of  revenge,  he  might  join 
the  Persians,  and  do  great  prejudice  to  the  cause  of  Greece ;  he, 
therefore,  caused  a  decree  to  be  made,  that  all  who  had  been 
banished  only  for  a  time,  should  have  leave  to  return,  and  by  their 
council  and  valour  assist  their  fellow-citizens  in  the  preservation 
of  their  country. 

Eurybiades,  by  reason  of  the  dignity  of  Sparta,  had  the  com- 
mand of  the  fleet  :  but  as  he  was  apprehensive  of  the  danger, J  he 
proposed  to  set  sail  for  the  Isthmus,  and  fix  his  station  near  the 

*  But  how  was  this,  when  he  had  before  told  the  people,  that  Minerva  had  forsaken 
the  city  ? 

t  In  this  description,  we  find  strong  traces  of  Plutarch's  humanity  and  good  na 
tare. 

X  It  does  not  appear  that  Eurybiades  wanted  courage.  After  Xerxes  had  gained 
the  pass  of  ThermopylED,  it  was  the  general  opinion  of  the  chief  ofiacers  of  the  con- 
federate fleet  assembled  in  council  (except  those  of  Athens,)  that  their  only  resource 
was  to  build  a  strong  wall  across  the  isthmus,  and  to  defend  Peloponnesus  against  the 
Persians.  Besides,  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  were  impartial  judges  of  men  and 
things,  gave  the  palm  of  valour  to  Eurybiades,  and  that  of  prudence  to  Themistocles. 

L 


g2  THEMISTOCLES.     * 

Peloponnesian  army.  'Fhemistocles,  however,  opposed  it;  and 
the  account  we  have  of  the  conference  on  that  occasion  deserves  to 
be  mentioned.  When  Eurybiades  said,*  *•  Do  not  you  know,  The- 
mistocles,  that,  in  the  pubhc  games,  such  as  rise  up  before  their 
turn  are  chastised  for  it  1" — "  Yes,"  answered  Themistocles  ;  "  yet 
such  a9  are  letl  behind  never  gain  the  crown."  Eur\'biades,  upon 
this,  hfting  up  his  staff,  as  if  he  intended  to  strike  him,  Themistocles 
said,  "  Strike  if  you  please,  but  hear  me."  The  Lacedaemonians, 
admiring  his  command  of  temper,  bade  him  speak  what  he  had  to  say : 
and  Themistocles  was  leading  him  back  to  the  subject,  when  one 
of  the  officers  thus  interrupted  him,  "  It  ill  becomes  you  who  have 
no  city,  to  advise  us  to  quit  our  habitations  and  abandon  our  coun- 
try." Themistocles  retorted  upon  him  thus :  "  Wretch  that  thou 
art,  we  have  indeed  left  our  walls  and  houses,  not  choosing,  for  the 
sake  of  those  inanimate  things,  to  become  slaves ;  yet  we  have 
still  the  most  respectable  city  of  Greece,  in  these  two  hundred 
ships,  which  are  here  ready  to  defend  you,  if  you  will  give  them 
leave.  But  if  you  forsake  and  betray  us  a  second  time,  Greece 
shall  soon  find  the  Athenians  possessed  of  as  free  a  city,  and  as 
valuable  a  country,  as  that  which  they  have  quitted."  These 
words  struck  Eurybiades  with  the  apprehension  that  the  Athenians 
might  fall  off  from  him.  We  are  told,  also,  that  as  a  certain  Ere- 
trian  was  attempting  to  speak,  Themistocles  said, "  What  have  you, 
too,  something  to  say  about  war,  who  are  like  the  fish  that  has  a 
sword,  but  no  heart." 

While  Themistocles  was  thus  maintaining  his  argument  upon 
deck  some  tell  us  an  owl  was  seen  flying  to  the  right  of  the  f1eet,f 
which  came  and  perched  upon  the  shrouds.  This  omen  deter- 
mined the  confederates  to  accede  to  his  opinion,  and  to  prepare  for 
a  sea-fight.  But  no  sooner  did  the  enemy's  fleet  appear  advaoc 
ing  towards  the  harbour  of  Phalerus  in  Attica,  and  covering  all  the 
neighbouring  coasts,  while  Xerxes  himself  was  seen  marching 
his  land-forces  to  the  shore,  than  the  Greeks,  struck  with  the  sight 
of  such  prodigious  armaments,  began  to  forget  the  counsel  of  The- 
mistocles-, and  the  Peloponnosians  once  more  looked  towards  the 
IsUmtu,  Nay  they  resolved  to  set  sail  that  very  night,  and  such 
orders  were  given  to  nil  the  pilots.  Themistocles,  greatly  con- 
cerned that  the  Greeks  were  going  to  give  up  the  advantage  of 
their  station  in  the  straits,  and  to  retire  to  their  respective  coun- 
tries,  contrived  that  stratagem  which  was  put  in  execution  by 
Sicinus.  This  Sicinus  was  of  Persian  extraction,  and  a  captive, 
but  much  attached  to  Themistocles,  and  llie  tutor  of  his  children. 

*  Herodotat  nvt,  tbii  conversation  paiwd  betweM  AdismanUuM,  teoenl  of  Dm 
CorioUiiaDt,  Mid  TiMniiitocles ;  but  Plutaich  raUttt  it  with  own  prabtbilirr  of  Eurv- 
biadet,  who  wm  comoMinder  in  cbic/. 

f  The  owl  was  nwred  to  Mioerra,  the  proioetrtn  of  the 


THEMISTOCLES.  83 

On  this  occasion  Themistocles  sent  him  privately  to  the  king  of 
Persia,  with  orders  to  tell  him,  that  the  commander  of  the  Athenians, 
having  espoused  his  interest,  was  ihe  first  to  inform  him  of  the  in- 
tended flight  of  the  Greeks  ;  and  that  he  exhorted  him  not  to  suf- 
fer them  to  escape  ;  but  while  they  were  in  this  confusion,  and  at  a 
distance  from  their  land  forces,  to  attack  and  destroy  their  whole 
navy. 

Xerxes  took  tliis  information  kindly,  supposing  it  to  proceed 
from  friendship,  and  immediately  gave  orders  to  his  oflicers,  with 
two  hundred  ships,  to  surround  all  the  passages,  and  to  enclose 
the  islands,  that  none  of  the  Greeks  might  escape,  and  then  to  fol- 
low with  the  rest  of  the  ships  at  their  leisure.  Aristides,  the  son 
of  Lysiniachus,  was  the  first  who  perceived  this  motion  of  the 
eneniy  ;  and  though  he  was  not  in  friendship  with  Themistocles, 
but  had  been  banished  by  his  means,  he  went  to  him  and  told  him 
they  were  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  Themistocles,  knowing  his 
probity,  and  charmed  with  his  coming  to  give  this  intelUgence,  ac- 
quainted  him  with  the  affair  of  Sicinus,  and  entreated  him  to  lend 
him  his  assistance  to  keep  the  Greeks  in  their  station;  and,  as  they 
had  a  confidence  in  his  honour,  to  persuade  them  to  come  to  an  en- 
gagement in  the  straits.  Aristides  approved  the  proceedings  of 
Themistocles,  and  going  to  the  other  admirals  and  captains,  en- 
couraged them  to  engage.  While  they  hardly  gave  credit  to  his 
report,  a  Tenian  galley,  commanded  by  Paraetius,  came  over  from 
the  enemy  to  bring  the  same  account ;  so  that  indignation,  added 
to  necessity,  excited  the  Greeks  to  the  combat.* 

As  soon  as  it  was  day,  Xerxes  sat  down  on  an  eminence  to  view 
the  fleet  and  its  order  of  battle.  He  placed  himself,  as  Phanodemus 
writes,  above  the  temple  of  Hercules,  where  the  isle  of  Salamis  is 
separated  from  Attica  by  a  narrow  frith ;  but  according  to  Acesto- 
dorus,  on  the  confines  of  Megara,  upon  a  spot  called  Kerata,  *'  The 
Horns."  He  was  seated  on  a  throne  of  gold,!  and  had  many  se- 
cretaries  about  him,  whose  business  it  was  to  write  down  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  action. 

As  to  the  number  of  the  Persian  ships,  the  poet  ^Eschylus 

*  The  different  conduct  of  the  Spartans  and  the  Athenians  on  this  occasion  seems 
to  show  how  much  superior  the  accommodating  laws  of  Solon  were  to  the  austere  dis- 
cipline of  Lycurgus.  Indeed,  while  the  institutions  of  the  latter  remained  in  force,  the 
I.acedajmonians  were  the  greatest  of  all  people.  But  that  was  impossible.  The  severity 
of  Lj'curgus's  legislation  naturally  tended  to  destroy  it.  Nor  was  this  all.  From  the 
extremes  of  abstemious  hardships,  the  next  step  was  not  to  a  moderate  enjoyment  of 
life,  but  to  all  the  licentiousness  of  the  most  effeminate  luxury.  The  laws  of  Lycur- 
gus made  men  of  the  Spartan  women  j  when  they  were  broken,  they  made  women  of 
the  men.  "^-a.^^ 

f  This  throne,  or  seat,  whether  of  gold  or  silver,  or  both,  was  taken  and  carried  to 
Athens,  where  it  was  consecrated  in  the  temple  of  Minerva,  with  the  golden  sabre  of 
Mardonius,  which  was  taken  afterwards  in  the  battle  of  Platfea.  Demosthenes  calls  it 
a  chair  with  silver  feet. 


84  TH£M1ST0CLES. 

speaks  of  it,  in  his  tragedy  entitled  Persa,  aa  a  matter  ho  was  well  as- 
sured of. 

A  thousand  ships  (for  well  I  know  the  number) 
'I'lie  Persian  flag  obeyed  .  two  bundred  mure 
And  seven  overspread  the  seas. 

The  Athenians  had  only  X)ne  hundred  and  eighty  galleys ;  each 
carried  eighteen  men  that  fought  upon  deck,  four  of  whom  were 
arcliers,  and  the  rest  h^avy  armed. 

if  'I'hemistocles  was  happy  in  choosing  a  place  for  action,  he 
was  no  less  so  rn  taking  advantage  of  a  proper  time  lor  it ;  for  ho 
would  not  engage  the  enemy,  till  that  time  of  day  when  a  brisk 
wind  usually  arises  from  the  sea,  which  occasions  a  high  surf  in 
the  channel.  This  was  no  inconvenience  to  the  Grecian  vessels, 
tvhich  were  low  built  and  well  compacted  ;  but  a  very  great  une  to 
the  Persian  ships,  which  had  high  sterns  and  lofry  decks,  hiuI  w»*re 
heavy  and  unwieldy;  for  it  caused  them  to  veer  in  such  a  manner, 
that  their  sides  were  exposed  to  the  Greeks,  who  attacked  them 
furiously.  During  the  engagement,  great  attention  was  given  to 
the  motions  of  Themistocles,  as  it  was  believed  he  knew  best  how 
to  proceed.  Ariamenes,  the  Persian  admiral,  a  man  of  distinguished 
honour,  and  by  far  the  bravest  of  the  king's  brothers,  directed  bis 
manoeuvres  chiefly  against  him.  His  ship  was  very  tall,  and  from 
it  he  threw  darts  and  shot  forth  arrows  as  from  the  wall  of  a  castle. 
But  Aminias  the  Decolean,  and  Sosiclcs  the  Pedian,  who  sailed  in 
one  bottom,  bore  down  upon  him  with  their  prow,  and  both  ships 
meeting,  they  were  fastened  together  by  means  of  their  brazen 
bleaks  ;  when  Ariamenes  boarding  their  galley,  they  received  him 
with  their  pikes,  and  pushed  him  into  the  sea.  Artemisiaf  knew 
the  body  amongst  others  that  were  floating  with  the  wreck,  and 
carried  it  to  Xerxes. 

The  flrst  man  that  took  a  ship  was  an  Athenian,  named  Lyco. 
medes,  captain  of  a  galley,  who  cut  down  the  ensigns  from  the 
enemy's  ship,  and  consecrated  them  to  the  laurelled  Apollo.  As 
the  Persians  could  come  in  the  straits  but  a  few  at  a  time,  and  often 
put  each  other  in  confusion,  the  Greeks  equalling  them  in  the  line, 
fought  them  till  the  evening,  when  they  broke  them  entirely,  and 
gained  that  signal  and  complete  victor)',  than  which  (as  Simonides 
says)  no  other  naval  achievement,  either  of  the  Greeks  or  barbari- 
ans ever,  was  more  glorious.    This  success  was  owing  to  the  valour, 

*  Artemisia,  gueen  of  Halicarnassus,  distinguished  her>elf  above  all  the  ml  of  lh« 
Persian  forces,  her  ships  being  the  last  that  fled ;  which  Xeriea  obeenriof,  triad 
out,  that  the  men  behaved  like  woman,  and  the  women  with  tba  counifa  WMl  intia- 
pidity  of  men  The  Athenians  were  so  incented  against  bar,  that  tbey  offerad  a  re- 
ward of  ten  thousand  drachmas  to  anyone  that  khould  take  har  alive.  This  princrsa 
must  not  be  confounded  with  Utal  Artemisia  who  was  the  wife  of  Mausolus,  king  of 
Caria. 


THEMISTOCLES.  g^ 

indeed,  of  all  the  confederates,  but  chiefly  to  the  sagacity  and  con- 
duct  of  Themistocles.* 

After  the  battle,  Xerxes,  full  of  indignation  at  his  disappoint- 
ment, attempted  to  join  Salamis  to  the  continent,  by  a  mole  so  well 
secured,  that  his  land  forces  might  pass  over  it  into  the  island,  and 
that  he  might  shut  up  the  pass  entirely  against  the  Greeks.  At 
the  same  time  Themistocles,  to  sound  Aristides,  pretended  it  was 
his  own  opinion  that  they  should  sail  to  the  Hellespont,  and  break 
down  the  bridge  of  ships ;  "  For  so,"  says  he,  "  we  may  take  Asia, 
without  stirring  out  of  Europe."  Aristidesf  did  not  in  the  least  re- 
lish his  proposal,  but  answered  him  to  this  purpose  :  "  Till  now  we 
have  had  to  do  with  an  enemy  immersed  in  luxury ;  but  if  we  shut 
him  up  in  Greece,  and  drive  him  to  necessity,  he  who  is  master  of 
such  prodigious  forces,  will  no  longer  sit  under  a  golden  canopy, 
and  be  a  quiet  spectator  of  the  proceedings  of  the  war,  but,  awaked 
by  danger,  attempting  every  thing,  and  present  every  where,  he 
will  correct  his  past  errors,  and  follow  councils  better  calculated 
for  success.  Instead,  therefore,  of  breaking  that  bridge,  we  should, 
if  possible,  provide  another,  that  he,  may  retire  the  sooner  out  of 
Europe," — "  If  that  is  the  case,"  said  Themistocles,  "  we  must  all 
consider  and  contrive  how  to  put  him  upon  the  most  speedy  re- 
treat out  of  Greece." 

This  being  resolved  upon,  he  sent  one  of  the  king's  eunuchs, 
whom  he  found  among  the  prisoners,  Arnaces  by  name,  to  ac- 
quaint  him,  "  That  the  Greeks,  since  their  victory  at  sea,  were  de- 
termined  to  sail  to  the  Hellespont,  and  destroy  the  bridge  ;  but 
that  Themistocles,  in  care  for  the  king's  safety,  advised  him  to 
hasten  towards  his  own  seas,  and  pass  over  into  Asia,  while  his 
friends  Endeavoured  to  find  out  pretences  of  delay,  to  prevent  the 
confederates  from  pursuing  him."  Xerxes,  terrified  at  the  news, 
retired  with  the  greatest  precipitation.  J  How  prudent  the  manage- 
ment of  Themistocles  and  Aristides  was,  Mardonius  afforded  a 
proof,  when,  with  a  small  part  of  the  king's  forces,  he  put  the 
Greeks  in  extreme  danger  of  losing  all,  in  the  battle  of  Plaia3a. 

Herodotus  tells  us,  that,  among  the  cities,  JEgina.  bore  away  the 
palm  :  but,  among  the  commanders,  Themistocles,  in  spite  of  envy, 
was  universally  allowed  to  have  distinguished  himself  most.    For, 

*  In  this  battle,  which  was  one  of  the  most  memorable  we  find  in  history,  the  Gre- 
cians lost  forty  ships,  and  the  Persians  two  hundred,  besides  a  great  many  more  that 
were  taken. 

t  According  to  Herodotus,  it  was  not  Aristides,  but  Eurybiades,  who  made  this  re- 
ply  to  Themistocles. 

'\  Xerxes,  having  left  Mardonius  in  Greece  with  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand 
men,  marched  with  the  rest  towards  Thrace,  in  order  to  cross  tne  Hellespont  As 
no  provisions  had  been  prepared'  beforehand,  his  army  underwent  great  hardships 
during  the  whole  time  of  his  march,  which  lasted  fiveand-forty  days. 


^  'rHEMISTOCLES. 

when  they  came  to  the  Isthmtis,  and  every  oiTicer  took  a  billet 
from  Ilie  uUar,  to  inscribe  upon  it  the  names  of  those  that  had 
done  the  best  service,  every  one  put  himself  in  the  first  place,  and 
Theroistocles  in  the  second.  The  Lacedaemonians,  having  con- 
ducted him  to  Sparta,  adjudged  Eurybiades  the  prize  of  valour,  and 
Tliemistocles  that  of  wisdom,  honouring  each  with  a  crown  of 
olive.  They  likewise  presented  the  latter  with  the  handsomest 
chariot  in  the  city,  and  ordered  three  hundred  of  their  youth  to  at- 
tend him  to  the  borders.  At  the  next  Olympic  games,  too,  we  are 
told,  that,  as  soon  as  Themistocles  appeared  in  the  ring,  the  cham. 
pions  were  overlooked  by  the  spectators,  who  kept  their  eyes  upon 
him  all  the  day,  and  pointed  him  out  to  strangers  with  the  utmost 
admiration  and  applause.  This  incense  was  extremely  grateful  to 
him ;  and  he  acknowledged  to  his  friends,  that  he  then  reaped  the 
fruits  of  his  labours  for  Greece. 

Indeed,  be  was  naturally  very  ambitious,  if  we  may  form  a  con- 
clusion from  his  memorable  acts  and  sayings.  For,  when  elected 
admiral  by  the  Athenians,  he  would  not  despatch  any  busineM, 
whether  pubhc  or  private,  singly,  but  put  off  all  affairs  to  the  day 
he  was  to  embark,  that  having  a  great  deal  to  do  he  might  appear 
with  the  greater  dignity  and  importance. 

One  day,  as  he  was  looking  upon  the  dead  bodies  cast  up  by  the 
sea,  and  saw  a  number  of  chains  of  gold  and  bracelets  upon  them, 
he  passed  by  them,  and  turning  to  his  friend,  said,  **  Take  these 
things  for  yourself,  tor  you  are  not  Themistocles." 

I'o  Antiphates,  who  had  formerly  treated  him  with  disdain,  but 
m  his  glory  made  his  court  to  him,  he  said,  "  Young  man,  wc  arc 
both  come  to  our  senses  at  the  same  time  though  a  little  too  late.'' 

He  used  to  say,  "  The  Athenians  paid  him  no  honour  or  sincere 
respect ;  but  when  a  storm  arose,  or  danger  appeared,  they  shel- 
tered themselves  under  him,  as  under  a  plane-tree,  which,  when 
the  weather  was  fair  again,  they  would  rob  of  its  leaves  and 
branches." 

When  one  of  Seriphus  told  him,  '*  He  was  not  so  much  honoured 
for  his  own  sake,  but  for  his  country's."  "  True,"  answered  The- 
mistoclos :  "  for  neither  should  I  have  been  greatly  distinguished 
if  I  had  been  of  Seriphus ;  nor  you,  if  you  had  been  an  Athe- 
nian." 

Another  ofticer^  who  thouebt  he  had  done  the  state  some  service, 
setting  himself  up  against  Iriemistoclcs,  und  venturing  to  compare 
his  own  exploits  with  his,  he  answered  him  with  this  fable:  "  There 
once  happened  a  dispute  between  the  front -dap  and  the  day  after 
thefeatt :  Says  tbe  dtty  after  thefemt,  I  am  full  of  bustle  and  trou- 
ble, whereas,  with  you,  folks  enjoy  at  their  ease  everv  thing  ready 
provided.     You  say  right,  says  t\\e  fcast-dapt  hut  if  I  had  not  been 


THEMIST0CLE3. 


87 


before  you,  you  would  not  have  been  at  all.  So  had  it  not  been  for 
me,  then,  where  would  you  have  been  now  ?"* 

His  son  being  master  of  his  mother,  and  by ^her  means  of  him, 
he  said,  laughing,  "  This  child  is  greater  than  any  man  in  Greece  ; 
for  the  Athenians  command  the  Greeks,  I  command  the  Athenians, 
his  mother  commands  me,  and  he  commands  his  mother." 

As  he  loved  to  be  particular  in  every  thing,  when  he  happened 
to  sell  a  farm,  he  ordered  the  crier  to  add,  "  that  it  had  a  good 
neighbour." 

Two  citizens  courting  his  daughter,  he  preferred  the  worthy  man 
to  the  rich  one,  and  assigned  this  reason,  '*  He  had  rather  she 
would  have  a  man  without  money  than  money  without  a  man." 
Such  was  the  pointed  manner  in  which  he  often  expressed  himself.f 

After  the  greatest  actions  we  have  related,  his  next  enterprise 
was  to  rebuild  and  fortify  the  city  of  Athens. — Theopompus  says, 
he  bribed  the  Lacedaemonian  Ephoriy  that  they  might  not  oppose 
it ;  but  most  historians  say,  he  over  reached  them.  He  was  sent, 
it  seems,  on  pretence  of  an  embassy  to  Sparta.  The  Spartans  com- 
plained, that  the  Athenians  were  fortifying  their  city,  and  th^  go- 
vernor of  iEgina,  who  was  come  for  that  purpose,  supported  the 
accusation.  But  Themistocles  absolutely  denied  it,  and  challenged 
them  to  send  proper  persons  to  Athens  to  inspect  the  walls ;  at 
once  gaining  time  for  finishing  them,  and  contriving  to  have  hos- 
tages at  Athens  for  his  return.  The  event  answered  his  expecta- 
tion. For  the  Lacedaemonians,  when  assured  how  the  fact  stood, 
dissembled  their  resentment,  and  let  him  go  with  impunity. 

After  this,  he  built  and  fortified  the  Piraeus  (having  observed  the 
conveniency  of  that  harbour.)  By  which  means  he  gave  the  city 
every  maritime  accommodation.  In  this  respect  his  poUtics  were 
very  different  from  those  of  the  ancient  kings  of  Athens.  They, 
we  are  told,  used  their  endeavours  to  draw  the  attentron  of  their 
subjects  from  the  business  of  navigation,  that  they  might  turn  it 
entirely  to  the  culture  of  the  ground:  and  to  this  purpose  they 
published  the  fable  of  the  contention  between  Minerva  and  Nep- 
tune, for  the  patronage  of  Attica,  when  the  former,  by  producing 
an  olive  tree  before  the  judges,  gained  her  cause. 

Themistocles  had  something  still  greater  in  view  for  strength- 
ening the  Athenians  by  sea.  After  the  retreat  of  Xerxes,  when 
the  Grecian  fleet  was  gone  into  the  harbour  of  Pagasae  to  winter, 
he  acquainted  the  citizens  in  full  assembly,  "  That  he  had  hit  upon 
a  design  which  might  greatly  contribute  to  their  advantage,  but  it 
was  not  fit  to  be  communicated  to  their  whole  body."    The  Athe- 

«  There  is  the  genuine  Attic  salt  in  most  of  these  retorts  and  observations  of  The- 
mistocles.     His  wit  seems  to  have  been  equal  to  his  military  and  political  capacity. 

+  r,ce;o  has  preserved  another  of  his  sayings,  which  deserves  mentioning^  When 
Simonides  oflfered  to  teach  Themistocles  the  art  of  memory,  he  answered,  Ah  !  rather 
ieach  me  the  art  of  forgetting  /  for  I  often  remember  what  I  would  not,  and  can  not 
forget  whai  1  would. 


30  THEMISTOCLES. 

nians  ordered  him  to  communicate  it  to  Aristides  only/  and,  if  he 
approved  of  it,  to  put  it  in  execution.  Theroistocles  then  informed 
him  "  That  he  had  thoughts  of  burning  the  confederate  fleet  at 
Pagasce."  Upon  which,  Aristides  went  and  declared  to  the  people, 
"That  the  enterprise  which  Themistocles  proposed,  was  indeed 
the  most  advantageous  in  the  world,  but,  at  the  same  time,  the 
most  unjust."  The  Athenians,  therefore,  commanded  him  to  lay 
aside  all  thoughts  of  it. 

About  this  time  the  Lacedaemonians  made  a  motion  in  the  as. 
sembly  of  the  AmphictyonSj  to  exclude  from  that  council  all  those 
states  that  had  not  joined  it  in  the  confederacy  against  the  king  of 
Persia.  But  Themistocles  was  apprehensive,  that,  if  the  Thessa- 
liana,  the  Argives,  and  Thebans,  were  expelled  from  the  council, 
the  Lacedsmonians  would  have  a  great  majority  of  voices,  and 
consequently  procure  what  decrees  they  pleased.  He  spoke,  there* 
fore,  in  defence  of  those  states,  and  brought  the  deputies  off  from 
that  design,  by  representing  that  thirty.one  cities  only  had  their 
share  of  the  burden  of  that  war,  and  that  the  greatest  part  of  these 
were  but  of  small  consideration :  that  consequently  it  would  be 
both  unreasonable  and  dangerous  to  exclude  the  rest  of  Greece 
from  the  league,  and  leave  the  council  to  be  dictated  to  by  two  or 
three  great  cities.  By  this  he  became  very  obnoxious  to  the  Lace- 
dsemonians,  who,  for  this  reason,  set  up  Cimon  against  him  as  a 
rival  in  all  the  affairs  of  state,  and  used  all  their  interest  for  his 
advancement. 

He  disobliged  the  allies,  also,  by  sailing  round  the  islands,  and 
extorting  money  from  them ;  as  we  may  conclude  from  the  answer 
which  Herodotus  tells  us  the  Andrians  gave  him  to  a  demand  of 
that  sort.  He  told  them,  "  He  brought  two  gods  along  with  him. 
Persuasion  and  ForceJ*^  They  replied,  "  They  bad  also  two  great 
gods  on  their  side,  Potertj^  and  Despair,  who  forbade  them  to 
satisfy  him." 

As  the  Athenians,  through  envy,  readily  gave  ear  to  calunmies 
against  him,  he  was  often  forced  to  recount  his^own  services, 
vhich  rendered  him  still  more  insupportable  ;  and  ^b^n  they  ex- 
pressed their  displeasure,  he  said,  "  Are  you  weary  of  receiving 
benefits  often  from  the  same  band  V* 

Another  ofTence  he  gave  the  peoplo,  was,  his  building  a  temple 
to  Diana,  under  the  name  of  Ariitoiiifc,  or,  Diana  ofthebeit  etmn- 
ri/,  intimating  that  ho  had  given  the  best  counsel,  not  only  to 
Athens,  but  to  all  Greece.  He  built  this  temple  near  his  own 
house,  in  the  quarter  of  Melita.  There  was  a  sUtue  of  Themis, 
tocles  in  this  temple,  from  which  it  appeared  that  this  aspect  was 
as  heroic  as  his  soul. 

•  How  glorioui  ibii  trstimnoy  of  the  public  r^rd  to  ArittidM,  from  «  omoI*  thau 
•o  (ttti,  and  with*)  tn  vrrtuout  T 


THEMISTOCLES. 


89 


At  last  the  Athenians,  unable  any  longer  to  bear  that  high  dis- 
tinction in  which  he  stood,  banished  him  by  the  ostracism ;  and 
this  was  nothing  more  than  they  had  done  to  others  whose  power 
was  become  a  burden  to  them,  and  who  had  risen  above  the  equa. 
lity  which  a  commonwealth  requires  ;  for  ihe  ostracism,  or  ten  years 
banishment,  was  not  so  much  intended  to  punish  this  or  that  great 
man,  as  to  pacify  and  mitigate  the  fury  of  envy,  who  delights  in 
the  disgrace  of  superior  characters,  and  loses  a  part  of  her  rancour 
by  their  fall. 

In  the  time  of  his  exile,  while  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Argos,* 
the  affair  of  Pausanias  gave  great  advantage  to  the  enemies  of 
Theraistocles.  The  person  that  accused  him  of  treason,  was  Leo- 
botes,  the  son  of  Aicmason,  of  Agraule,  and  the  Spartans  joined  in 
the  impeachment.  Pausanias  at  first  concealed  his  plot  from 
Theraistocles,  though  he  was  his  friend  ;  but  when  he  saw  him  an 
exile,  and  full  of  indignation  against  the  Athenians,  he  ventured 
to  communicate  his  designs  to  him,  showing  him  the  king  of  Per- 
sia's letters,  and  exciting  him  to  vengeance  against  the  Greeks, 
as  an  unjust  and  ungrateful  people.  Themistocles  rejected  the 
solicitations  of  Pausanias,  and  refused  to  have  the  least  share  in 
his  designs;  buf  he  gave  no  information  of  what  had  passed  be- 
tween them.,  nor  let  the  secret  transpire  ;  whether  he  thought  he 
would  desist  of  himself,  or  that  he  would  be  discovered  some  other 
way,  as  he  had  embarked  in  an  absurd  and  extravagant  enterprise, 
without  any  rational  hopes  of  success. 

However,  when  Pausanias  was  put  to  death,  there  were  found 
letters  and  other  writings  relative  to  the  business,  which  caused 
no  small  suspicion  against  Themistocles.  The  Lacedaemonians 
raised  aT clamour  against  him ;  and  such  of  his  fellow. citizens  as 
envied  him,  insisted  on  the  charge.  He  could  not  defend  himself 
in  person,  but  he  answered  by  letter  the  principal  parts  of  the  accu- 
sation. For,  to  obviate  the  calumnies  of  his  enemies,  he  observed 
to  the  Athenians,  "  That  he  who  was  born  to  command,  and  inca- 
pable of  servitude,  could  never  sell  himself,  and  Greece  along  with 
him,  to  jen^mies  and  barbarians."  The  people,  however,  listened 
to  his  accuser,  and  sent  him  with  orders  to  bring  him  to  his  answer 
before  the  states  of  Greece.     Of  this  he  had  timely  notice  and 

*  The  great  Pausanias,  who  had  beaten  the  Persians  in  the  battle  of  Platsa.  and 
who  on  many  occasions  had  behaved  with  great  generosity  as  weU  as  moderation,  at 
last  degenerated,  and  fell  into  a  scandalous  treaty  with  the  Persians,  in  hopes,  through 
their  interest,  to  make  himself  sovereign  of  Greece.  As  soon  as  he  had  conceived 
these  strange  notions,  he  fell  into  the  manners  of  the  Persians,  affected  all  their  luxury, 
and  derided  the  plain  customs  of  his  country,  of  which  he  had  formerly  been  so  fond. 
The  Ephori  waited  some  time  for  clear  proof  of  his  treacherous  designs,  and  when 
they  had  obtained  it,  determined  to  imprison  him.  But  he  fled  into  the  temple  of 
Minerva  Chalcioicos,  and  they  beseiged  him  there.  They  walled  up  all  the  gates,  and 
his  own  mother  laid  the  first  stone.  When  they  had  almost  starved  him  to  death, 
they  laid  bands  on  him,  and  by  the  time  they  bad  got  bun  out  of  the  temple,  he  ex- 
pired. 

M  8* 


90 


THEMISTOCLSS. 

over  to  the  isle  of  Corcyra,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had 
great  obligatioDS  to  him ;  for  a  difference  between  them  and  the 
people  of  Corinth  had  been  referred  to  his  arbitration,  and  he  had 
decided  it  by  awarding  the  Corinthians  to  pay  down  twenty  talents, 
and  the  isle  of  Leucas  to  be  in  common  between  the  two  parties, 
OS  a  colony  from  both.  From  thence  he  fled  to  Epirus ;  and,  find- 
ing himself  still  pursued  by  the  Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians, 
he  tried  a  very  hazardous  and  uncertain  resource,  in  imploring  the 
protection  of  Admetus  king  of  the  Molossians.  Admetus  had  made 
a  request  to  the  Athenians,  which  being  rejected  with  scorn  by 
Themistocles,  in  the  time  of  his  prosperity  and  influence  in  the 
state,  the  king  entertained  a  deep  resentment  against  him,  and 
made  no  secret  of  his  intention  to  revenge  himself,  if  ever  the 
Athenian  should  fall  into  his  power.  However,  while  he  was  thus 
flying  from  place  to  place,  he  was  more  afraid  of  the  recent  envy 
of  his  countrymen,  than  of  the  consequences  of  an  old  quarrel  with 
the  king ;  and  therefore  he  went  and  put  himself  in  his  hands^ 
appearing  before  him  as  a  suppliant,  in  a  particular  and  extraordi. 
nary  manner.*  Ho  took  the  king's  son,  who  was  yet  a  child,  in  his 
arms,  and  kneeled  down  before  the  household  gods.  This  manner 
of  offering  a  petition  the  Molossians  looked  upon  as  the  most  effec 
tual,  and  the  only  one  that  can  hardly  be  rejected. 

At  that  time  Epicrates,  the  Acarnanian,  found  means  to  convey 
the  wife  and  children  of  Themistocles  out  of  Athens,  and  sent  them 
to  him,  for  which  Cimon  afler^va^d8  condemned  him,  and  put  him 
to  death.  Thucydides  writes,  that  he  went  by  land  to  the  iEgean 
sea,  and  embarked  at  Pydna :  that  none  in  the  ship  knew  him  till 
he  was  driven  by  a  storm  to  Naxos,  which  was  at  that  time  be- 
sieged  by  the  Athenians ;  that,  through  fear  of  being  taken,  he 
then  informed  the  master  of  the  ship  and  the  pilot  who  he  was; 
and  that,  partly  by  entreaties,  partly  by  threatening,  he  would  de. 
clare  to  the  Athenians,  however  falsely,  that  they  knew  him  from 
the  flrstj  and  were  bribed  to  take  him  into  their  vessel,  he  obliged 
them  to  weigh  anchor,  and  sail  for  Asia. 

The  greatest  part  of  his  treasures  were  privately  sent  aAer  him 
to  Asia  by  his  friends.  What  was  discovered  and  seized  for  the 
public  use,  Theopompus  says,  amounted  to  an  hundred  talents, 
Theophrastus  fourscore ;  though  he  was  not  worth  three  talents 
before  his  being  employed  in  the  government.'!' 

When  he  was  landed  at  Cuma,  he  understood  that  a  number  of 
people,  particularly  Ergoteles  and  Pythodorus,  where  watching  to 
take  him.    He  was,  indeed,  a  rich  booty  to  those  who  wero  deter- 

*  Ft  was  nothing  particular  for  a  suppliant  to  do  hofloaft  to  tba  hmntbold  gods  of 
th«  person  to  whom  he  had  a  request ;  but  to  do  it  with  the  kinf*t  eons  in  his  armt 
was  an  extraordinary  circumstance. 

t  This  is  totally  inconsistent  with  that  splendour  in  which,  according  to  Pltitaieli*! 
ottn  aecouni,  he  fired,  before  he  had  any  public  appointmentt 


THEMISTOCLES. 


91 


rained  to  get  money  by  any  means  whatever ;  for  the  king  of  Pers'a 
had  offered,  by  proclamation,  two  hundred  talents,  for  apprehending 
him.*  He,  therefore,  retired  to  Mgas^  a  little  town  of  the  iEolians, 
where  he  was  known  to  nobody  but  Nicogenes,  his  host,  who  was 
a  man  of  great  wealth,  and  had  some  interest  at  the  Persian  court. 
In  his  house  he  was  concealed  a  few  days ;  and,  one  evening,  after 
supper,  when  the  sacrifice  was  offered,  Olbinus,  tutor  to  Nicogenes' 
children,  cried  out,  as  in  a  rapture  of  inspiration, 

Counsel,  O  Night,  and  victory  are  thine. 
After  this,  Themistocles  went  to  bed,  and  dreamed  he  saw  a  dragon 
coiled  round  his  body,  and  creeping  up  to  his  neck,  which,  as  soon 
as  it  touched  his  face,  was  turned  into  an  eagle,  and,  covering  him 
with  his  wings,  took  him  up,  and  carried  him  to  a  distant  place, 
where  a  golden  sceptre  appeared  to  him,  uporl  which  he  rested 
securely,  and  was  delivered  from  all  his  fear  and  trouble. 

In  consequence  of  this  warning,  he  was  sent  away  by  Nicogenes, 
who  contrived  this  method  for  it.  The  barbarians  in  general,  es- 
pecially the  Persians,  are  jealous  of  the  women,  even  to  madness  ; 
not  only  of  their  wives,  but  their  slaves  and  concubines ;  for,  besides 
the  care  they  take  that  they  shall  be  seen  by  none  but  their  own 
family,  they  keep  them  hke  prisoners  in  their  houses;  and  when 
they  take  a  journey,  they  are  put  in  a  carriage  close  covered  on 
all  sides.  In  such  a  carriage  as  this  Themistocles  was  conveyed, 
the  attendants  being  instructed  to  tell  those  they  met,  if  they  hap- 
pened to  be  questioned,  that  they  were  carrying  a  Grecian  lady 
from  Ionia  to  a  nobleman  at  court. 

Thucydides,  and  Caron  of  Lamsacus,  relate,  that  Xerxes  was  then 
dead,  and  that  it  was  to  his  sonf  Artaxerxes  that  Themistocles  ad- 
dressed himself.  But  Ephorus,  Dinon,  Clitarchus,  Heraclides, 
and  several  others  write,  that  Xerxes  himself  was  then  upon  the 
throne.  The  opinion  of  Thucydides  seems  most  agreeable  to  chro- 
nology, though  that  is  not  perfectly  well  settled.  Themistocles, 
now  ready  for  the  dangerous  experiment,  applied  first  to  Artaba- 
nusjij:  a  military  officer,  and  told  him,  "  He  was  a  Greek,  who 
desired  to  have  audience  of  the  king  about  matters  of  great  impor- 
tance, which  the  king  himself  had  much  at  heart."  Artabanus 
answered,  "  The  laws  of  men  are  different ;  some  esteem  one  thing 

*  The  resentment  of  Xerxes  is  not  at  all  to  be  wondered  at,  since  Themistocles  had 
not  only  beaten  him  in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  but  what  was  more  disgraceful  still,  had 
made  him  a  dupe  to  his  designing  persuasions  and  representations.  In  the  loss  of  vic- 
tory, he  had  some  consolation,  as  he  was  not  himself  the  immediate  cause  of  it:  but 
for  his  ridiculous  return  to  Asia,  bis  anger  could  only  fall  upon  himself  an^i  Themis- 
tocles 

+  Themistocles,  therefore,  arrived  at  the  Persian  court  in  the  first  year  of  the  seventy- 
ninth  Olympiad,  462  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ ;  for  that  was  the  first  vear  of 
Artaxeixes'  reign. 

}  vSon  of  that  Artabanus,  captain  of  the  guards,  who  slew  Xerxes,  and  persuaded 
Artaxerxes  to  cut  off  his  elder  brother  Darius. 


92  THEMISTOCLES. 

honourable,  and  some  another  ;  but  it  becomes  all  men  to  honour 
and  observe  the  customs  of  their  own  countn**.  With  you  the 
thing  most  admired,  is  said  to  be  liberty  and  equality.  We 
have  many  excellent  laws ;  and  we  regard  it  as  one  of  the  roost 
fndispensible  to  honour  the  king,  and  to  adore  him  as  the  miage  of 
that  Deity  who  preserves  and  supports  the  universe.  If,  therefore, 
you  are  willing  to  conform  to  our  customs,  and  to  prostrate  yourself 
before  the  king,  you  may  be  permitted  to  see  him  and  speak  to 
him.  But  if  you  cannot  bring  yourself  to  this,  you  must  acquaint 
him  with  your  business  by  a  third  person.  It  would  be  an  infrmge. 
nient  of  the  custom  of  his  country,  for  the  king  to  admit  any  one 
to  audience  who  does  not  worship  him.'*  To  this  Themistoclen 
replied,  **  My  business,  Artabanus,  is  to  add  to  the  king's  honour 
and  power ;  therefore,  I  will  comply  with  your  customs,  ance  the 
God  that  has  exalted  the  Persians,  will  have  it  so ;  and  by  my 
means  the  number  of  the  king's  worshippers  shall  be  increased. 
So  let  this  be  no  hindrance  to  my  communicating  to  the  king 
what  I  have  to  say." — "  But  who,"  said  Artabanus,  '*  shall  we  say 
3'ou  are  ?  for  by  your  discourse  you  appear  to  be  no  ordinary  per- 
son." Themistocles  answered,  **  Nobody  must  know  that  before 
the  king  himself." 

When  he  was  introduced  to  the  king,  and  after  his  prostration, 
stood  silent,  the  king  commanded  the  interpreter  to  ask  him  who 
he  was.  The  interpreter  accordingly  put  the  question,  and  he 
answered,  "  The  man  who  is  come  now  to  address  himself  to  you, 
O  king,  is  Themistocles  the  Athenian  ;  an  exile,  persecuted  by  the 
Greeks.  The  Persians  have  suficred  much  by  me;  but  it  has  been 
more,  than  compensated  by  my  preventing  your  being  pursued, 
when  after  I  had  delivered  Greece,  and  saved  my  own  country,  I 
had  It  in  my  power  to  do  you  also  a  service.  My  sentiments  are 
suitable  to  my  present  misfortunes,  and  I  come  prepared  either  to 
receive  your  favour,  if  you  are  reconciled  to  me,  or  if  you  retain 
any  reacntment,  to  disarm  it  by  submisdon.  Reject  not  the  testi> 
iiiony  my  enemies  have  given  to  the  services  I  have  done  the  Per- 
sians, and  make  use  of  the  opportunity  my  misfortunes  afford  you, 
rather  to  show  your  generosity,  than  to  satisfy  your  revenge.  If 
you  save  me,  you  save  your  suppliant ;  if  you  destroy  me,  you  do- 
etroy  the  enemy  of  Greece."*  In  hopes  of  influencing  the  king 
by  an  argument  drawn  from  religion,  Themistocles  added  to  this 
speech  an  account  of  the  vision  Tie  had  in  Nicogenes*  house,  and 
an  oracle  of  Jupiter  of  Dodona,  who  ordered  him  *'  to  go  to  one 
who  bore  the  same  name  with  the  god  ;"  from  which  he  concluded 
he  was  (tent  to  him,  since  both  were  called,  and  really  were,  grrat 
Idnfig. 

The  king  gave  him  no  answer,  though  he  admired  his  courage 

•  How  Miremely  abject  «nd  coniemptiMe  it  this  peiUkio,  wherein  the  ttippliant 
Isuodi  every  erKument  in  his  favour  upon  hu  vic4$ .' 


THEMISTOCLES. 


93 


and  magnanimity:  but  with  his  friends  he  felicitated  himself  upon 
this,  as  the  most  fortunate  event  imaginable.  We  are  told  also, 
that  he  prayed  to  Arimanius*  that  his  enemies  might  ever  be  so 
infatuated,  as  to  drive  from  amongst  them  their  ablest  men  ;  that 
he  offered  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  and  immediately  after  made  a  great 
entertainment :  nay,  that  he  was  so  affected  by  with  joy,  that  when 
he  retired  to  rest,  in  the  midst  of  his  sleep  he  called  out  three  times 
"  I  have  Themistocles,  the  Athenian." 

As  soon  as  it  was  nay,  he  called  together  his  friends,  and  ordered 
Themistocles  to  be  brought  before  him.  The  exile  expected  no 
favour,  when  he  found  that  the  guards,  at  the  first  hearing  of  his 
name,  treated  him  with  rancour,  and  loaded  him  with  reproaches. 
Nay,  when  the  king  had  taken  his  seat,  and  a  respectful  silence  en- 
sued, Roxanes,  one  of  his  officers,  as  Themistocles  passed  him, 
whispered  him  with  a  sigh,  "  Ah !  thou  subtle  serpent  of  Greece, 
the  king's  good  genius  has  brought  thee  thither."  However,  when 
he  had  prostrated  himself  twice  in  the  presence,  the  king  saluted 
him,  and  spoke  to  him  graciously,  telUng  him,  "  He  owed  him  two 
hundred  talents;  for,  as  he  had  delivered  himself  up,  it  was  but 
just  he  should  receive  the  reward  offered  to  any  one  who  should 
bring  him."  He  promised  him  much  more,  assured  him  of  his  pro- 
tection, and  ordered  him  to  declare  freely  whatever  he  had  to  pro- 
pose concerning  Greece.  Themistocles  rephed,  "  That  a  man's 
discourse  was  like  a  piece  of  tapestry,f  which,  when  spread  open, 
displays  its  figures  ;  but  when  it  is  folded  up  they  are  hidden  and 
lost ;  therefore  he  begged  time."  The  king,  delighted  with  the 
comparison,  bade  him  take  what  time  he  pleased  ;  and  he  desired 
a  year  :  in  which  space  he  learned  the  Persian  language,  so  as  to 
be  able  to  converse  with  the  king  without  an  interpreter. 

Such  as  did  not  belong  to  the  court,  believed  that  he  entertained 
their  prince  on  the  subject  of  the  Grecian  affairs ;  but  as  there 
were  then  many  changes  in  the  ministry,  he  incurred  the  envy  ol 
the  nobility,  who  suspected  that  he  had  presumed  to  speak  too 
freely  of  them  to  the  king.  The  honours  that  were  paid  him  were 
far  superior  to  those  that  other  strangers  had  experienced ;  the 
king  took  him  with  him  a-hunting,  conversed  familiarly  with  him 
in  his  palace,  and  introduced  him  to  the  queen-mother,  who  ho- 
noured him  with  her  confidence.  He  likewise  gave  orders  for  his 
being  instructed  in  the  learning  of  the  Magi. 

We  are  told  that  Themistocles  himself,  in  the  midst  of  his  great- 
ness, and  the  extraordinary  respect  that  was  paid  him,  seeing  his 
table  most  elegantly  spread,  turned  to  his  children,  and  said,  "  Chil- 

*  The  goH  of  darkness,  the  supposed  author  of  plagues  and  cnlamities,  was  called 
Ahriman  or  Arimanius. 

f  In  this  he  artfully  conformed  to  the  figurative  manner  of  speaking  in  use  among 
the  eastern  nations. 


04  THEMISTOCLES. 

dreOy  we  should  have  been  undone,  bad  it  not  been  for  our  undoing.'* 
Most  authors  agree,  that  he  had  three  cities  given  him,  for  bread, 
wine,  and  meat ;  Magnesia,  Lampsacus,  and  Myus.*  Neantbes  of 
Cyzicus,  and  Phanias,  add  two  more,  Percote  and  Paisescepas,  for 
his  chamber  and  his  wardrobe. 

When  he  came  to  Sardis,  he  diverted  himself  with  looking  at 
the  ornaments  of  the  temples ;  and  among  the  great  number  of 
ofierings,  he  found  in  the  temple  of  Cybele  a  female  figure  of  brass, 
two  cubits  high,  called  HydrophoruSy  or  the  itater -bearer ,  which  he 
himself,  when  surveyor  of  the  aqueducts  at  Athens,  had  caused  to  be 
made  and  dedicated  out  of  the  fines  of  such  as  had  stolen  the  water, 
or  diverted  the  stream.  Whether  it  was  that  he  was  moved  at  see- 
ing this  statue  in  a  strange  country,  or  that  he  was  desirous  to  show 
the  Athenians  how  much  he  was  honoured,  and  what  power  he 
had  all  over  the  king's  dominions,  he  addressed  himself  to  the  go. 
vemor  of  Lydia,  and  begged  leave  to  send  back  the  statue  to  Athens. 
The  barbarian  immediately  took  fire,  and  said  he  would  certainly 
acquaint  the  king  what  sort  of  a  request  he  had  made  him.  The- 
inistocles,  alarmed  at  this,  menace,  applied  to  the  governor's  wo- 
men,  and,  by  money,  prevailed  upon  them  to  pacify  him.  AAer 
this  he  behaved  with  more  prudence,  sensible  how  much  he  had  to 
fear  from  the  envy  of  the  Persians.  Hence,  he  did  not  travel  about 
Asia,  as  Theopompus  says,  but  took  up  his  abode  at  Magnesia, 
where,  loaded  with  valuable  presents,  and  equally  honoured  with 
the  Persian  nobles,  he  long  lived  in  great  security  ;  for  the  king, 
who  was  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  the  upper  provinces,  gave  but 
little  attention  to  the  concerns  of  Greece. 

But  when  Egypt  revolted,  and  was  supported  in  that  revolt  by 
the  Athenians,  when  the  Grecian  fleet  sailed  as  far  as  Cyprus  and 
Celicia,  and  Cimon  rode  triumphant  master  of  the  seas,  the  king 
of  Persia  applied  himself  to  oppose  the  Greeks,  and  to  prevent  the 
growth  of  their  power.  Ho  put  his  forces  in  motion,  sent  out  his 
generals,  and  despatched  messengers  to  Themistocles  at  Magnesia, 
to  command  him  to  perform  his  promises,  and  exert  himself  against 
Greece.  Did  he  not  obey  the  summons  then  7  No:  neither  re- 
sentment against  the  Athenians,  nor  the  honour  and  authority  in 
which  he  now  flourished,  could  prevail  upon  him  to  take  the  direc- 

•  The  country  about  Magnesia  wat  so  fertile,  that  it  brought  TbtmlMoclM  ■  nf' 
nue  of  fiAv  talenii :  Li«mpMcut  had  in  ita  neif^h  hour  hood  ibe  nobleai  vinmrda  of  tb« 
cait .  and  Mvut,  or  Myon,  abounded  in  provntont.  porticularty  in  Ath.  It  waa  uMia) 
with  the  eastern  monarcht,  instead  of  peoitnns  to  their  ftivourttet.  to  ateiicn  them 
cities  and  provinces.  Kven  such  provinces  as  the  kings  retained  the  revenue  of.  were 
were  under  pHrncular  awi^nnmus ;  one  prm'inca  furnishing  to  much  for  erine.  an* 
other  for  victuals,  a  third  for  the  privy  pur»e.  and  a  fourth  for  the  wardrobe  One  of 
the  queens  had  all  Zgypx  for  her  clothing ;  nnd  IMeto  talli  (1  Aloibuid.)  that  mmnj  of 
the  provinces  were  eppropriaied  for  the  queen's  wardrotM :  OM  for  her  ginlle,  apolher 
for  her  head-dress,  and  m>  of  the  rest :  and  each  provhioe  bore  the  name  of  Uut  pen 
.")( the  dreaa  it  waaio  furnish. 


THEMISl'OCLES.  95 

lion  of  the  expedition.  Possibly  he  might  doubt  the  event  of  the 
war,  as  Greece  had  then  several  great  generals,  and  Cimon  in  par- 
ticular was  distinguished  with  extraordinary  success.  Above  ail, 
regard  for  his  own  achievements,  and  the  trophies  he  had  gained, 
whose  glory  he  was  unwilling  to  tarnish,  determined  him  (as  the 
best  method  he  could  take)  to  put  such  an  end  to  his  life  as  became 
his  dignity.  Having  therefore  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  assembled 
his  friends,  and  taken  his  last  leave,  he  drank  bull's  blood,*  as  is 
generally  reported ;  or,  as  some  relate  it,  he  took  a  quick  poison, 
and  ended  his  days  at  Magnesia,  having  lived  sixty-five  years,  most 
of  which  he  had  spent  in  civil  or  military  employments.  When 
the  king  was  acqainted  with  the  cause  and  manner  of  his  death,  he 
admired  him  more  than  ever,  and  continued  his  favour  and  bounty 
to  his  friends  and  relations.f 

Themistocles  had  by  Archippe,  the  daughter  of  Lysander  of 
Alopece,  five  sons,  Neocles,  Diodes,  Archeptolis,  Polyeuctus,  and 
Cleophantus.     The  three  last  survived  him. 

The  Magnesians  erected  a  very  handsome  monument  to  him  in 
the  market  place  ;  and  various  honours  and  privileges  were  grant- 
ed by  them  to  the  descendants  of  Themistocles ;  for  they  were  en- 
joyed by  one  of  his  name,  an  Athenian,  with  whom  I  had  a  parti- 
lar  acquaintance  and  friendship  in  the  house  of  Ammonius  the  phi- 
losopher. 

*  Whilst  they  were  sacrificing  the  bull,  he  caused  the  blood  to  be  received  in  a  cup, 
and  drank  it  whilst  it  was  warm,  which  (according  to  Pliny)  is  mortal,  because  it 
coagulates  or  thickens  in  an  instant. 

f  There  is,  in  our  opinion,  more  true  heroism  in  the  death  of  Themistocles  than  in 
the  death  of  Cato.  It  is  something  enthusiastically  great,  when  a  man  determines  not 
to  survive  his  liberty ;  but  it  is  something  still  greater,  when  he  refuses  to  survive  his 
honour. 


96 

CAMILLUS. 

FlourUhed  400  years  before  Christ. 

THE  family  of  the  Furii*  was  not  very  illustriouM  before  the 
time  of  Camillus ;  he  was  the  first  who  raised  it  to  diflinction, 
when  he  served  under  Posthumius  Tabertus  in  the  great  battle 
with  the  Equi  and  Volsci.f  In  that  action,  spurring  his  horse  be- 
fore  the  ranks,  he  received  a  wound  in  the  thigh,  when,  instead  of 
retiring,  he  plucked  the  javelin  out  of  the  wound,  engaged  with 
the  bravest  of  the  enemy,  and  put  them  to  flight.  For  this,  among 
other  honours,  he  was  appointed  censor,  an  office  at  that  time  of 
great  dignity4  There  is  upon  record  a  very  laudable  act  of  his, 
that  took  place  during  his  office.  As  the  wars  had  made  many 
widows,  he  obliged  such  of  the  men  as  Uved  singly,  partly  by  per- 
suasion, and  partly  by  threatening  them  with  fines,  to  marry  those 
widows.  Another  act  of  his,  which  indeed  was  absolutely  neces. 
sary,  was,  the  causing  orphans,  who  before  were  exempt  from 
taxes,  to  contribute  to  the  supplies  ;  for  these  were  very  large  by 
reason  of  the  continual  wars.  What  was  then  most  urgent  was 
the  siege  of  Veii.  This  city  was  the  barrier  of  Tuscany,  and  in 
the  quantity  of  her  arms  and  number  of  her  military,  not  inferior  to 
Rome.  Proud  of  her  wealth,  her  elegance,  and  luxury,  she  had 
maintained  with  the  Romans  many  long  and  gallant  disputes  for 
^lory  and  for  power.  But  humbled  by  many  signal  defeats,  the 
Veientes  had  then  bid  adieu  to  that  ambition :  they  satisfied  them- 
selves with  building  strong  and  high  walls,  and  filling  the  city  with 
provisions,  arms,  and  all  kinds  of  warlike  stores;  and  so  they 
waited  for  the  enemy  without  fear.  The  siege  was  long,  but  no 
less  laborious  than  troublesome  to  the  besiegers  than  to  ^iem.  For 
the  Romans  had  long  been  accustomed  to  summer  campaigns  and 

•  Furiut  wai  the  fomily  name.  Camiliui  was  an  appellation  of  children  of  quality, 
who  oiiniitared  in  the  temple  of  some  god.  Our  Camillus  was  the  first  who  retaioeid 
it  as  a  wmaiae. 

f  This  was  in  the  year  of  Rome  314.  when  Camillus  might  be  about  fourtaao  or  fif- 
teen years  of  age  (for  in  the  year  of  Rome  389,  be  was  near  Ibuneort),  tbougb 
the  Roman  youth  did  not  use  to  bear  arms  sooner  than  tervnteen.  And  thoa|b  Plu- 
tarch says,  that  his  fallant  behaviour,  at  that  (ime.  procured  him  the  osoaoiwtp,  yet 
that  was  an  oiBce  which  the  Romans  never  conferred  upon  a  young  paraon;  and,  in 
fact,  Camillus  was  not  censor  till  the  year  of  Rome  353. 

I  The  authority  of  the  censors,  in  the  time  of  tha  npablie,  waa  vny  ■iiaaeini. 
They  bad  power  to  expel  senators  the  housa,  to  dagrada  tka  Imigiiia,  and  to  dieabie 
the  commons  from  giving  their  votes  in  the  assanblMa  of  the  pacola.  But  Uie  empe- 
rors took  the  ofltoa  upon  themselves:  and.  as  many  of  Ibom  abutap  it,  it  lost  its  honour, 
and  sometimes  lb«  very  title  was  laid  aside.  As  to  what  Plutarch  says,  that  Caaul* 
lus,  when  eansnr,  obliged  many  of  the  bachelors  to  marnr  the  widows  of  tl 
had  fallen  In  the  wars;  that  was  in  pursuance  of  one  of  the  powers  of  his 
Qdtbttmtfrohibtnto  '^ 


GAMILLUS.  ^ 

to  winter  at  home ;  and  then  for  the  first  time  their  officers  ordered 
them  to  construct  forts,  to  raise  strong  works  about  their  camp, 
and  to  pass  the  winter  as  well  as  summer  in  the  enemy's  country. 

The  seventh  year  of  the  war  was  now  almost  past,  when  the  ge- 
nerals  began  to  be  blamed  ;  and  as  it  was  thought  they  shewed 
not  sufficient  vigour  in  the  siege,*  they  were  superseded,  and  others 
put  in  their  room  ;  among  whom  was  Camillus,  then  appointed  tri. 
hune  the  second  time.  He  was  not,  however,  at  present  concerned 
in  the  siege,  for  it  fell  to  his  lot  to  head  the  expedition  a'gainst  the 
Falisci  and  Capenates,  who,  while  the  Romans  were  otherwise  em- 
ployed, committed  great  depredations  in  their  country,  and  harassed 
them  during  the  whole  Tuscan  war.  But  Camillus  falling  upon 
them,  killed  great  numbers,  and  shut  up  the  rest  within  their  walls. 

In  the  tenth  year  of  the  siege,  the  senate  removed  the  other 
magistrates,  and  appointed  Camillus  dictator,  who  made  choice  of 
Cornelius  Scipio  for  his  general  of  horse.  In  the  first  place  he 
made  vows  to  the  gods,  if  they  favoured  him  with  putting  a  glo- 
rious period  to  the  war,  to  celebrate  the  great  Circensian  games  to 
their  honour,*  and  to  consecrate  the  temple  of  the  goddess,  whom 
the  Romans  call  Matuta,  and  the  Greeks  Leucothea. 

After  these  vows,  Camillus  penetrated  into  the  country  of  the 
Falisci,  and  in  a  great  battle  overthrew  them  and  their  auxiliaries 
the  Capenates.  Then  he  turned  to  the  sieg6  of  Veii ;  and  per- 
ceiving that  it  would  4)6  both  difficult  and  dangerous  to  endeavour 
to  take  it  by  assault,  he  ordered  mines  to  be  dug,  the  soil  about  the 
city  being  easy  to  work,  and  admitting  depth  enough  for  the 
works  to  be  carried  on  unseen  by  the  enemy.  As  this  succeeded 
to  his  wish,  he  made  an  assault  without,  to  call  the  enemy  to  the 
walls:  and  in  the  mean  time,  others  of  his  soldiers  made  their  way 
through  the  mines,  and  secretly  penetrated  to  Juno's  temple  in  the 
citadel. 

The  city,  thus  taken  by  the  Romans,  sword  in  hand,  while  they 
were  busy  in  plundering  it  and  carrying  off"  its  immense  riches, 
Camillus  beholding  from  the  citadel  what  was  done,  at  first  burst 
into  tears :  and  when  those  about  him  began  to  magnify  his  hap- 
piness, he  lifted  up  his  hands  towards  Heaven,  and  uttered  this 
prayer:  "Great  Jupiter,  and  ye  gods  that  have  the  inspection  of 

*  Of  the  six  military  tribunes  of  that  year,  only  two,  L.  Virginius  and  Manius  Ser- 
ffius  carried  on  the  siege  of  V,eii.  Sergius  commanded  the  attack,  and  Virginms  co- 
vered the  siege.  While  the  army  was  thus  divided,  the  Falisci  and  Capenates  fell  upon 
Sergius.  and  at  the  same  time,  the  besieged  sallying  out,  attacked  hira  on  the  other 
side  The  Romans  under  his  command,  thinking  they  had  all  the  forces  of  Hetruria 
to  deal-with.  began  to  lose  courage  and  retire.  Virginius  could  have  saved  his  col- 
league's troops,  but  as  Sergius  was  too  proud  to  send  to  hira  for  succour,  he  resolved 
not  to  give  hicn  any.  The  enemy,  therefore,  made  a  dreadful  daughter  of  the  Romans 
in  their  lines.— Z.iu.  lib.  v.  c  8. 

4- The  year  of  Rome  357. 

k  These  were  a  kind  of  tournartwait  in  the  great  circus 


gg  CAMILLUS. 

our  good  and  evil  actions,  y^  know  that  the  Romans,  not  without 
just  cause,  but  in  their  own  defence,  and  constrained  by  necessity, 
have  made  war  against  this  city,  and  their  enemies,  its  ui^just  in- 
habitants. It'  we  must  have  some  misfortune  in  Heu  of  this 
success,  I  entreat  that  it  may  fall  not  upon  Rome  or  the  Roman 
army,  but  upon  myself."  Having  pronounced  these  words,  he 
turned  to  the  right,  as  the  manner  of  the  Romans  is  after  prayer 
and  supplication,  but  fell  in  turning.  His  friends  expressed  great 
uneasiness  at  the  accident,  but  he  soon  recovered  himself  from  the 
fall,  and  told  them,  *'■  It  was  only  a  small  inconvenience  after  great 
success,  agreeably  to  his  prayer."* 

Whether  it  was  that  Camillus  was  elated  with  his  great  exploit 
in  taking  a  city  that  was  the  rival  of  Rome,  after  it  had  been  be. 
sieged  ten  years,  or  that  he  was  misled  by  his  flatterers,  he  took 
upon  him  too  much  state  for  a  magistrate  subject  to  the  laws  and 
usages  of  his  country :  for  his  triumph  was  conducted  with  ex- 
cessive pomp,  and  he  rode  through  Rome  in  a  chariot  drawn  by 
four  white  horses,  which  no  general  ever  did  before  or  after  him. 
Indeed,  this  sort  of  carriage  is  esteemed  sacred,  and  is  appropriated 
to  the  king  and  father  of  the  gods.-f  The  citizens,  therefore,  con- 
sidered  this  unusual  appearance  of  grandeur  as  an  insult  upon  them. 
Besides,  they  were  offended  at  his  opposing  the  law  by  which  the 
city  was  to  be  divided.  For  their  tribunes  had  proposed  that  the 
senate  and  the  people  should  be  divided  into  two  equal  parts ;  one 
part  to  remain  at  Rome,  and  the  other,  as  the  lot  happened  to  fall, 
to  remove  to  the  conquered  city,  by  which  means  they  would  not 
only  have  more  room,  but,  by  being  in  possession  of  two  consider- 
able cities,  be  better  able  to  defend  their  territories  and  to  watch 
over  their  prosperity.  The  people  who  were  very  numerous,  and 
enriched  by  the  late  plunder,«constantly  assembled  at  the  /omm, 
and  in  a  tumultuous  manner  demanded  to  have  it  put  to  the  vote. 
But  the  senate  and  other  principal  citizens  considered  this  proposal 
of  the  tribunes,  not  so  much  the  dividing  as  the  destroying  of 
Rorae,|  and  in  their  uneasiness  applied  to  Camillus.  Camillus  was 
afraid  to  put  it  to  the  trial,  and  therefore  invented  demurs  and  pre- 
tences or  delay,  to  prevent  the  bill's  being  oftered  to  the  people, 
by  which  he  incurred  their  displeasure. 

But  the  greatest  and  most  manifest  cause  of  their  hatred  was, 
bis  behaviour  with  respect  to  the  tenths  of  the  spoils :  and  if  the 


*  This  it  a  contioiiatioD  of  the  former  miiuke.    Livy  tails  ua,  it  wms  < 
ftora  the  event,  that  thii  fall  of  Camillus  was  a  preaafe  of  bts  coadmum^oa  ami 
banishment. 

f  He  likewise  coloured  bis  face  with  vermilion,  the  colour  with  which  thrautiiM 
of  ihegods  were  commonly  painted. 

t  Thty  feared,  that  two  such  cities,  would,  t)y  degrees,  become  two  different  state*, 
which,  after  a  destroctire  war  with  each  other,  would  at  tangth  fall  a  prer  to  UMk 
common  enemies. 


CAMIIXUS.  gg 

resentment  of  the  people  vfas  not  in  this  case  altogether  just,  yet 
it  had  some  show  of  reason.  It  seems  he  made  a  vow,  as  he 
marched  to  Veii,  that  if  he  took  the  city,  he  would  consecrate  the 
tenths  to  Apollo.  But  when  the  city  was  taken,  and  came  to  be 
pillaged,  he  was  either  unwilling  to  interrupt  his  men,  or  in  the 
hurry  hacl  forgot  his  vow,  and  so  gave  up  the  whole  plunder  to 
them.  After  he  had  resigned  his  dictatorship,  he  laid  the  case  be- 
fore  the  senate,  and  the  soothsayers  declared,  that  the  sacrifices 
announced  the  anger  of  the  gods,  which  ought  to  be  appeased  by 
offerings  expressive  of  their  gratitude  for  the  favours  they  had  re 
ceived.  The  senate  then  made  a  decree,  that  the  plunder  should 
remain  with  the  soldiers  (for  they  knew  not  how  to  manage  it  other- 
wise); but  that  each  should  produce  upon  oath  the  tenth  of  the 
value  of  what  he  had  got.  This  was  a  great  hardship  upon  the 
soldiers:  and  those  poor  fellows  could  not  without  force  be  brought 
to  refund  so  large  a  portion  of  the  fruit  of  their  labours,  and  to 
make  good  not  only  what  they  had  hardly  earned,  but  now  actually 
spent.  Camillas,  distressed  with  their  complaints,  for  want  of  a 
better  excuse,  made  use  of  a  very  absurd  apology,  by  acknowledg- 
ing he  had  forgot  his  vow.  This  they  greatly  resented,  that  having 
then  vowed  the  tenths  of  the  enemies',  goods,  he  should  now  exact 
the  tenths  of  the  citizens.  However  they  all  produced  their  pro- 
portion, and  it  was  resolved  that  a  vase  of  massy  gold  should  be 
made  and  sent  to  Delphi.  But  as  there  was  a  sfcarcity  of  gold  in 
the  city,  while  the  magistrates  were  considering  how  to  procure  it, 
the  Roman  matrons  met,  and  having'  consulted  among  themselves, 
gave  up  their  golden  ornaments,  which  weighed  eight  talents,  as 
an  offering  to  the  god.  They  then  sent  three  of  the  chief  of  the 
nobility  ambassadors,  in  a  large  ship  well  manned,  and  fitted  out 
in  a  manner  becoming  so  solemn  art  occasion. 

And  now  the  tribunes  of  the  people  attempted  to  bring  the  law  for 
removing  part  of  the  citizens  to  Veii  once  more  upon  the  carpet : 
but  the  war  with  the  Falisci  very  seasonably  intervening,  put  the 
management  of  the  elections  in  the  hands  of  the  patricians ;  and 
they  nominated  Camillus  a  military  tribune,*  together  with  five 
others  ;  as  affairs  then  requireda  general  of  considerable  dignity, 
reputation,  and  experience.  When  the  people  had  confirmed  this 
nomination,  Camillus  marched  his  forces  into  the  country  of  the 
Falisci,  and  laid  siege  to  Falerii,  a  city  well  fortified,  and  provided 
in  all  respects  for  the  war.  He  was  sensible  it  was  likely  to  be 
no  easy  affair,  nor  soon  to  be  dispatched,  and  this  was  one  reason 
for  his  engaging  in  it ;  for  he  was  desirous  to  keep  the  citizens 
employed  abroad,  that  they  might  not  have  leizure  to  sit  down  at 
home  and  raise  tumults  and  seditions.     This  indeed  was  a  remedy 

*  The  year  of  Rome  361.    Camillus  was  then  military  tribune  the  third  time. 


100 


GAUILLUS. 


which  the  llomans  always  had  recourse  to,  Hke  f^ood  physicians, 
to  expel  dangerous  humours  from  the  body  politic. 

The  Falenans,  trustmg  to  the  fortifications  with  which  they  were 
surrounded,  made  so  httle  account  of  the  siege,  that  the  inhabi- 
tants,  except  those  who  guarded  the  walls,  walked  the  streets  in 
their  common  habits.  The  boys  too  went  to  school,  and  t!ie  master 
took  them  out  to  walk  and  exercise  about  the  walls;  for  the 
Falerians,  like  the  Greeks,  chose  to  have  their  children  bred  at 
one  public  school,  that  they  might  betimes  be  accustomed  to  the 
same  discipline,  and  form  themselves  to  friendship  and  society." 

This  schoolmaster,  then,  designing  to  betray  the  Falerians  by 
means  of  their  children,  took  them  every  day  out  of  the  city  to 
exercise,  keeping  pretty  close  to  the  walls  at  first,  and  when  their 
exercise  was  over,  led  them  in  again.  By  degrees  he  took  them 
out  farther,  accustoming  them  to  divert  themselves  freely,  as  if 
they  had  nothing  to  fear.  At  last,  having  got  them  all  together, 
he  brought  them  to  the  Roman  advanced  guard,  and  deliveredl 
them  up  to  be  carried  to  Camillus.  When  he  came  into  his  pre* 
sence,  he  said,  **  He  was  the  schoolmaster  of  Falerii,  but  preferriag 
his  favour  to  the  obligations  of  duty,  he  came  to  deliver  up  thoM 
children  to  him,  and  in  them  the  whole  city."  This  action  ap. 
peared  very  shocking  to  Camillus,  and  he  said  to  those  who  were 
by,  *'  War  at  best  is  a  savage  thing,  and  wades  throuf^h  a  sea  of 
violence  and  injustice  ;  yet  even  war  itself  has  its  laws,  which  men 
of  honour  will  not  depart  from  ;  nor  do  they  so  pursue  victory,  at 
to  avail  themselves  of  acts  of  villany  and  baseness.  For  a  great 
general  should  rely  only  on  his  own  virtue,  and  not  upon  the 
treachery  of  others."  Then  he  ordered  the  lietart  to  tear  oft*  the 
wretch's  clothes,  to  tie  his  hands  behind  him,  and  to  funiish  the 
hoys  with  rods  and  scourges,  to  punish  the  traitor,  and  whip  him 
into  the  city.  By  this  time  the  Falerians  had  discovered  the  school, 
muster's  treason  ;  the  city,  as  might  be  expected,  was  tnll  of  laroea- 
tations  for  so  great  a  loss,  and  the  principal  inhabitants,  both  nieo 
and  women,  crowded  about  the  walls  and  the  gates  like  persons 
distracted.  In  the  midst  of  this  disorder,  they  espied  the  boys  whip* 
ping  on  their  master,  naked  and  bound,  and  calling  Camillus  "their 
god,  their  deliverer,  their  father."  Not  ojily  the  parents  of  those 
children,  but  ull  the  citizens  in  general,  were  struck  with  admire. 
tiou  (It  the  spectacle,  and  conceived  such  an  affection  for  the  jus. 
rice  of  Camillus,  that  they  ilnmediately  assembled  in  council,  and 
sent  deputies  to  surrender  to  hmi  both  themselves  and  the  city. 

(*arnillu.s  sent  them  to  Rome :  and  when  they  were  mtroduced 
to  the  senate,  they  said*  *'  The  Romans,  in  preferring  justice  to 
ronqucHt,  have  taught  us  to  ho  satisfied  with  submiKsion  instead  of 
liliorty.  At  the  sanip  tunc  we  declare  we  do  not  think  oiintelves  to 
unich  beuoath  you  in  strength,  as  inferior  in  victue."    'J'he  senate 


CAMILLUS.  101 

referred  the  disquisition  and  settling  of  the  articles  of  peace  to 
Camillus,  who  contented  himself  with  taking  a  sum  of  money  of 
the  Falenans,  and  having  entered  into  alliance  with  the  whole  na- 
tion of  the  Falisci,  returned  to  Rome. 

But  the  soldiers,  who  expected  to  have  had  the  plundering  of  the 
Falerii,  when  they  came  back  empty-handed,  accused  Camillus  to 
their  fellow-citizens  as  an  enemy  to  the  commonsu  and  one  who 
maliciously  opposed  the  interest  of  the  poor.  And  when  the  tri- 
bunes again  proposed  the  law  for  transplanting  part  of  the  citizen's 
to  Veii,*  and  summoning  the  people  to  give  their  votes,  Gamilius 
spoke  very  freely,  or  rather  with  much  asperity  against  it,  appear- 
iag  remarkably  violent  in  his  opposition  to  the  people;  who  there- 
fore lost  their  bill,  but  harboured  a  strong  resentment  against  Ca- 
millus. Even  the  misfortune  he  had  in  his  family,  of  losing  one 
of  his  sons,  did  not  in  the  least  mitigate  their  rage  ;  though,  as  a 
man  of  great  goodness  and  tenderness  of  heart,  he  was  inconsolable 
for  his  loss,  and  shut  himself  up  at  home,  a  close  mourner  with 
the  women,  at  the  same  time  that  they  were  lodging  an  impeach- 
ment against  him. 

His  accuser  was  Lucius  Apnleius,  who  brought  against  him  a 
charge  of  fraud  with  respect  to  the  Tuscan  spoils  ;  and  it  was 
aliedged  that  certain  brass  gates,  a  part  of  those  spoils,  werp  found 
with  him.  The  people  were  so  much  exasperated,  that  it  was 
plain  they  would  lay  hold  on  any  pretext  to  condemn  him.  He, 
therefore,  assembled  his  friends,  his  colleagues,  and  fellow^sol- 
diers,  a  great  number  in  all,  and  begged  of  them  not  to  suffer  him 
to  be  crushed  by  false  and  unjust  accusations,  and  exposed  to  the 
scorn  of  his  enemies.  When  they  had  consulted  together,  and 
fully  considered  the  affair,  tne  answer  they  gave  was,  that  they 
did  not  believe  it  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  sentence,  but  they 
would  willmgly  assist  him  to  pay  the  fine  that  might  be  laid  upon 
him.  He  could  not,  however,  bear  the  thoughts  of  so  great  an 
indignity,  and  giving  way  to  his  resentment,  determined  to  quit 
the  city  as  a  volutary  exile.  Having  taken  leave  of  his  wife  and 
children,  he  went  in  silence  from  his  house  to  the  gate  of  the 
city.f  There  he  made  a  stand,  and  turning  about,  stretched  out 
his  hands  towards  the  capitol,  and  prayed  to  the  gods,  "  That  if  he 
was  driven  out  without  any  fault  of  his  own,  and  merely  by  the 
violence  or  envy  of  the  people,  the  Romans  might  quickly  repent 
it,  and  express  to  all  the  world  their  want  of  Camillus,  and  their 
regret  for  his  absence." 

«  The  patricians  carried  it  against  the  bill  only  by  a  majonty  of  one  tribe.  And 
now  they  were  so  well  pleased  with  the  people,  that  the  very  next  rnoming  a  decreo 
was  passed,  assigning  six  acres  of  the  lands  of  Veii,  not  only  to  every  father  of  a 
family,  but  to  every  single  person  of  free  condition^  On  tne  other  hand,  the  people, 
delighted  with  this  liberality,  allowed  the  electing  of  consuls,  instead  of  military  tribunes. 

t  This  was  four  years  aifter  the  xakjng  of  Falerii. 

9* 


IIM 


CAMlLLUfl. 


The  Gauls  were  now  besieging  Clusium,  a  city  of  Tuscany. 
The  Clusians  applied  to  the  Romans,  entreating  them  to  send  am- 
bassadors and  letters  to  the  barbarians.  Accordmgly  they  sent 
three  illustrious  persons  of  the  Fabian  family,  who  had  borne  the 
highest  employments  in  the  state.  The  Gauls  received  them  cour- 
teously on  account  of  the  name  of  Rome,  and,  putting  a  stop  to 
their  operations  against  the  town,  came  to  a  conference.  But  when 
they  were  asked  what  injury  they  had  received  from  the  Clusians 
that  they  came  aganist  their  city,  Brennus,  king  of  the  Gauls,  smiled 
and  said,  **  the  injury  the  Clusians  do  us,  is  their  keeping  to  them- 
selves a  large  tract  of  ground,  when  they  can  only  cultivate  a  small 
one,  and  refusing  to  give  up  a  part  of  it  to  us  who  are  strangers, 
numerous,  and  poor.  In  the  same  m^pner  you  Romans  were 
injured  formerly  by  the  Albans,  the  Fidenates,  and  the  Ardeates, 
and  lately  by  the  people  of  Veii  and  Capenae,  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  Falisci  and  the  Volsci.  Upon  these  you  make  war  ;  if  they 
refuse  to  share  with  you  their  goods,  you  enslave  their  persons, 
lay  waste  their  country,  and  demolish  their  cities.  Nor  are  your 
proceedings  dishonourable  or  unjust;  for  you  follow  the  most 
ancient  of  laws,  which  directs  the  weak  to  obey  the  strong,  from 
the  creator  even  to  the  irrational  part  of  the  creation,  that  are 
taught  by  nature  to  make  use  of  the  advantage  their  strength  affords 
them  against  the  feeble.  Cease  then  to  express  your  compassion 
for  the  Clusians,  lest  you  teach  the  Gauls  in  their  turn  to  com- 
miserate those  who  have  been  oppressed  by  the  Romans." 

By  this  answer  the  Romans  clnarly  perceived  that  Brennus 
would  come  to  no  terms ;  and  therefore  they  went  into  Clusium, 
where  they  encouraged  and  animated  the  inhabitants  to  a  sally 
against  the  barbarians,  either  to  make  trial  of  the  strength  of  the 
Clusians,  or  to  show  their  own.  The  Clusians  made  the  sally,  and 
a  sharp  conflict  ensued  near  the  walls,  when  Quintus  Ambustus, 
one  of  the  Fabii,  spurred  his  horse  against  a  Gaul  of  extraordinary 
size  and  figure,  who  had  advanced  a  good  way  before  the  ranks. 
At  first  he  was  not  known,  because  the  encounter  was  hot,  and  his 
annour  dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  beholders :  but  when  he  had  over- 
come and  killed  the  Gaul,  and  came  to  despoil  him  of  his  arms, 
Brennus  knew  hiih,  and  called  the  gods  to  witness,  **  That  against 
all  the  laws  and  usages  of  mankind  which  were  esteemed  the  most 
SQCfed  and  inviolable,  Ambustus  came  as  an  ambassador,  but  acted 
as  an  enemy."  He  drew  off  his  men  directly,  and  biddmg  the  Clu- 
sians farewell,  led  his  army  towards  dome.  But  that  he  might 
not  seem  to  rejoice  that  such  an  affront  was  offered,  or  to  have 
wanted  a  pretext  to  hostilities,  he  sent  to  demand  the  offender,  in 
order  to  punish  him,  and  in  the  mean  time  advonced  but  slowly. 

The  herald  being  arrived,  the  senate  was  assembled,  and  many 
spoke  against  the  Fabii,  particularly  the  priests  called  ftciadfM 


CAMILLUS.  1Q3 

represented  the  action  as  an  offence  against  religion,  and  adjured 
the  senate  to  lay  the  whole  guilt  and  the  expiation  of  it  upon  the 
person  who  alone  wis  to  blame,  and  so  avert  the  wrath  of  heaven 
from  the  rest  of  the  Romans.  The  senate  referred  the  matter  to 
the  people,  and  the  priests  accused  Fabius  with  some  ardour  before 
them  ;  but  such  was  the  disregard  they  expressed  for  their  persons, 
and  such  their  contempt  of  religion,  that  they  constituted  that  very 
Fabius  and  his  brethren  military  tribunes.* 

As  soon  as  the  Gauls  were  informed  of  this,  they  were  greatly 
enraged,  and  would  no  longer  delay  their  march,  but  hastened  for- 
ward with  the  utmost  celerity.  Their  prodigious  numbers,  their 
glittering  arms,  their  fury  and  impetuosity,  struck  terror  wherever 
they  came;  people  gave  up  their  lands  for  lost,  not  doubting  that 
the  cities  wouW  soon  follow ;  however,  what  was  beyond  all  expec- 
tation, they  mjured  no  man's  property ;  they  neither  pillaged  the 
fields,  nor  insulted  the  cities;  and  as  they  passed  by,  they  cried 
out,  "  They  were  going  to  Ronie,  they  were  at  war  wit^  the  Romans 
only,  and  considered  all  others  as  their  friends." 

While  the  barbarians  were  going  forward  in  this  impetuous 
manner,  the  tribunes  led  out  their,  forces  to  battle,  in  number  not 
infenorf  (for  they  consisted  of  forty  thousand  foot),  but  the  greatest 
part  undisciplined  and  such  as  had  never  handled  a  weapon  before. 
Besides,  they  paid  no  attention  to  religion,  having  neither  pro- 
pitiated the  gods  by  sacrifice,  nor  consulted  the  soothsayers,  as  was 
their  duty  in  lirae  of  danger,  and  before  an  engagement.  Another 
thing  which  occasioned  no  small  confusion,  was  the  number  of 
persons  joined  in  the  command  ;  whereas,  before,  they  had  often 
appointed  for  wars  of  less  consideration  a  single  leader  whom  they 
called  dictator  J  sensible  of  how  great  consequence  it  is  to  good 
order  and  success,  at  a  dangerous  crisis,  to  be  actuated  as  it  were 
with  one  soul,  and  to  have  the  absolute  command  invested  in  one 
person.  Their  ungrateful  treatment  of  Cahiillus,  too,  was  not  the 
least  unhappy  circumstance  ;  as  it  now  appeared  dangerous  for  the 
generals  to  use  their  authority  without  some  flattering  indulgence 
to  the  people. 

In  this  condition  they  marched  out  of  the  city,  and  encamped 
about  eleven  miles  from  it,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Allia,  not  far 
from  its  confluence  with  the  Tyber.  There  the  barbarians  came 
upon  them,  and  as  the  Romans  engaged  in  a  disorderly  manner, 
they  were  shamefully  beaten,  and  put  to  flight.  Their  left  wing 
was  soon  pushed  into  the  river,  and  there  destroyed.  The  right 
wing,  which  quitted  the  field,  to  avoid  the  charge,  and  gained  the 
hills,  did  not  sufier  so  much,  many  of  them  escaping  to  Rome. 

*  The  year  of  Rome  366 ;  or.  according  to  some  chronologers,  365. 

•j-  They  were  inferior  in  number ;  for  the  Gauls  were  seventy  thousand  ;  and  there- 
fore the  Romans,  when  they  came  to  action,  were  obliged  to  extend  their  wings  so  as 
10  make  their  centre  very  thin,  which  was  one  reason  of  their  being  soon  broken. 


'^3  ^ 


}Q4  CAM1LLU& 

The  rest  that  survived  the  carnage,  when  the  enemy  were  satiated 
with  blood,  stule  by  night  to  Veil,  concluding  that  Rome  was  lost, 
and  its  inhabitants  put  to  the  sword. 

If,  after  so  decisive  a  battle,  the  Gauls  had  immediately  pursued 
the  fugitives,  there  would  have  been  nothing  to  hinder  the  entire 
destruction  of  Rome  and  all  that  remained  in  it;  with  such  terror 
was  the  city  struck  at  the  return  of  those  who  escaped  from  the 
battle,  and  so  filled  with  confusion  and  distraction !  but  the  Gauls, 
not  imagining  the  victory  to  be  so  great  as  it  was,  m  the  excess 
of  their  joy,  indulged  themselves  in  good  cheer,  and  shared  the 
plunder  of  the  camp;  by  which  means  numbers  that  were  for  leaving 
the  city,  had  leisure  to  escape,  and  those  who  remained,  had  time 
to  recollect  themselves,  and  prepare  for  ibeir  defence.  For,  quit- 
ting the  rest  of  the  city,  they  retired  to  the^  capitol,  which  they 
fortified  with  strong  ramparts,  and  provided  well  with  arms.  But 
their  first  care  was  of  their  holy  things,  most  of  which  they  con. 
veyed  into  the  capito).  As  for  the  sacred  fire,  the  vestal  virgins 
took  it  up,  together  with  other  holy  relics,  and  fled  away  with  it 
along  the  side  of  the  river,  where  Lucius  Albinus,  a  plebeian, 
among  others  that  were  making  their  escape,  was  carrying  his  wife 
and  children,  and  some  of  his  most  necessary  moveables,  in  a  wag- 
con.  But  when  he  saw  the  vestals  in  a  helpless  and  weary  con. 
dition,  carrying  in  their  arms  the  sacred  symbols  of  the  gods,  he 
immediately  took  out  his  family  and  goods,  and  put  the  virgins  in 
the  waggon,  that  they  might  make  their  escape  to  some  of  the 
Grecian  cities. 

As  for  the  other  priests,  and  the  most  ancient  of  the  senators* 
who  were  of  consular  dignity,  or  had  been  honoured  with  triumphs, 
they  Cwuld  not  bear  to  think  of  quitting  the  city  :  they,  therefore, 
put  on  their  holy  vestments  and  robes  of  state,  and  in  a  form  dic- 
tated by  Fabius,  the  pontifex  maximus,  makins  their  vows  to  tho 
gods,*  devoted  themselves  for  their  country ;  thus  attired,  they  sat 
down  in  the  ivory  chairs  in  the /orum,t  prepared  for  the  worst 
extremity. 

The  third  day  after  the  battle,  Brennus  arrived  ;ivith  his  army  : 
and  finding  the  gates  of  the  city  opened,  and  the  walls  destitute  of 
guards,  at  first  he  had  some  apprehensions  of  a'  stratagem  or 
ambuscade,  for  he  could  not  think  the  Romans  had  so  entirely 
given  themselves  up  to  despair.  But  when  he  found  it  to  be  so  in 
reality,  he  entered  by  tho  CoUine  gate,  and  took  Rome,  a  liule 
more  than  three  hundred  and  sixty  years  after  its  foundation. 

Brennus,  thus  in  pqMesston  of  Rome,  set  a  tCroog  guard  aboiil 
the  Capitol,  and  himself  went  down  into  thefontm;  where  he 


•The  Romiot  believed,  that  by  iboM  voluntary  oooMcrauooi  to  Um  tofcrnal  gods, 
ditof def  and  confuaioo  were  brought  among  the  enemy. 
tThe»  ivory,  or  euruit  chain  wero  uaed  only  by  tbon  who  bad  boms  Um  ami 

honourable  officei;  tnti  tbo  penoni  who  bad  a  right  to  lit  in  tbtm  bore  also  ivory  staffSb 


CAMILLUS- 


10^ 


struck  with  amazement  at  the  sight  of  so  many  men  seated  in  great 
state  and  silence,  who  neither  rose  up  at  the  approach  of  "their 
enemies  nor  changed  countenance  or  colour,  but  leaned  upon  their 
staves  and  sat  looking  upon  each  other  without  fear  or  concern. 
The  Gauls,  astonished  at  so  surprising  a  spectacle,  and  regarding 
them  as  superior  beings,  for  a  long  time  were  afraid  to  approach 
or  touch  them.     At  last  one  of  them  ventured  to  go  near  Manius 
Papirius,  and  advancing  his  hand,  gently  stroked  his  beard,  which 
was  very  long :  upon  which,  Papirius  struck  him  on  the  head,  with 
his  staff,  and  wounded  him.     The  barbarian  then  drew  his  sword 
and  killed  him.     After  this,  the  Gauls  fell  upon  the  rest  and  slew 
them,  and,  continuing  their  rage,  despatched  all  that  came  in  their 
way.    Then  for  many  days  together,  they  pillaged  the  houses  and 
carried  off  the  spoil ;  at  last,  they  set  fire  to  the  city,  and  demolished 
what  escaped  the  flames,  to  express  their  indignation  against  those 
in  the  Capitol,  who  obeyed  not  their  summons,  but  made  a  vigorous 
defence,  and  greatly  annoyed  the  besiegers  from  the  walls.     This 
it  was  that  provoked  them  to  destroy  the  whole  city,  and  to  des- 
patch all  that  fell  into  their  hands,  without  sparing  either  sex  or  age. 
As  by  the  length  of  the  siege  provisions  began  to  fail  the  Gauls, 
they  divided  their  forces,  and  part  stayed  with  the  king  before  the 
fortress,  while  part  foraged  the  country,  and  laid  waste  the  towns 
and  villages.     Their  success  had  inspired  them  with  such  confi- 
dence, that  they  did  not  keep  in  a  body,  but  carelessly  rambled 
about  in  different  troops  and  parties.    It  happened  that  the  largest 
and  best  disciplined  corps  went  against  Ardea,  where  Camillus, 
since  his  exile,  lived  in  retirement.     This  great  event,  however, 
awaked  him  into  aciion,  and  his  mind  was  employed  in  contriving, 
not  how  to  keep  himself  concealed  and  to  avoid'  the  Gauls',  but,  if 
an  opportunity  should  offer,  to  attack  and  conquer  them.     Per- 
ceiving that  the  Ardeans  were  not  deficient  in  numbers,  but  cou- 
rage and  discipline,  which  was  owing  to  the  inexperience  and 
inactivity  of  their  officers,  he  applied  first  to  the  young  men,  and 
told  them,  "  They  ought  not  to  ascribe  the  defeat  of  the  Romans 
to  the  valour  of  the  Gauls,  or  to  consider  the  calamities  they  had 
suffered  in  the  midst  of  their  infatuation,  as  brought  upon  them  by 
men  who,  in  fact,  could  not  claim  the  merit  of  the  victory,  but  as 
the  work  of  fortune.    That  it  would  be  glorious,  though  they  risked 
something  by  it,  to  repel  a  barbarous  enemy,  whose  end  in  con- 
quering was,  like  fire,  to  destroy  what  they  subdued :  but  that  if 
they  would  assume  a  proper  spirit,  he  would  give  them  an  opportu. 
nity  to  conquer,  without  any  hazard  at  all."     When  he  found  the 
young  men  were  pleased  with  his  discourse,  he  went  next  to  the 
magistrates  and  senate  of  Ardea ;  and  having  persuaded  them  also 
to  adopt  his  scheme,  he  armed  all  who  were  of  a  proper  age  for  it^ 

Q 


^^  CAMILLAS. 

• 

and  drew  them  up  within  the  walls,  that  the  enemy,  w.io  were  but 
at  a  small  distance,  might  not  know  what  he  was  abouU 

The  Gauls,  having  scoured  the  country,  and  loaded  themselves 
with  plunder,  encamped  upon  the  plains  in  a  careless  and  disor- 
derly  manner.  Night  found  them  intoxicated  with  wine,  and  silence 
reigned  in  the  camp.  As  soon  as  Camillus  was  informed  of  this 
by  his  spies,  he  led  the  Ardeans  out :  and  having  passed  the  inter- 
mediate  space  without  noise,  he  reached  their  tamp  about  midnight. 
Then  he  ordered  a  loud  shout  to  be  set  up,  and  the  trumpets  to 
sound  on  all  sides,  to  cause  the  greater  confusion  ;  but  it  was  with 
difllculty  they  recovered  themselves  from  their  sleep  and  intoxica- 
tion.  A  few,  whom  fear  had  made  sober,  snatched  up  their  arms 
to  oppose  Camillus,  and  fell  with  their  weapons  in  their  hands ; 
but  the  greatest  part  of  them,  buried  in  sleep  and  wine,  were  sur- 
prised unarmed,  and  easily  despatched.  A  small  number,  that  in 
the  night  escaped  out  of  the  camp,  and  wandered  in  the  fields, 
were  picked  up  next  day  by  the  cavalry,  and  put  to  ihe  sword. 

The  fame  of  this  action  soon  reaching  the  neighbouring  citiee, 
drew  out  many  of  their  ablest  warriors.  Particularly  such  of  the 
Romans  as  bad  escaped  from  the  battle  of  Allia  to  Veii,  lamented 
with  themselves  in  some  such  manner  as  this :  **  What  a  general 
has  Heaven  taken  from  Rome  in  Camillus,  to  adorn  the  Ardeans 
with  his  exploits!  while  the  city  which  produced  and  brought  up 
80  great  a  man  is  absolutely  ruined ;  and  we,  for  want  of  a  leader, 
sit  idle  Within  the  walls  of  a  strange  city,  and  betray  the  liberties 
of  Italy.  Come  then,  let  us  send  to  the  Ardeans  to  demand  our 
general,  or  else  take  our  weapons  and  go  to  him :  for  he  is  no 
longer  an  exile,  nor  we  citizens,  having  no  country  but  what  is  in 
possession  of  an  enemy. '^ 

't'his  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  they  sent  to  Camillus  to  entreat 
him  to  accept  of  the  command.  But  he  answered,  he  could  not 
do  it,  before  he  was  legally  appointed  to  it  by  the  Romans  in  the 
Capitol.*  For  he  looked  upon  them,  while  they  were  in  being,  aa 
the  commonwealth,  and  would  readily  obey  their  orders,  but  with* 
out  them  would  not  be  so  officious  as  to  interpose. 

They  admired  the  modesty  and  honour  of  Camillus,  but  knew 
not  how  to  send  the  proposal  to  the  Capitol.  It  seemed  indeed 
impossible  for  a  messenger  to  pais  into  the  citadel,  whilst  the 
enemy  were  in  .possession  of  the  city.  However,  a  young  man 
named  Pontius  Cominius,  not  distinguished  by  his  birth,  but  fond 
of  glory,  readily  took  upon  him  the  commission.  He  carried  no 
letters  to  the  citizens  in  the  Capitol,  lest,  if  he  should  happen  to 
be  taken,  the  enemy  should  discover  by  them  the  intentions  of 

•  Livjr  Mva,  tb*  Roman  lokHert  at  Veii  applied  to  ttaa  imaisf  of  Um  liiMls  to  Iks 
Capiiol  for  leavo,  before  tbejrofliRtd  the  corainaod  toCamUlm  So  mneli  itnirf  ktd 
tkoee  braee  men  for  the  cooetitutioa  ol  tbair  country,  ttiomk  RosM  then  Utui  si' 
vtrj  priTata  man  wae ,  indeed,  a  patriot. 


CAMILLUS.  j^Y 

Camillus.  Having  dressed  himself  in  mean  attire,  under  which 
he  concealed  some  pieces  of  cor|{,  he  travelled  all  day  without 
fear,  and  approached  the  city  as  it  grew  dark.  He  could  not  pass 
the  river  by  the  bridge,  because  it  was  guarded  by  the  Gauls  ;  and 
therefore  took  his  clothes,  which  were  neither  many  nor  heavy, 
and  bound  them  about  his  head,  and  having  laid  himself  upon  the 
pieces  of  cork,  easily  swam  over  and  reached  the  city.  Then 
avoiding  those  quarters  where  by  the  lights  and  noise  he  con- 
eluded  they  kept  watch,  he  went  to  the  CarmerUal  gatCy  where 
there  was  the  greatest  silencp,  and  where  the  hill  of  the  Capitol  is 
the  steepest  and  most  craggy.  Up  this  he  got  unperceived,  by  a 
way  the  most  difficult  and  dreadful,  and  advanced  near  the  guards 
upon  the  walls.  After  he  had  hailed  hem  and  told  them  his  name, 
they  received  him  with  joy,  and  conducted  him  to  the  magistrates. 

The  senate  was  presently  assembled,  and  he  acquainted  them 
with  the  victory  of  Camillus,  which  they  had  not  heard  of  before, 
as  well  as  of  the  proceedings  of  the  soldiers  at  Veii,  and  exhorted 
them  to  confirm  Camillus  in  the  command,  as  the  citizens  out  of 
Rome  would  obey  none  but  him.  Having  heard  his  report,  and 
consulted  together,  they  declared  Camillus  dictator,  and  sent  Pon- 
tius back  the  same  way  he  came,  who  was  equally  fortunate  in  his 
return  ;  for  he  passed  the  enemy  undiscovered,  and  delivered  to 
the  Romans  at  Veii  the  decree  of  the  senate,  which  .they  received 
with  pleasure. 

Camillus,  at  his  arrival,  found  twenty  thousand  of  them  in  arms, 
to  whom  he  added  a  great  number  of  the  allies,  and  prepared  to 
attack  the  enemy.  Thus  was  he  appointed  dictator  the  second 
time,  and  having  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Romans  and  con- 
federates, he  marched  out  against  the  Gauls. 

Meantime  some  of  the  barbarians  employed  in  the  sie^Q,  hap- 
pening to  pass  by  the  place  where  Pontius  made  his  way  by  night 
up  to  the  Capitol,  observed  many  traces  of  his  feet  and  hands,  as 
he  had  worked  himself  up  the  rock,  torn  off  what  grew  there, 
and  tumbled  down  the  mould.  Of  this  they  informed  the  king, 
who,  coming  and  viewing  it,  for  the  present  said  nothing  ;  but  in 
the  evening  he  assembled  the  lightest  and  most  active  of  his  men, 
who  were  likeUest  to  climb  any  difficult  height,  and  thus  addressed 
them  :  "  The  enemy  have  themselves  shown  us  a  way  to  reach 
them,  which  we  were  ignorant  of,  and  have  proved  that  this  rock 
is  neither  inaccessible  nor  untrod  by  human  feet.  What  a  shame 
would  be  then,  after  having  made  a  beginning  not  to  finish  ;  and 
to  quit  the  place  as  impregnable,  when  the  Romans  themselves 
have  taught  us  how  to  take  it  ?  Where  it  was  easy  for  one  man  to 
ascend,  it  cannot  be  difficult  for  many,  one  by  one  ;  nay,  should 
many  attempt  it  together,  they  will  find  great  advantage  in  assist 


\m 


Camiums. 


ing  each  other.     In  the  mean  time  I  intend  great  rewards  and 
honours  for  such  as  shall  distinguish  themselves  on  this  occasion." 

The  Gauls  readily  embraced  the  king's '  proposal,  and  about 
midnight  a  number  of  them  together  began  to  climb  the  rock  in 
silence,  which,  though  steep  and  craggy,  proved  more  practicable 
than  they  expected.  The  foremost  having  gained  the  top,  put 
tliemrelves  in  order,  and  were  ready  to  take  possession  of  the  wall, 
and  to  fall  upon  the  guards,  who  were  fast  asleep  ;  for  neither 
man  nor  dog  perceived  their  coming.  However,  there  were  cer- 
tain  sacred  geese  kept  near  Juno's  temple,*  and  at  other  times 
plentifully  fed,  but  at  this  time,  as  corn  and  the  other  provisions  that 
remained  were  scarce  sufficient  for  the  men,  they  were  neglected 
and  m  poor  condition.  This  animal  is  naturally  quif'k  of  hearing, 
and  soon  alarmed  at  any  noise  ;  and  as  hunger  kept  them  waking 
end  uneasy>  they  irnmediately  perceived  the  coming  of  the  Gauls, 
and  running  at  them  with  all  the  noise  they  could  make,  they 
awoke  all  the  guards.  The  barbarians  now  perceiving  they  were 
discovered,  advanced  with  loud  shouts  and  great  fury.  The  Ro- 
mans in  haste  snatched  up  such  weapons  as  came  to  hand,  and 
acquitted  themselves  like  men  on  this  sudden  emergency.  First 
of  all,  Manlius,  a  man  of  consular  dignity,  remarkable  for  bis 
strength  and  extraordinary  courage,  engaged  two  Gauls  at  once ; 
and,  as  one  of  them  was  lifting  up  his  battle-axe,  with  his  sword 
cut  off  his  right  hand,  at  the  same  time  he  thrust  the  boss  of  his 
shield  in  the  face  of  the  other,  and  dashed  him  down  the  precipice. 
Thus  standing  upon  the  rampart  with  those  who  had  come  to  his 
assistance  and  fought  by  his  side,  he  drove  back  the  rest  of  tho 
Gauls  that  had  got  up,  who  were  no  great  number,  and  who  p^r. 
formed  nothing  worthy  of  such  an  attempt.  Tho  Romans  having 
escaped  the  danger  that  threatened  them,  as  soon  as  it  was  light, 
threw  the  officer  who  commanded  the  watch  down  the  rock  amongst 
the  enemy,  and  decreed  Manlius  a  reward  for  his  victory,  which 
liad  more  of  honour  in  it  than  profit ;  for  every  man  gave  him  what 
he  had  for  one  day's  allowance. 

AHer  this,  the  Gauls  began  to  lose  courage ;  for  provisions  were 
scarce,  and  they  could  not  forage  for  fear  of  Caniillus.f  Sick, 
ness  too  prevailed  among  them,  which  took  its  rise  from  the  heaps 
of  dead  bodies,  and  from  their  encamping  amidst  the  rubbish  of  the 
houses  they  had  burned ;  where  there  was  such  a  quantity  of  ashes 
as,  when  raised  by  the  winds  or  heated  by  the  sun,  by  their  dry 
and  acrid  quality,  so  corrupted  the  air,  that  every  breatli  of  it  was 

•  Geete  were  ever  after  hkd  in  honour  at  Rome,  and  a  flock  of  ihem  nlwayt  kept 
at  the  axpeiiM  of  ttie  public.  A  golden  image  of  u  gooee  wae  eracied  in  nteinory  o^ 
ibem,  andagoote  rtery  year  carried  in  iriumfth  upon  S  aoft  litKr  6nely  adoniadt 
while  dogi  were  held  in  nhhorrence  by  the  RoniHnt.  who  every  yaai  impalrd  uneolf 
tiieai  upon  a  bnnr.h  of  elder.— Pttn.  et  Plut.  de  Furtunm  Ram. 

f  Cadiilliif  being  matter  of  the  country,  potted  •t»ona  guardt  on  alt  thr  roada,  and, 
in  cflect,  betieged  the  brtirj;e^i. 


CAMILLUS.  1Q9 

pernicious.  But  what  affected  them  most  was,  the  change  of  cli- 
mate ;  for  they  had  lived  in  countries  that  abounded  with  shades 
and  agreeable  shelters  from  the  heat,  and  were  now  got  into 
grounds  that  were  low,  and  unhealthy  in  autumn.  All  this,  to- 
gether with  the  length  and  tediousness  of  the  siege,  which  had 
now  lasted  more  than  six  months,  caused  such  desolation  among 
them,  and  carried  off  such  numbers,  that  the  carcasses  lay  unburied. 

The  besieged,  however,  were  not  in  a  much  better  condition. 
Famine,  which  now  pressed  them  hard,  and  their  ignorance  of 
what  Camillus  was  doing,  caused  no  small  dejection  ;  for  the  bar- 
barians guarded  the  city  with  so  mlrch  care,  that  it  was  impossible 
to  send  any  messenger  to  him.  Both  sides  being  thus  equally  dis- 
couraged, the  advanced  guards,  who  were  near  enough  to  con- 
verse, first  began  to  talk  of  treating.  As  the  motion  was  approved 
by  those  who  had  the  chief  direction  of  affairs,  Sulpitius,  one  of 
the  military  tribunes,  went  and  conferred  with  Brennus,  when  it 
was  agreed  that  the  RomaHS  should  pay  a  thousand  pounds  weight 
of  gold,*  and  that  the  Gauls,  upon  receipt  of  it,  should  immedi- 
ately quit  the  city  and  its  territories.  When  the  conditions  were 
sworn  to,  and  the  gold  was  brought,  the  Gauls,  endeavouring  to 
avail  themselves  of  false  weights,  privately  at  first,  and  afterwards 
openly,  drew  down  their  own  side  of  the  balance.  The  Romans 
expressing  their  resentment,  Brennus  in  a  contemptuous  and  insult- 
ing manner  took  off  his  sword,  and  threw  it,  belt  and  all,  into  the 
scale,  and  when  Sulpitms  asked  what  that  meant,  he  answered, 
"  What  should  it  mean,  but  woe  to  the  conquered  ?"  which  became 
a  proverbial  saying.  Some  of  the  Romans  were  highly  incensed 
at  this,  and  talked  of  returning  with  their  gold,  and  enduring  the 
utmost  extremities  of  the  siege  ;  but  others  were  of  opinion,  that 
it  was  better  to  pass  by  a  small  injury,  since  the  indignity  lay  not 
in  paying  more  than  was  due,  but  in  paying  apy  thing  at  all ;  a 
disgrace  only  consequent  on  the  necessity  of  the  times. 

While  they  were  thus  disputing  with  the  Gauls,  Camillus  arrived 
at  the  gates,  and  being  informed  of  what  had  passed,  ordered  the 
main  body  of  his  army  to  advance  slowly  and  in  good  order,  while 
he  with  a  select  band  marched  hastily  up  to  the  Romans,  who  all 
gave  place,  and  received  the  dictator  with  respect  and  silence* 
Then  he  took  the  gold  out  of  the  scales  and  gave  it  to  the  liclorSy 
and  ordered  the  Gauls  to  take  away  the  balance  and  the  weights, 
and  to  be  gone,  telling  them  "  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Romans  to 
deliver  their  country  with  steel,  not  with  gold."  And  when  Bren- 
nus expressed  his  indignation,  and  complained  he  had  great  injus- 
tice  done  him  by  this  infraction  of  the  treaty,  Camillus  answered, 
*'That  it  was  never  lawfully  made,  nor  could  it  be  valid  without 
his  consent,  who  was  dictator  and  sole  magistrate;  they  had, 
*  That  is  forty- five  thousand  pounds  sterling. 

10 


no 


CAMiLLUS. 


thereforo,  act«d  without  proper  authority:  but  they  might  makit 
their  proposals,  now  he  was  come,  whom  the  laws  had  invested 
with  power  cither  to  pardon  the  suppliant,  or  punish  the  guilty,  it' 
proper  satisfaction  was  not  made." 

At  this  Brennus  was  still  more  highly  incensed,  and  a  skirmish 
ensued  ;  swords  were  drawn  on  both  sides,  and  thrusts  exchanged 
in  a  confused  manner,  which  it  is  easy  to  conceive  must  be  the 
case,  amidst  the  ruins  of  houses  and  in  narrow  sti*eets,' where  there 
was  not  room  to  draw  tip  regularly.  Brennus,  however,  soon 
recollected  himself,  and  drew  off  his  forces  into  the  camp,  with  the 
loss  of  a  small  number.  In  the  night  he  ordered  them  to  march 
and  quit  the  city  ;  and  having  retreated  about  eight  miles  from  it, 
he  encamped  upon  the  Gabinian  road.  Early  in  the  morning 
Camillus  came  up  with  them,  his  arms  dazzling  the  sight,  and  his 
men  full  of  spirits  and  fire.  A  sharp  engagement  ensued,  which 
lasted  a  long  time  ;  at  length  the  Gauls  were  routed  with  great 
slaughter,  and  their  camp  taken.  Sdme  of  those  who  f{ed  were 
killed  in  the  pursuit ;  but  the  greater  part  were  cut  to  pieces  by 
the  people  in  the  neighbouring  towns  and  villages,  who  fell  upon 
them  as  they  were  dispersed.* 

Thus  was  Rome  strangely  taken,  and  more  strangely  recovered, 
after  it  had  been  seven  months  m  the  possession  of  the  barbarians. 
Camillus  returned  in  triumph,  as  became  the  deliverer  of  his  lost 
country,  and  the  restorer  of  Rome.  Those  that  had  quitted  the 
place  before  the  siege,  with  their  wives  and  children,  now  followed 
his  chariot ;  and  they  who  had  been  besieged  in  the  capitol  and 
were  almost  perishing  with  hunger,  met  the  others,  and  embraced 
them,  weeping  with  joy  at  this  unexpected  pleasure,  which  they 
almost  considered  as  a  dream.  The  priests  and  ministers  of  the 
gods  bringing  back  with  them  what  holy  things  they  had  hid  or 
conveyed  away  when  they  fled,  afTorded  a  most  desirable  specta- 
cle to  the  people  ;  and  they  gave  them  the  kindest  welcome,  as  if 
the  gods  themselves  had  returned  with  them  to  Rome.  Next, 
Camillus  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  and  purified  the  city,  in  a  form  die. 
tated  by  the  pontiffs.  He  rebuih  the  former  temples  and  erected 
a  new  one  to  Aius  Ijoquutius,  the  speaker  or  Warner^  upon  the  very 
spot  where  the  voice  from  heaven  announced  in  the  night  to  Mar- 
cus Ceditius  the  coming  of  the  barbarians.  There  was,  indeed, 
■u  small  difficulty  in  discovering  the  places  where  the  templet  bid 
stood,  but  it  was  effected  by  the  zeal  of  Camillus  and  the  industry 
of  the  priests. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  rebuild  the  city,  which  was  entirely  do- 

"There  is  reason  to  qiieinioii  the  truth  of  tlie  latter  pari  of  this  story.     PiMlueh 

Eie<i  It  from  Livy.  But  rolybitit  represents  lim  Gauls,  m  actually  recaivioK  Um 
i  frnifi  (he  Honians.  and  returiiinf  in  safety  lo  ttieir  own  counirv  and  this  is  con. 
led  by  Justin,  Suetonius,  and  eyen  bv  Livy  hintali;  in  aaoUMf  part  of  bis  biitory. 


CAMJLLUS.  Ill 

molished,  an  heartless  despondency  seized  the  multitude  and  they 
inventeo  pretexts  of  delay.  They  were  m  want  of  all  necessary 
materials,  and  had  more  occasion  for  repose  and  refreshment  after 
their  sufferings,  than  to  labour  and  wear  themselves  out,  when 
their  bodies  were  weak  and  their  substance  was  gone.  They  had, 
therefore,  a  secret  attachment  to  Veii,  a  city  which  remamed  en- 
ure, and  wos  provided  with  every  thmg.  This  gave  a  handle  to 
their  demagogues  to  harangue  them,  as  usual,  in  a  way  agreeable 
to  their  inclinations,  and  make  them  listen  to  seditious  speeches 
against  Camillus — "As  if,  to  gratify  his  ambition  and  thirst  of 
glory,  he  would  deprive  them  of  a  city  fit  to  receive  them,  force 
them  to  pitch  their  tents  among  rubbish,  and  rebuild  a  ruin  that 
was  like  one  great  funereal-pile,  in  order  that  he  might  not  only 
be  called  the  general  and  dictator  of  Rome,  but  the  founder,  too, 
instead  of  Romulus,  whose  right  he  invaded." 

Before  they  had  finished  the  laborious  task  of  building,  a  new 
war  broke  out.  The  iEqui,  the  Volsci,  and  the  Latins,  all  at  once 
invaded  their  territories,  and  the  Tuscans  laid  siege  to  Sutrium,  a 
city  in  alliance  with  Rome.  The  military  tribunes,  too,  who  com- 
manded the  army,  being  surrounded  by  the  Latins  near  Mount 
Marcius,  and  their  camp  in  great  danger,  sent  to  Rome  to  desire 
succours,  on  which  occasion  Camillus  was  appointed  dictator  the 
third  time. 

Of  this  war  there  are  two  different  accounts:  that  which  is 
approved  by  most  historians,  is  as  follows :  Camillus,  being  ap- 
pointed dictator  the  third  time,  and  knowing  that  the  army  under 
the  miUtary  tribunes  was  surrounded  by  the  Latins  and  Volscians, 
was  constrained  to  make  levies  among  such  as  age  had  exempted 
from  service.  With  these  he  fetched  a  large  compass  about 
Mount  Marcius,  and,  unperceived  by  the  enemy,  posted  his  army 
behind  them;  and  by  lighting  many  fires  signified  his  arrival. 
The  Romans  that  were  besieged  in  their  camp,  being  encouraged 
by  this,  resolved  to  sally  out  and  join  battle.  But  the  Latins  and 
Volscians  kept  close  within  their  works,  drawing  a  line  of  circum- 
vallation  with  palisades,  because  they  had  the  enemy  on  both  sides, 
and  resolving  to  wait  for  reinforcement'  firom  home,  as  well  as  for 
the  Tuscan  succours. 

Camillus  perceiving  this,  and  fearing  that  the  enemy  might  sur- 
round him,  as  he  had  surrounded  them,  hastened  to  make  use  of 
the  present  opportunity.  As  the  works  of  the  confederates  con- 
sisted of  wood,  and  the  wind  used  to  blow  hard  from  the  mountains 
at  sun-rising,  he  provided  a  great  quantity  of  combustible  matter, 
and  drew  out  his  forces  at  day-break.  Part  of  them  he  ordered 
with  loud  shouts  and  missive  weapons  to  begin  the  attack  on  the 
opposite  side,  while  he  himself,  at  the  head  of  those  that  were 
charged  with  the  fire,  watched  the  proper  minute,  on  that  side  of 
the  works  towards  which  tbe  wind  used  to  blow.    When  the  sun 


112  CAMILLUS. 

vas  risen,  the  wind  blew  violently ;  and  the  attack  being  begun 
on  the  other  side,  he  gave  the  signal  to  his  own  party,  who  poured 
a  mm.  quantity  of  fiery  darts,  and  other  burning  matter,  into  the 
enemy's  fortifications.  As  the  flame  soon  caught  hold,  and  was 
fed  by  the  palisades  and  oiher  timber,  it  spread  itself  into  all  quar- 
ters, and  the  Latms  not  being  provided  with  any  means  of  extin. 
guishing  it,  the  camp  was  almost  full  of  fire,  and  they  were  reduced 
to  a  small  spot  of  ground.  At  last  they  were  forced  to  bear  down 
upon  that  body  who  were  posted  before  the  camp,  and  ready  to 
receive  them  sword  in  hand.  Consequently  very  few  of  them  es- 
caped, and  those  that  remained  in  the  camp  were  destroyed  by 
the  flames,  till  the  Romans  extinguished  them  for  the  sake  of  the 
pltmder. 

Afler  this  Licinius  Stolo  raised  a  great  sedition  in  the  state, 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  people,  who  insisted  that,  of  the 
two  consuls,  one  should  be  a  plebeian.  Tribunes  of  the  people 
were  appointed,  but  the  multitude  would  sufler  no  election  of  con- 
suls to  be  held.*  As  this  want  of  chief  magistrates  was  likely  to 
bring  on  still  greater  troubles,  the  senate  created  Camillus  dictator 
the  fourth  time,  against  the  consent  of  the  people,  and  not  even 
agreeably  to  his  own  inclination  -f  For  he  was  unwilling  to  set 
himself  against  those  persons,  who,  having  been  ofien  led  on  by 
him  to  conquest,  could  with  great  truth  aflirm,  that  he  had  more 
concern  with  them  in  the  military  way,  than  with  the  patricians  in 
the  civil :  and  at  the  same  time  was  sensible  that  the  envy  of  those 
very  patricians  induced  them  now  to  promote  him  to  that  high 
station,  that  he  might  oppress  the  people  if  he  succeeded,  or  be 
ruined  by  them  if  he  failed  in  the  attempt.  He  attempted,  how. 
ever,  to  obviate  the  present  danger,  and  as  he  knew  the  day  on 
which  the  tribunes  intended  to  propose  their  law,  he  published  a 
meral  muster,  and  summoned  the  people  from  the /brwm  into  the 
dd,  threatening  to  set  heavy  fines  upon  those  who  should  not 
obey.  On  the  other  hand,  the  tribunes  of  the  people  opposed  hira 
with  menaces,  solemnly  protesting  they  would  fine  him  fifty  thou- 
sand drachmas,  if  ho  did  not  permit  the  people  to  put  their  bill  to 
the  vote.  Whether  it  was  that  he  was  afraid  of  a  second  con- 
demnation and  banishment,  which  would  but  ill  suit  him,  now  he 

*  This  confufion  listed  five  veara,  during  whieli  Uie  tribuneeof  Uie  people  pM> 
vented  ttte  Comitia  from  beiog  held,  which  were  ntcmmtj  fbr  the  election  of  toe  cbitf 
roegittraie*.  It  wu  occasioned  by  a  triflinf  aoeideot.  Fabhit  Ambutnia  havinc 
loariii^d  rut  eldest  daughter  to  Senriut  Sulpicius,  a  patrioiaa,  aad  at  Uib  Uaia  nttinursr 

tribuno.  and  the  younger  to  Licinius  StoJo,  a  rich  plebaian,  it  T 


the  younger  sister  was  paying  a  visit  to  the  elder,  Sulpicittt  eaaie  booM  from  Iba 
forum,  nnd  his  lictors,  with  the  staff  of  the  fasces,  UradUaiad  at  tba 


fasces,  UradHaiad  at  tba  door.    Tbt 


voiinger  sitter  being  friahtaned  at  the  noisa,  the  elder  laugM  at  htr,  as  a  panoa  tnili 
JflMirant  of  high  lifit.  This  aflroot  gr«aUj  afflicted  her,  and  hir  tukm,  to  conObrt  W. 
M  bariMt  be  uMMjr,  for  she  tbottld  soon  neas  much  stattaiharown  booMiUhap 


Mrpriaad  bar  at  her  siMar*s; 
t  Thajretroffioroea^. 


CAMILLUS.  113 

Was  grown  old  and  covered  wfth  glory,  or  whether  he  thought  he 
Could  not  get  the  better  of  the  pCopIe,  whose  violence  Avas  equal 
to  their  power,  for  the  present  he  returned  to  his  own  house,  and 
soon  after,  under  pretence  of  sickness,  resigned  the  dictatorship.* 
The  senate  appointed  another  dictator,  who,  having  named  for  his 
general  of  horse  that  very  Stolo  who  was  leader  of  the  sedition, 
suffered  a  law  to  be  made  that  was  extremely  disagreeable  to  the 
patricians.  It  provided  that  no  person  whatsoever  should  possess 
more  than  five  hundred  acres  of  land.  Stolo  havmg  carried  his 
point  with  the  people,  flourished  greatly  fpr  a  while  ;  but  not  long 
after,  being  convicted  of  possessing  more  than  the  limited  number 
of  acres,  he  suffered  the  penalties  of  his  own  law.f 

The  most  difficult  part  of  the  dispute,  and  that  which  they  began 
with,  namely,  concerning  the  election  of  the  consuls,  remaining 
still  unsettled,  continued  to  give  the  senate  great  uneasiness,  when 
certain  information  was  brought  that  the  Gauls  were  marching 
again  from  the  coasts  of  the  Adriatic,  with  an  immense  army  to- 
wards Rome.  With  this  news  came  an  account  of  the  usual  effects 
of  war,  the  country  laid  waste,  and  5ach  of  the  inhabitants  as  could 
not  take  refuge  in  Rome  dispersed  about  the  mountains.  The 
terror  of  this  put  a  stop  to  the  sedition  ;  and  the  most  popular  of 
the  senators  uniting  with  the  people,  with  one  voice  created  Ca- 
millus  dictator  the  fifth  time.  He  was  now  very  old,  wanting  very 
little  of  fourscore ;  yet  seeing  the  necessity  and  danger  of  the 
times,  he  was  willing  to  risk  all  inconveniences,  and,  without 
alleging  any  excuse,  immediately  took  upon  him  the  command, 
and  made  the  levies.  As  he  knew  the  chief  force  of  the  barbari- 
ans lay  in  their  swords,  which  they  managed  without  art  or  skill, 
furiously  rushing  in,  and  aiming  chiefly  at  the  head  and  shoulders, 
he  furnished  most  of  his  men  with  helmets  of  well-polished  iron, 
that  the  swords  might  either  break  or  glance  aside  :  and,  round  the 
borders  of  their  shields  he  drew  a  plate  of  brass,  because  the  wood 
of  itself  could  not  resist  the  strokes.  Besides  this,  he  taught  them 
to  avail  themselves  of  long  pikes,  by  pushing  with  which  they 
might  prevent  the  effect  of  the  enemy's  swords. 

When  the  Gauls  were  arrived  at  the  river  Anio  with  their  ar^ny, 
encumbered  with  the  vast  booty  they  had  made,  Camillus  drew 
out  his  forces,  and  posted  them  upon  a  hill  of  easy  ascent,  in  which 
were  many  hollows,  sufficient  to  conceal  the  greatest  part  of  his 
men,  while  those  that  were  in  sight  should  seem  through  fear  to 
have  taken  advantage  of  the  higher  grounds.  And'the  more  to  fix 
this  opinion  in  the  Gauls,  he  opposed  not  the  depredations  com- 

*  He  pretended  to  find  something  amiss,  in  the  auspices  which  were  taken  when  he 
was  appointed.  ^      ,  ,  .  ,  ,  r 

•}•  It  was  eleven  years  after.  Popilius  Laenas  fined  him  ten  thousand  sesterces  for 
being  possessed  of  a  thousand  acres  of  land,  in  conjunction  with  his  son,  whom  he 
had  emancipated  for  that  purposc.^Liv  lib.  vii.  c.  16. 


114 


CATULLUS. 


mitted  in  his  sight,  but  remained  quietly  in  the  camp  he  bad  lurti. 
fied  while  he  had  beheld  part  of  them  djsperscd  in  order  to  plun 
der,  and  ^art  indulging  themselves,  day  and  night,  in  drinking  and 
reveUing.  At  last,  he  sent  out  the  light-armed  infantry  before 
day,  to  prevent  the  enemy's  drawing  up  in  a  regular  manner,  and 
to  harass  them  by  sudden  skirmishing  as  they  issued  out  of  their 
trenches ;  and  as  soon  as  it  was  light  he  led  down  the  heav)- 
armed,  and  put  them  in  battle-array  upon  the  plain,  neither  few  in 
number  nor  disheartened,  as  the  Gauls  expected,  but  numerous 
and  full  of  spirits. 

This  was  the  first  tiling  that  shook  their  resolution,  for  they  con. 
sidered  it  as  a  disgrace  to  have  the  Romans  the  aggressors.  Then 
the  light-armed  falling  upon  them  before  they  could  get  into  order 
and  rank  themselves  by  companies,  pressed  them  so  warmly,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  come  in  great  confusion  to  the  engagement 
Last  of  all,  Camillus  leading  on  the  heavy-armed,  the  Gauls  with 
brandished  swords  hastened  to  fight  hand  to  hand  ;  but  the  Ro- 
mans meeting  the  strokes  with  their  pikes,  and  receiving  them  on 
that  part  that  was  guarded  with  iron,  so  turned  their  swords,  which 
were  thin  and  soA-tempered,  that  they  were  soon  bent  almost 
double ;  and  their  shields  were  pierced  and  weighed  down  with 
the  pikes  that  stuck  in  them.  They  therefore  quitted  their  own 
arms,  and  endeavoured  to  seize  those  of  the  enemy,  and  to  wrest 
their  pikes  from  them.  The  Romans  seeing  them  naked,  now  be- 
gan  to  make  use  of  their  swords,  and  made  great  carnage  among 
the  foremost  ranks.  Mean  time  the  rest  took  to  flight  and  were 
scattered  along  the  plain  ;  for  Camillus  had  beforehand  secured 
the  heights ;  and  as  in  confidence  of  victory,  they  had  lefl  the 
camp  unfortified,  they  knew  it  would  be  taken  with  ease. 

This  battle  is  said  to  have  been  fought  thirteen  years  af)er  the 
taking  of  Rome  ;'*'  and  in  consequence  of  this  success,  the  Romans 
laid  aside,  for  the  future,  the  dismal  apprehensions  they  had  enter- 
tained  of  the  barbarians.  They  had  imagined,  it  seems,  that  the 
former  victory  they  had  gained  over  the  Gauls  was  owins  to  the 
sickness  that  prevailed  in  their  army,  and  to  other  unforeaeen 
accidentt,  rather  than  to  their  own  valour :  and  so  ffreat  had  their 
terror  been  formerly,  that  they  had  made  a  law,  "  that  the  priests 
should  be  exempted  from  military  seivice,  except  in  case  ^f  an  in- 
vasion  from  the.  Gauls." 

This  was  the  last  of  Camillus's  martial  exploits.  For  the  taking 
of  VelitrsB  was  a  direct  consequence  of  this  victory,  and  it  surrcn. 
dered  without  the  least  resistance.  But  the  greatest  conflict  he 
ever  experienced  in  the  state,  still  remained  :  lor  the  people  were 
harder  to  deal  with  since  they  returned  victorious,  and  they  insisted 
that  one  of  the  consuls  should  be  chosen  out  of  their  body,  con* 

•  Tbli  biiMle  wm  fmtghx,  not  thirtaen,  but  twentr  thrte  TCtn  tfter  tbe  tfikinf  of 


CAMILLUS.  J  ^5 

trary  to  the  present  constitution.  The  senate  opposed  them,  and 
would  not  suffer  Camillus  to  resign  the  dictatorship,  thinking  they 
could  better  defend  the  rights  of  the  nobility  under  the  sanction  of 
Jus  supreme  authority.  But  one  day,  as  Camillus  was  sitting  in 
the  forum,  and  employed  in  the  distribution  of  justice,  an  officer, 
sent  by  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  ordered  him  to  follow  him,  and 
laid  his  hand  upon  him,  as  if  he  would  seize  and  carry  him  away. 
Upon  this  such  a  noise  and  tumult  was  raised  in  the  assembly,  as 
never  had  been  known  ;  those  that  were  about  Camillus  thrusting 
the  plebeian  officer. down  from  the  tribunal,  and  the  populace 
calling  out  to  drag  the  dictator  from  his  seat. 

In  this  case  Camillus  was  much  embarrassed :  he  did  not,  how- 
ever, resign  the  dictatorship,  but  led  ofiT  the  patricians  to  the  senate 
house.  Before  he  entered  it,  he  turned  towards  the  Capitol,  and 
prayed  to  the  gods  to  put  an  happy  end  to  the  present  disturbances, 
solemnly  vowing  to  build  a  temple  to  Concord,  when  the  tumult 
should  be  over. 

In  the  senate  there  was  a  diversity  of  opinions  and  great  debates. 
Mild  and  popular  counsels,  however,  prevailed,  which  allowed  ono 
of  the  consuls  to  be  a  plebeian.*  When  the  dictator  announced 
this  decree  to  the  people,  they  received  it  with  great  satisfaction ; 
they  were  immediately  reconciled  to  the  senate,  and  conducted 
Camillus  home  with  great  applause.  Next  day  the  people  assem- 
bled, and  voted  that  the  temple  which  Camillus  had  vowed  to  Con- 
cord, should,  on  account  of  this  great  event,  be  built  on  a  spot  that 
fronted  the  jforum  and  place  of  assembly.  To  those  feasts  which 
are  called  Latin,  they  added  one  day  more,  so  that  the  whole  was 
to  consist  of  four  days ;  and  for  the  present  they  ordained  that  the 
whole  people  of  Rome  should  sacrifice  with  garlands  on  their 
heads.  Camillus  then  held  an  assembly  for  the  election  of  con- 
suls, when  Marcus  ^milius  was  chosen  out  of  the  nobility,  and 
Lucius'  Sextus  from  the  commonalty,  the  first  plebeian  who  at- 
tained that  honour. 

This  was  the  last  of  Camillus's  transactions.  The  year  follow, 
ing  a  pestilence  visited  Rome,  which  carried  off  a  prodigious  num- 
ber of  the  people,  most  of  the  magistrates,  and  Camillus  himself. 
His  death  could  not  be  deemed  premature,  on  account  of  his  great 
age  and  the  offices  he  had  borne,  yet  was  he  more  lamented  than 
all  the  rest  of  the  citizens  who  died  of  that  distemper. 

*  The  people"  haying  gained  this  point,  the  consulate  was  revived,  and  the  military 
tribuneship  laid  aside  forever;  but  at  the  same  tune  the  patricians  procured  the  great 
privilege  that  a  new  officer,  called  praetor,  should  be  appointed,  who  was  to  be  al- 
ways one  of  their  body  The  consuls  had  been  generals  of  the  Ronmn  armies,  and 
«t  the  same  time  judges  of  civil  affairs;  but  as  they  were  often  in  the  field,  it  was 
thought  proper  to  separafe  the  latter  branch  froni  their  office,  and  appropriate  it  to  a 
judge  with  the  title  o(  prcetor,  who  was  to  be  next  in  dignity  to  the  consuls.  About 
the  year  of  Rome  501,  another  jaraior  was  appointed  to  decide  the  differences  among 
foreigners.  Upon  the  taking  of  Sicily  and  Sardinia,  two  moTcprmtors  were  created, 
and  as  many  more  upon  the  conquest  of  Spam. 


116 

PERICLES. 

Flourished  430  years  before  Christ. 

PERICLES  was  of  the  tribe  of  Acamantis,  and  of  the  ward  of 
Cholargia.  His  family  was  one  of  the  most  considentble  in 
Athens,  both  by  the  father  and  mother's  side.  His  father  Xan- 
thippus,  who  defeated  the  king  of  Persia's  generals  at  Mycale, 
married  Agaristc,  the  niece  of  CHsthenes,  who  expelled  the  family 
of  Pisistratus,  abolished  the  tyranny,  enacted  laws,  and  established 
a  form  of  government  tempered  in  such  a  manner  as  tended  to 
unanimity  among  the  people,  and  the  safety  of  the  state. 

The  person  of  Pericles  was  in  other  respects  well  turned,  but 
liis  head  disproportionably  long  ;  for  this  reason  almost  all  his 
statues  have  the  heads  covered  with  a  helmet.  But  the  Athenian 
poets  called  him  Schinoccphalus,  or  Onion-he4id,  The  person 
who  taught  him  music  was  called  Damon,  a  politician,  who,  under 
pretence  of  teaching  music,  concealed  his  great  abilities  from  the 
vulgar.  He  also  attended  the  lectures  of  Zeno  of  Elea,""  who  in 
natural  philosophy  was  a  follower  of  Parmenides ;  but  the  philo. 
fiopher  with  whom  ho  was  most  intimately  acquainted,  who  gave 
him  that  force  and  sublimity  of  sentiment  superior  to  all  the  dema. 
gogues,  who,  in  short,  formed  him  to  that  admirable  dignity  of 
manners,  was  Anaxagoras  the  Clazomenian.  This  was  he  whom 
the  people  of  those  times  call  Nous^  or  intellecty  cither  in  admiration 
of  his  great  understanding  and  knowledge  of  the  works  of  nature, 
or  because  he  was  the  first  who  clearly  proved,  that  the  universe 
owed  its  formation,  neither  to  chance  nor  necessity,  but  to  a  pure 
and  unmixed  Mindt  who  separated  the  homogeneous  parts  from 
the  other  with  which  they  were  conlbunded. 

Charmed  with  the  company  of  this  philosopher,  and  instructed 
by  4)im  in  the  sublimest  sciences,  Pericles  acquired  not  only  an 
elevation  of  sentiment,  and  a  loftiness  and  purity  of  style,  far  re- 
moved from  the  low  expression  of  the  vulvar,  but  likewise  a  gravity 
of  countenance  which  relaxed  not  into  laughter,  a  firm  and  oven 
lone  of  voice,  an  easy  deportment,  and  a  decency  of  dress,  which 

*  This  Zenn  waj  of  Elea,  a  town  of  lirtly,  nnH  •  Phocian  enUntj,  and  munt  ha 
carefully  difttiO((Uiiihrd  from  Z«nn.  the  founder  of  the  tpcl  of  the  Stoics.*  Tba  Zano 
here  tfiokeii  ol  was  re«pectable  for  atti>niptiitK  to  mi  hi«  cotiniry  of  a  ivrant  l^ha 
tyrant  took  him,  ami  caused  hint  to  lir  poundrd  to  drath  in  a  mnrtar  luit  h\t  death 
ancAinplifhed  what  he  could  nut  etiect  in  his  lileiimc;  for  his  ffllow  ciiisrns  were  ao 
tnuch  incrnstd  at  the  dreadful  manner  of  it.  that  they  fell  upon  the  tyrant  and  stoned 
him.  As  to  his  at);unient«,  and  those  of  hit  master  i'snnenides.  prrtendrd  to  be  an 
in? iiM*.ible,  one  of  tnein  w*»  tn  prove  there  can  he  no  surh  ihiuf  an  mniion.  si:»ce  a 
Hung  can  neilhttr  move  in  the  place  where  it  ip,  nor  in  the  place  wher»»  it  i»  not  But 
Ibis  anphisni  is  easily  ir fnti**!  ;  for  motion  \i  the  passing  of  a  thinj;  oi  jx'r<ion  into  a 
Dew  part  uf  space. 


PERICLES.  117 

no  vehemence  of  speaking  ever  put  into  disorder.  These  things, 
and  others  of  the  like  nature,  excited  admiration  in  all  that  saw 
him. 

Such  was  his  conduct,  when  a  vile  and  abandoned  fellow  loaded 
him  a  whole  day  with  reproaches  and  abuse  :  he  bore  it  with  pa- 
tience and  silence,  and  continued  in  public  for  the  despatch  of 
some  urgent  affairs.  In  the  evening  he  walked  softly  home,  this 
impudent  wretch  following  and  insulting  him  all  the  way  with  the 
most  scurrilous  language  ;  and.,  as  it  was  dark  when  he  came  to 
his  own  door^  he  ordered  one  of  his  servants  to  take  a  torch  and 
light  the  man  home.  The  poet  Ion,  however,  says  he  was  proud 
and  supercilious  in  conversation,  and  that,  there  was  a  great  deal 
of  vanity  and  contempt  of  others  mixed  with  his  dignity  of  man- 
ner ;  on  the  other  hand  he  highly  extols  the  civility,  complaisance, 
and  politeness  of  Cimon.  But  to  take  no  farther  notice  of  Ion, 
who  perhaps  would  not  have  any  great  excellence  appear  without 
a  mixture  of  something  satirical  as  it  was  in  the  ancient  tragedy ;  ■'' 
Zeno  desired  those  that  called  the  gravity  of  Pericles  pride  and 
arrogance,  to  be  proud  the  same  way,  telling  them,  the  very  act- 
ing of  an  excellent  part  might  insensibly  produce  a  love  and  real 
imitation  of  it. 

These  were  not  the  only  advantages  which  Pericles  gained  by 
conversing  with  Anaxagoras.  From  him  he  learned  to  overcome 
those  terrors  which  the  various  phenomena  of  the  heavens  raise 
in  those  who  know  not  their  causes,  and  who  entertain  a  torment- 
ing fear  of  the  gods  by  reason  of  that  ignorance.  Nor  is  there 
any  cure  for  it,  but  the  study  of  nature,  which,  instead  of  the  frightful 
extravagancies  of  superstition,  implants  in  us  a  sober  piety  sup- 
ported by  rational  hope. 

At  first,  to  raise  himself  to  some  sort  of  equality  vvith  Cimon, 
who  was  then  at  the  height  of  glory,  Pericles  made  his  court  to  the 
people.  And  as  Cimon  was  his  superior  in  point  of  fortune,  which 
he  employed  in  relieving  the  paor  Athenians,  in  providing  victuals 
every  day  for  the  necessitous,  and  clothing  the  aged ;  and,  be- 
sides  this,  levelled  his  fences  with  the  ground,  that  all  might  be 
at  liberty  to  gather  his  fruit ;  Pericles  had  recourse  to  the  expe- 
dient of  dividing  the  public  tregisure,  which  scheme,  as  Aristotle 
informs  us,  was  proposed  to  him  by  Demonides  of  los.f    Accord- 

*  Tragedy  at  first  was  only  a  chorus  in  honour  of  Bacchus.  Persons  dressed  like 
satyrs  were  the  performers,  and  they  often  broke  out  into  the  most  licentious  raillery. 
Afterwards,  when  tragedy  took  a  graver  turn,  something  of  the  former  drollery  was 
Still  retained,  as  in  that  which  we  call  tragi-coraedy.  In  time,  serious  characters  and 
events  became  the  subject  of  tragedy,  witliout  that  mixture:  but  even  then,  after  ex- 
hibiting three  or  four  serious  tragedies,  the  poets  used  to  conclude  their  contention  for 
the  prize  with  a  savirical  one.  Of  this  sort  is  the  Cyclops  of  Euripides,  and  the  only 
one  remaining. 

f  los  was  one  of  the  isles  called  Sporades,  in  the  iigean  sea,  and  celebrated  for 
tilt;  toinb  of  Homer,  fiut  some  learned  men  are  of  opinion,  that  Demonides  was  not 
<»i  ih?  ijlarui  of  los,  but  of  Oia,  v/hicb  was  a  borough  in  Attica. 


12^  I'jLRiCLES. 

ingly,  by  supplying  the  people  with  money  for  the  public  diver- 
sions,  and  fur  their  attendance  in  courts  of  judicature,*  and  b\ 
other  pensions  and  gratuities,  he  so  inveigled  them  an  to  avail  him- 
self  of  their  interest  aguinst  the  council  of  the  Areopagus,  of  which 
he  had  no  right  to  be  a  member,  having  never  had  the  fortune  to 
be  chosen  Archm,  Thetmothetes,  King  of  the  Sacred  Rites,  or  Pole- 
march.  For  persons  were  of  old  appointed  to  these  offices  by  lot, 
and  such  as  had  discharged  them  well,  and  such  only,  were  admK. 
ted  as  judges  in  the  Areopagus.  Pericles,  therefore,  by  his  popu. 
larity,  raised  a  party  against  that  council,  and,  by  means  of  Epi- 
altes,  took  from  them  the  cognizance  of  many  causes  that  had  been 
under  their  jurisdiction.  He  likewise  caused  Cimon  to  be  banish- 
ed by  the  Ostracism^  as  an  enemy  to  the  people,t  and  a  friend  to 
the  Lacedaemonians ;  a  man  who  in  birth  and  fortune  had  no  supe- 
rior, who  had  gained  very  glorious  victories  over  the  barbarians, 
and  filled  the  city  with  money  and  other  spoils.  Such  was  the 
authority  of  Pericles  with  the  common  people. 

The  term  of  Cimon*s  banishment,  as  it  was  by  Ostracism,  was 
limited  by  law  to  ten  years.  Meantime,  the  Lacedaemonians,  with 
a  great  army,  entered  the  territory  of  Tanagra,  and  the  Athenians 
immediately  marching  out  against  them,  Cimon  returned,  and 
placed  himself  in  the  ranks  with  those  of  his  tribe,  intending  by 
his  deeds  to  wipe  off  the  aspersion  of  favouring  the  Lacedsmo- 
nians,  and  to  venture  his  life  with  his  countrymen  ;  but  by  a  com- 
bination of  the  friends  of  Pericles,  ho  was  repulsed  as  an  exile. 
This  seems  to  have  been  the  cause  that  Pericles  exerted  himself  in 
a  particular  manner  in  that  battle,  and  exposed  his  person  to  the 
greatest  dangers.  All  Cimon*s  friends  whom  Pericles  had  accused 
as  accomplices  in  his  pretended  crime,  fell  honourably  that  day 
together :  and  the  Athenians,  who  were  defeated  u|>on  their  owte 
borders,  and  expected  a  still  sharper  conflict  in  the  summer,  griev. 
ously  repented  of  their  treatment  of  Cimon,  and  longed  for  his  re. 
turn.  Pericles,  sensible  of  the  people's  inclinations,  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  gratify  them,  but  himself  proposed  a  decree  for  recalling 
CimoD  ;  and,  at  his  return,  a  peace  was  agreed  upon  through  his 
mediation.  For  the  Lacedsonoonians  had  a  particular  regard  for 
him,  as  well  as  aversion  f^)r  Pericles,  and  the  other  demagogues. 
But  some  authors  write,  that  Pericles  did  not  procure  an  order  for 

*  There  were  several  courts  of  judicature  in  Athens,  compoeed  of  ■  certain  ouos- 
ber  of  the  cifixeos.  who  sometinirs  rrceived  one  obolu*  each  Uu  eTery  cause  llM7 
tried     and  sontetintes  men  who  aimed  at  pop  lUrity.  procuiad  this  fee  to  ha  iiwiaastn. 

t  (lis  treason  against  the  vlate  was  pr«)ieiided  tu  consist  lo  raceiviDf  prataoia  or 
other  gratifications  fruni  the  Macedonians,  whneby  he  *vm%  prevailed  iw  to  let  slip  tha 
oppnrtunitv  he  had  to  enlan^e  the  Athenian  conquests,  after  ha  had  taken  the  (old 
inin^s  of  'fhrace.  Cimon  an«v%«red,  that  he  had  prntiecuied  the  war  to  the  utmost  of 
his  power  against  the  Thraciar.s  end  their  other  enemies:  but  that  he  had  made  no 
inroads  into  Macedonia,  berauce  he  did  not  conceive  that  he  was  to  act  en  a  pubib 
enenty  to  mankind. 


PERICLES. 


119 


Cimon^s  return,  till  they  4iad  entered  into  a  private  compact,  by 
means  of  Cimon's  sister  Elpinice,  that  Cimon  should  have  the 
command  abroad,  and  with  two  hundred  galleys  lay  waste  the  king 
of  Persia's  dominions,  and  Pericles  have  the  direction  of  affairs  at 
home. 

Cimon  died  soon  after  in  the  expedition  to  Cyprus.  And  the 
nobility  perceiving  that  Pericles  was  now  arrived  at  a  height  of 
authority  which  set  him  far  above  the  other  citizens,  were  desirous 
of  having  some  person  to  oppose  him,  who  might  be  capable  of 
giving  a  check  to  his  power,  and  of  preventing  his  making  him- 
self absolute.  For  this  purpose  they  set  up  Thucydides,  of  the 
ward  of  Alopece,  a  man  of  great  prudence,  and  brother-in-law  to 
Cimon.  He  had  not,  indeed,  Cimon's  talents  for  war,  but  was  su- 
perior  to  him  in  forensic  and  political  abilities ;  and,  by  residing 
constantly  in  Athens,  and  opposing  Pericles  in  the  general  assera- 
bly,  he  soon  brought  the  government  to  an  equilibrium.  For  he 
did  not  suffer  persons  of  superior  rank  to  be  dispersed  and  con- 
founded with  the  rest  of  the  people,  because,  in  that  case,  their 
dignity  was  obscured  and  lost :  but  collected  them  into  a  separate 
body,  by  which  means  their  authority  was  enhanced,  and  sufficient 
weight  thrown  into  their  scale.'  There  was,  indeed,  from  the  be- 
ginning, a  kind  of  doubtful  separation,  which,  like  the  flaws  in  a 
piece  of  iron,  indicated  that  the  aristocratical  party,  and  that  of  the 
commonalty,  were  not  perfectly  one,  though  they  were  not  actu- 
ally divided  ;  but  the  ambition  of  Pericles  and  Thucydides,  and  the 
contest  between  them  had  so  extraordinary  an  effect  upon  the  city, 
that  it  was  quite  broken  in  two,  and  one  of  the  parts  was  called 
the  people,  and  the  other  the  nobility.  For  this  reason.  Pericles, 
more  than  ever,  gave  the  people  the  reins,  and  endeavoured  to  in- 
gratiate himself  with  them,  contriving  to  have  always  some  show, 
or  play,  or  feast,  or  procession  in  the  city,  and  to  amuse  it  with 
the  politest  pleasures. 

As  another  means  of  employing  their  attention,  he  sent  out  sixty 
galleys  every  year,  manned  for  eight  months,  with  a  considerable 
number  of  the  citizens,  who  were  both  paid  for  their  service,  and 
improved  themselves  as  mariners.  He  likewise  sent  a  colony  of 
a  thousand  men  to  the  Chersonesus,  five  hundred  to  Naxos,  two 
hundred  and  fifty  to  Andres,  a  thousand  into  the  country  of  the 
Bisaltffi  in  Thrace,  and  others  into  Italy,  who  settled  in  Sibaris,  and 
changed  its  name  to  Thurii.  These  things  he  did  to  clear  the  city 
of  an  useless  multitude,  who  were  very  troublesome  when  they 
had  nothing  to  do ;  to  make  provision  for  the  most  necessitous ; 
and  to  keep  the  allies  of  Athens  in  awe,  by  placing  colonies  like 
so  many  garrisons  in  their  neighbourhood. 

That  which  was  the  chief  delight  of  the  Athenians  and  the  won- 
der of  strangers,  and  which  alone  serves  for  a  proof  that  the  boa?t. 


12H)  CAMILLUS. 

cd  power  and  opulence  of  ancient  Greece  is  not  an  idle  tale,  wan 
the  magnificence  of  the  temples  and  public  edifices.  Yet  no  part 
of  tlie  conduct  of  Pericles  moved  the  spleen  of  his  enemies  more 
than  this.  In  their  accusations  of  him  to  the  people,  the>  insisted, 
"That  he  hod  brought  the  greatest  disgrace  upon  the  Athenians 
by  removing  the  public  treasures  of  Greece  from  Delos,  and  taking 
them  into  his  own  custody :  that  he  had  not  left  himself  even  the 
specious  apology  of  having  caused  the  money  to  be  brought  to 
Athens  for  its  greater  security,  and  to  keep  it  from  being  seized 
by  the  barbarians :  that  Greece  must  needs  consider  it  as  the  high- 
est insult,  and  an  act  of  open  tyranny,  when  she  saw  the  money 
she  had  been  obliged  to  contribute  towards  the  war,  lavished  by 
the  Athenians  in  gilding  their  city,  and  ornamenting  it  with  statues 
and  temples  that  cost  a  thousand  talents/  as  a  proud  and  vain 
woman  decks  herself  out  with  jewels." 

Pericles  answered  this  charge  by  observing,  "That  they  were 
not  obliged  to  give  the  allies  any  account  of  the  suras  they  had  re- 
ceived, smce  they  had  kept  the  barbarians  at  a  distance,  and 
offectually  defended  the  allies,  who  had  not  furnished  either  horses, 
ships,  or  men,  but  only  contributed  money,  which  is  no  longer  the 
property  of  the  giver,  but  of  the  receiver,  if  he  performs  the  condi. 
tions  on  which  it  is  received  :  that  as  the  state  was  provided  with 
all  the  necessaries  of  war,  its  superfluous  wealth  should  be  laid  out 
on  such  works  as  when  executed  would  be  eternal  monuments  of 
its  glory,  and  which,  during  their  execution,  would  diffuse  an  uni- 
versal plenty ;  for  as  so  many  kinds  of  labour,  and  such  a  variety 
of  instruments  and  materials  were  requisite  to  these  undertakings, 
every  art  would  be  exerted,  every  hand  employed,  almost  the  whole 
city  would  be  in  pay,  and  be  at  the  same  time  both  adorned  and 
supported  by  itself."  Indeed,  such  as  were  of  a  proper  age  and 
strength  were  wanted  for  the  wars,  and  well  rewarded  for  their  8er> 
vices :  and  as  for  the  mechanics  and  meaner  sort  of  people,  they 
went  not  without  their  share  of  the  public  money,  nor  yet  had  they 
it  to  support  them  in  idleness.  By  the  constructing  of  great  edi- 
fices,  which  required  many  arts  and  a  long  time  to  finish  them,  they 
had  e^uai  pretensions  to  be  considered  out  of  the  treasury  (though 
they  stirred  not  out  of  the  city,)  with  the  mariners  and  soldiers, 
guards  and  garrisons.  For  the  different  materials,  such  as  ttone, 
brass,  ivory,  gold,  ebony,  and  cypress,  furnished  employment  to 
car()enters,  masons,  braziers,  goldsmiths,  painters,  turners,  and 
other  artificers  ;  tlie  conveyance  of  them  by  sea  employed  roer- 
chaiUs  and  sailors,  and  by  land  wheelwrights,  waggoners,  car- 
riers, rope-makers,  leather-cutters,  paviers,  and  iron  founders : 
and  every  art  had  a  number  of  the  lower  people  ranged  in  proper 
aubordinution  to  execute  it  like  soldiers  under  the  command  of  a 

•  The  Psahenon,  or  ttniplt  of  Minenrt,  if  laid  to  have  coat  a  tboonnd  taltnts^ 


general.  Thus  by  the  exercise  of  these  different  trades,  plenty 
was  diffused  among  persons  of  every  rank  and  condition.  Thus 
works  were  raised  of  an  astonishing  magnitude,  and  inimitable- 
beauty  and  perfection,  every  architect  striving  to  surpass  the  mag- 
nificence of  the  design  with  the  elegance  of  the  execution ;  yet 
still  the  most  wonderful  circumstance  was  the  expedition  with 
which  they  were  completed.  Many  edifices,  each  of  whicb  seems 
to  have  required  the  labour  of  several  successive  ages,  were  finish- 
ed during  the  administration  of  one  prosperous  man. 

It  is  said,  that  when  Agatharcus  the  painter  valued  himself  upon 
the  celerity  and  ease  with  which  he  despatched  his  pieces,  Zeuxis 
replied,  "  If  I  boast,  it  shall  be  of  the  slowness  with  which  1  finish 
mine."  For  ease  and  speed  in  the  execution  seldom  give  a  work 
any  lasting  importance,  or  exquisite  beauty  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  time  which  is  expended  in  labour  is  recovered  and  repaid 
in  the  duration  of  the  performance.  Hence,  we  have  the  more 
reason  to  wonder,  that  the  structures  raised  by  Pericles  should  be 
built  in  so  short  a  time,  and  yet  built  for  ages  :  for  as  each  of  them, 
as  soon  as  finished,  had  the  venerable  air  of  antiquity,  so,  now  they 
are  old,  they  have  the  freshness  of  a  modern  building.  A  bloom 
is  diffused  over  them,  which  preserves  their  aspect  untarnished  by 
time,  as  if  they  were  animated  with  a  spirit  of  perpetual  youth  and 
unfading  elegance. 

Phidias  was  appointed  by  Pericles  superintendant  of  all  the  pub. 
lie  edifices,  though  the  Athenians  had  then  other  eminent  archi- 
tects and  excellent  workmen.  The  Parthenon,  or  temple  of  PaU 
lasy  whose  dimensions  had  been  a  hundred  feet  square,*  was  re- 
built by  Callicrates  and  Ictinus.  Corcebus  began  the  temple  of 
Initiation  at  Eleusis,  but  only  lived  to  finish  the  lower  rank  of 
columns  with  their  architraves.  Metagenes,  of  the  ward  of  Xypete^ 
added  the  rest  of  the  entablature,  and  the  upper  row  of  columns  ; 
and  Xenocles  of  Cholargus  built  the  dome  on  the  top.  The  long 
wall,  the  building  of  which  Socrates  says  he  heard  Pericles  pro- 
pose  to  the  people,  was  undertaken  by  Callicrates.  The  Odmm, 
or  music-theatre,  which  was  likewise  built  by  the  direction  of 
Pericles,  had  within  it  many  rows  of  seats  and  of  pillars ;  the  roof 
v;as  V'i  a  conic  figure,  after  the  model  of  the  king  of  Persia's  pa- 
vilion. 

Tlie  orators  of  Thucydides's  party  raised  a  clamour  against 
Pericles,  asserting,  that  he  wasted  the  public  treasure  and  brought 
the  revenue  to  nothing.  Pericles,  in  his  defence,  asked  the  people 
in  full  assembly,  "  Whether  they  thought  he  had  expended  too 
much  ?"     Upon  their  answering  in  the  affirmative,  "Then  be  it," 

*  It  was  called  Hecatompedon^  because  it  had  been  originally  a  hundred  fe^t 
square ;  one  having  been  burnt  by  the  Persians,  it  was  rebuilt  by  Pericles,  and  rejftjip- 
ed  that  name  aftei  it  was  greatly  enlai^revf. 

A  n 


l3^  J^fiKiCLKjJ. . 

said  he,  **  charged  to  my  account,'^  not  yours ;  only  let  tbe  oew 
edifices  be  inscribed  with  my  name,  not  that  of  the  people  of 
Athens."  Whether  it  was  that  they  admired  the  greatness  of  his 
spirit,  or  were  ambitious  to  share  the  glory  of  such  magnificent 
vorks,  they  cried  out,  "  That  he  might  spend  as  much  as  he  pleas- 
ed of  the  public  treasure,  without  sparing  it  in  the  least." 

At  last  the  contest  came  on  between  him  and  Thucydides  which 
of  them  should  be  banished  by  the  ostracism  :  Pericles  gained  the 
victory,  banished  his  adversary,  and  entirely  defeated  his  party. 
The  opposition  now  being  at  an  end,  and  unanimity  taking  place 
amongst  all  ranks  of  people,  Pericles  became  sole  master.of  Athens, 
and  its  dependencies.  The  revenues,  the  army,  the  navy,  the 
islands,  and  the  sea,  a  most  extensive  territor>-,  peopled  by  bar- 
barians as  well  as  Greeks,  fortified  with  the  obedience  of  subject 
nations,  the  friendship  of  kings  and  alliance  of  princes,  were  all  at 
his  command. 

Frum  this  time  he  became  a  dififerent  man  ;  he  was  no  longer 
so  obsequious  to  the  humour  of  the  populace,  which  is  as  wild  and 
as  changeable  as  tbe  winds.  The  multitude  were  not  indulged  or 
courted  ;  the  government,  in  fact,  was  not  popular ;  its  loose  and 
luxuriant  harmony  was  confined  to  stricter  measures,  and  it  assu- 
med  an  aristocratical,  or,  rather,  monarchical  form.  He  kept  the 
public  good  in  his  eye,  and  pursued  the  straight  path  of  honour. 
For  the  most  part,  gently  leading  them  by  argument  to  a  sense  of 
what  was  right,  and  sometimes  forcing  them  to  comply  with  what 
was  for  their  own  advantage ;  in  this  respect,  imitating  a  good 
physician,  who,  in  tlie  various  symptoms  of  a  long  disease,  some- 
times administers  medicines  tolerably  agreeable,  and,  at  other 
times,  sharp  and  strong  ones,  when  such  alone  are  capable  of  re- 
storing the  patient.  He  was  the  man  that  had  the  art  of  control- 
ling  those  many  disorderly  passions  which  necessarily  spring  up 
amongst  a  people  possessed  of  so  extensive  a  dominion.  The  two 
engines  he  worked  with  were  hope  and  fear ;  with  these,  repress- 
ing their  violence  when  they  were  too  impetuous,  and  supporting 
their  spirits  when  inclined  to  languor,  he  made  it  appear  that  rhe- 
toric is,  as  Plato  de/ined  it,  the  art  of  ruling  the  minds  of  men,  and 
that  its  principal  province  consists  in  moving  the  passions  and  af- 
fections of  the  soul,  which,  like  so  many  strings  in  a  musical  in- 

*  It  apDeart,  from  ft  puM^e  in  TbucydidM,  that  tb«  public  stnck  of  Um  AtbMitna 
amountea  to  niae  thoasand  tevun  hundred  taJenti  ^or  oim  oiiUkw  eiibt  bundrad  and 
gfeTenty  five  ihuutand  oine  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  iteriiii|,)  of  whicb  Pariolft  bad 
laid  out  in  those  public  building!  tbrae  thousand  Mven  bimdnd  talanta.  It  it  oalu. 
ral,  tberelbre,  to  ask,  bow  be  could  tell  tbe  peopla  tbat  it  riiould  be  at  bis  own  ax- 
pMMM,  especially  since  Plutarch  tells  us  in  Um  seouel,  that  he  had  aoc  in  tbe  least  hn- 
pioved  the  estate  left  him  by  bis  lather.  To  wbicb  the  irua  answer  probably  ts,  that 
rsrioiss  tvas  politician  eooiikb  to  know  that  the  ? anitjr  of  the  Athaniaae  would  never 
l«l  thaoB  agree  that  he  should  inscribe  Uie  new  mainiacanl  huildtafs  with  his  name,  in 
asdosion  of  theirs ;  or  be  nifht  ventun  to  My  any  thta«,  btiag  taeoft  of  a  m^fot^f 
<Tf  toQN  tp  tjngitOB  as  he  pleased* 


PERICLES. 


1^ 


strument,  require  the  touch  of  a  masterly  and  delicate  hand.  Nor 
were  the  powers  cf  eloquence  alone  sufficient,  but,  as  Thucydid^s 
observes,  the  orator  was  a  man  of  probity  and  unblemished  reputa- 
lion.  Money  could  not  bribe  him  ;  he  was  so  much  above  the 
desire  of  it,  that,  though  he  added  greatly  to  the  opulence  of  the 
state,  which  he  found  not  inconsiderable,  and  though  his  power 
exceeded  that  of  manykmgs  and  tyrants,  some  of  whom  bequeath, 
ed  to  their  posterity  the  sovereignty  they  had  obtained,  yet  he  ad- 
ded  not  one  drachma  to  his  paternal  estate. 

Not  that  he  was  inattentive  to  his  finances  ;  but,  on  the  contra- 
ry, neither  negligent  of  his  paternal  estate,  nor  yet  willing  to  havo 
much  trouble  with  it,  as  he  had  not  much  time  to  spare,  he  brought 
the  management  of  it  into  such  a  method  as  was  very  easy,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  was  exact.  For  he  used  to  turn  a  whole  year's 
produce  into  money  altogether,  and  with  chi?  he  boug'it  from  day 
to  day  all  manner  of  necessaries  at  the  market.  This  way  of 
living  was  not  agreeable  to  his  sons,  when  grown  up,  -^nd  the  al- 
lowance  he  made  the  women  did  not  appear  to  them  a  generous 
one ;  they  complained  of  a  pittance  daily  measured  out  with  scru- 
pulous economy,  which  admitted  of  none  of  those  superfluities  so 
common  in  great  houses  and  wealthy  families,  ar.d  could  not 
bear  to  think  of  the  expenses  being  so  nicely  adjusted  to  the  in- 
come. 

By  this  time,  the  Lacedaemonians  began  to  express  some  jeat- 
ousy  of  the  Athenian  greatness,  and  Pericles,  willing  to  advance 
it  still  higher,  and  to  make  the  people  more  sensible  of  iheir  im- 
portance,  and  more  inclinable  to  great  attempts,  procured  an  or* 
der,  that  all  Greeks,  wheresoever  they  resided,  whether  in  Europe 
or  in  Asia,  whether  their  cities  were  small  or  great,  should  send 
deputies  to  Athens,  to  consult  about  rebuilding  the  Grecian  tem- 
pies  which  the  barbarians  had  burnt,  and  about  providing  thoss 
sacrifices  which  had  been  vowed  daring  the  Persian  war,  for  the 
preservation  of  Greece,  and  likewise  to  enter  into  such  measures 
as  might  secure  navigation  and  maintain  the  peace.  Accordingly 
twenty  persons,  each  upwards  of  fifty  years  of  age,  were  sent  with 
this  proposal  to  the  different  states  of  Greece.  It  took  not  effect, 
however,  nor  did  the  cities  send  their  deputies  :  the  reason  of 
which  is  said  to  be,  the  opposition  of  the  Lacedemonians  ;*  for  the 
proposal  was  first  rejected  in  Peloponnesus.  But  I  was  wil- 
ling  to  giye  account  of  it,  as  a  specimen  of  the  greatness  of 
the  orator's  spirit,  and  of  his  disposition  to  form  magnificent  de- 
sig'is. 

His  chief  merit  in  war  was  the  safety  of  his  measures.     He  ne- 

*  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  LacedaBmonians  opposed  this  undertaking,  since  the  gir- 
In^  way  to  it  would  have  been  acknowledging  the  Athenians  as  masters  of  all  Gree(%; 
indeed,  the  Athenians  should  not  have  attempted  it  without  an  onlei  or  deprep  of  t'he 
i*  mphiciyoms. 


124  rfilUCLES. 

vcr  williagly  engaged  in  any  uncertain  or  very  dangerous  e  v 
tion,  nor  hud  any  ambition  to  imitate  those  generals  who  are  aonu 
red  as  great  men,  because  their  rush  enterprises  have  been  atten- 
ded with  success;  he  always  told  the  Athenians,  *'  That  as  far  as 
their  fate  depended  upon  him,  they  should  be  immortal."  Percei. 
ving  that  Tolmides,  the  son  of  TolnuBus,  in  confidence  of  his  for- 
mer success  and  military  reputation,  was  preparmg  to  invade  Ike. 
otia  at  an  unseasonable  time,  and  that,  over  and  above  the  regular 
troops,  he  had  persuaded  the  bravest  and  most  spirited  of  the  Athe- 
nian youth,  to  the  number  of  a  thousand,  to  go  volunteers  in  that 
expedition,  he  addressed  him  in  public  and  tried  to  divert  him  from 
it,  making  use,  amongst  the  rest,  of  those  well-known  words,  "If 
you  regard  not  the  opinion  of  Pericles,  yet  wait  at  least  for  the 
advice  of  time,  who  is  the  best  of  all  counsellors.  This  aaying, 
for  the  present,  gained  no  great  applause,  but  when,  a  few  days 
niter,  news  was  brought  that  Tolmides  was  defeated  and  killed  at 
Coronea,*  together  with  many  of  the  bravest  citizens,  it  procured 
Pericles  great  respect  and  love  from  the  people,  who  considered  it 
as  a  proof,  not  only  of  his  sagacity,  but  of  his  affection  for  his 
countrymen. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  persuaded  that  if  they  could  remove  Pe. 
ricles  out  of  the  way  they  should  be  better  able  to  manage  the 
Athenians,  required  them  to  banish  all  execrable  persons  from 
among  them  :  and  Pericles  (as  Thucydides  informs  us)  was,  by 
his  mother's  side,  related  to  those  that  were  pronounced  execr^e, 
in  the  affair  of  Cylon.      The  success,  however,  of  this  applicatioo 

(roTed  the  reverse  of  what  was  expected  by  those  who  ordered  it. 
lutead  of  rendering  Pericles  suspected,  or  involving  him  in  trou. 
ble,  it  procured  him  the  more  confidence  and  respect  from  the 
people,  when  they  perceived  that  their  enemies  both  hated  and 
dreaded  him  above  all  others.  For  the  same  reason  he  forewar. 
ned  the  Athenians,  that  if  Archidamus,  when  he  entered  Attica  at 
the  head  of  the  Peloponncsiuns,  and  ravaged  the  rest  of  the  couu« 
try,  should  spare  his  estate,  it  must  be  owing  either  to  the  rights  of 
hospitality  that  subisted  between  them,  or  to  a  design  to  furnish  hit 
enemies  with  matt(!r  of  slander,  and  therefore  from  that  hour  he 
gave  his  Inndn  nnd  houses  to  the  citv  of  Athens.  The  LacedBmo* 
nians  and  confederates  accordingly  invaded  Attica,  with  a  greet 
army  under  the  command  of  Archidamus,  and,  laying  waste  all 
before  them,  proceeded  as  far  as  Achame,  where  they  encamped, 
expecting  that  ihe  Athenians  would  not  be  able  tojcodure  them  to 
near,  but  meet  them  in  (he  field,  for  the  hoDOur  and  safety  of  their 
counir  .     Hut  it  appeared  to  Penrks  too  hazurduus  to  ^ivt*  bauie 

■  Tbia  defeat  happened  in  tbe  woomI  jreer  of  the  e^hiy  ihUd  0)Ttnpt«4,  f»  irkeo* 
drod  ami  forty-fiv<-  )eari  before  Ihe  Cbriilian  em,  and  moat  ilwii  tWcmv  >earti»9lbte 
HMdeathof  Periolr^i 


PliRlCLES.  125 

to  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men  (for  such  was  the  number  of  the 
Peloponnesians  and  Boeotians  employed  in  the  first  expedition), 
and  by  that  step  to  risk  no  less  than  the  preservation  of  the  city 
itself.  As  for  those  who  were  eager  for  an  engagement,  and  un- 
easy at  his  slow  proceedings,  he  endeavoured  to  bring  them  to  rea- 
son by  observing,  "  That  trees,  when  lopped,  will  soon  grow 
again  ;  but,  when  men  are  cut  off,  the  loss  is  not  easily  re- 
paired." 

In  the  mean  time,  he  took  care  to  hold  no  assembly  of  the  peo- 
ple, lest  he  should  be  forced  to  act  against  his  own  opinion.  But, 
as  a  good  pilot,  when  a  storm  arises  at  sea,  gives  his  directions, 
gets  his  tackle  in  order,  and  then  uses  his  art,  regardless  of  the 
tears  and  entreaties  of  the  sick  and  fearful  passengers ;  so  Peri- 
cles, when  he  had  secured  the  gates,  and  placed  the  guards  in 
every  quarter  to  the  best  advantage,  followed  the  dictates  of  his 
own  understanding,  unmoved  by  the  clamours  and  complaints  that 
resounded  in  his  ears.  Thus  firm  he  remained,  notwithstandipg 
the  importunity  of  his  friends,  and  the  threats  and  accusations  of 
his  enemies — notwithstanding  the  many  scoffs  and  songs  sung  to 
vilify  his  character  as  a  general,  and  to  represent  him  as  one  who 
in  the  most  dastardly  manner  betrayed  his  country  to  the  enemy. 
Cleon,*  too,  attacked  him  with  great  acrimony,  making  use  of  the 
general  resentment  against  Perides,  as  a  means  to  increase  his  own 
popularity. 

Pericles,  however,  regarded  nothing  of  this  kind,  but  calmly 
and  silently  bore  all  this  disgrace  and  virulence.  And  though  he 
fitted  out  an  hundred  ships,  and  sent  them  against  Peloponnesus, 
yet  he  did  not  sail  with  them,  but  chose  to  stay  and  watch  over  the 
city,  and  keep  the  reins  of  government  in  his  own  hands,  until  the 
Peloponnesians  were  gone.  In  order  to  satisfy  the  common  peo- 
ple, who  were  very  uneasy  on  account  of  the  war,  he  made  a  dis- 
tribution of  money  and  lands;  for,  having  expelled  the  inhabitants 
of  iEgina,  he  divided  the  island  by  lot  among  the  Athenians.  Be- 
sides, the  sufferings  of  the  enemy  afforded  them  some  consolation. 
The  fleet  sent  against  Peloponnesus  ravaged  a  large  tract  of  coun- 
try, and  sacked  the  small  towns  and  villages :  and  Pericles  him- 
self made  a  descent  upon  the  territories  of  Mega ra,f  which  he 
laid  waste.  Whence  it  appears,  that  though  the  Peloponnesians 
greatly  distressed  the  Athenians  by  land,  yet,  as  they  were  equally 
distressed  at  sea,  they  could  not  have  drawn  out  the  war  to  so 
great  a  length,  but  must  soon  have  given  it  up,  (as  Pericles  fore- 

*  The  same  Cleon  that  Aristophanes  satirized.  By  his  harangues  and  political 
intrigues,  he  got  huDself  appointed  general. 

t  He  did  not  undertake  this  expedition  nntil  autumn,  when  the  Lacedasmonians 
were  retired.  In  the  winter  of  this  year,  the  Athenians  solemnized,  in  an  extraordi- 
nary manner,  the  funerals  of  such  as  first  died  in  the  war.  Pericles  pronounced  the 
oration  on  that  occasion,  which  Thucydides  has  preserved. 


j2e  FERlCLi;^! 


told  from  the  beginning,)  had  not  some  divine  power  prevented  the 
effect  of  human  counsels.  A  pestilence  at  thnt  time  broke  out 
which  destroyed  the  flower  of  the  youth  and  the  strength  of 
Athens.  And  not  only  their  bodies,  but  their  very  minds  were  af- 
fected :  for,  as  persons  delirious  with  a  fever,  set  themselves 
against  a  physician  or  a  father,  so  they  raved  against  Pericles,  and 
attempted  his  ruin  ;  being  persuaded  by  his  enemies  that  the  sick- 
ness was  occasioned  by  the  multitude  of  out.dwellers  flocking  into 
the  city,  and  a  number  of  people  stuffed  together  in  the  height  of 
summer,  in  small  huts  and  close  cabins,  where  they  were  forced  to 
live  a  lazy  inactive  life,  instead  of  breathing  the  pure  and  open  air 
to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  They  would  needs  have  it, 
that  he  was  the  cause  of  all  this,  who,  when  the  war  began,  ad. 
mitted  withm  the  walls  such  crowds  of  people  from  the  country, 
and  yet  found  no  employment  for  them,  but  let  them  continue 
penned  up  like  cattle,  to  infect  and  destroy  each  other,  without  af- 
fording the  least  relief  or  refreshment. 

Desirous  to  remedy  this  calamity,  and  withal  in  some  degree  to 
annoy  the  enemy,  he  manned  an  hundred  and  flf\y  ships,  on  which 
he  embarked  great  numbers  of  select  horse  and  foot,  and  was  prc> 
paring  to  set  sail.  The  Athenians  conceived  good  hopes  of  sue 
cess,  and  the  enemy  no  Ifcss  dreaded  so  great  an  armament. 
The  whole  fleet  was  in  readmess,  and  Pericles  on  board  of  his 
own  galley,  when  there  happened  an  eclipse  of  the  sun.  This 
sudden  darkness  was  looked  upon  as  an  unfavourable  omen,  and 
threw  them  into  the  greatest  consternation.  Pericles,  observing 
that  the  pilot  was  much  astonished  and  perplexed,  took  his  cloak, 
and  having  covered  his  eyes  with  it,  asked  him,  *'  If  he  found  any 
thing  terrible  in  that,  or  considered  it  as  a  sad  presage  ?"  Upon 
his  answering  in  the  negative,  he  said,  '*  Where  is  the  difTerence, 
then,  between  this  and  the  other,  except  that  something  bigger 
than  my  cloak  causes  the  eclipse  V* 

In  this  expedition  Pericles  performed  nothing  worthy  of  so  great 
an  equipment.  He  laid  siege  to  the  sacred  city  of  Epidaunis,* 
and  at  first  with  some  rational  hopes  of  success;  but  the  distemper 
which  prevailed  in  his  army  broke  all  his  measures.  For  it  not 
only  carried  off  his  own  men,  but  all  who  had  intercourse  with 
them.  This  ill  success  set  the  Athenians  against  him ;  he  en- 
deavoured to  console  them  under  their  losses,  and  to  aninMtc 
them  to  new  attempts.  But  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  mitigate 
their  resentment,  nor  could  they  be  satisfied,  until  they  had  show- 
ed themselves  masters  by  voting  that  he  should  bo  deprived  of 
the  command,  and  pay  a  fine,  which,  by  the  lowest  account,  was 
fifteen  talents;  some  make  it  fifty. 

The  public  ferment,  indeed,  soon  subsided,  the  people  quitting 

*  This  EpidaurtJi  wai  in  Arfia.     It  was  conMcrated  to  Atculapiui;  and  Plu- 

\Mfeh  call*  It  snered,  to  ditiingutsh  ii  from  another  lown  of  ihf  umt  nama  in  Uconta. 


^ 


PiaRIOLES. 


127 


their  resentment  with  that  blow,  as  a  bee  leaves  its  sting  in  the 
wound  ;  but  his  private  affairs  were  in  a  miserable  condition, 
for  he  had  lost  a  number  of  his  relations  in  the  plague,  and  a  mis- 
understanding had  prevailed  for  some  time  in  his  family.  Xan- 
thippus,  the  eldest  of  his  legitimate  sons,  was  naturally  profuse, 
and  besides  had  married  a  young  and  expensive  wife.  He  knew 
not  how  to  brook  his  father's  frugality,  who  supplied  him  but  spa- 
ringly, and  with  a  little  at  a  time,  and  therefore  sent  to  one  of  his 
friends,  and  took  up  money  in  the  name  of  Pericles.  When  the 
man  came  to  demand  his  money,  Pericles  not  only  refused  to  pay 
him,  but  even  prosecuted  him  for  the  demand.  Xanthippus  was 
so  highly  enraged  at  this,  that  he  began  openly  to  abuse  his  father. 
First  he  exposed  and  ridiculed  the  company  he  kept  in  his  house, 
and  the  conversations  he  held  with  the  philosophers.  He  said, 
that  Epitimius  the  Pharsalian  having  undesignedly  killed  a  horse 
with  a  javelin,  which  he  threw  at  the  public  games,  his  father 
spent  a  whole  day  in  disputing  with  Protogorus,  which  might  be 
properly  deemed  the  cause  of  his  death,  the  javelin  or  the  man 
who  threw  it,  or  the  presidents  of  the  games.  Stesimbrotus  adds, 
that  it  was  Xanthippus  who  spread  the  vile  report  concerning  his 
own  wife  and  Pericles,  and  that  the  young  man  retained  this  im- 
placable hatred  agatn.<t  his  father  to  his  latest  breath.  He  was 
carried  off  by  the  plague.  Pericles  lost  his  sister  too  at  that  time, 
and  the  greatest  part  of  his  relations  and  friends,  who  were  most 
capable  of  assisting  him  in  the  business  of  the  state.  Notwith- 
standing these  misfortunes,  he  lost  not  his  dignity  of  sentiment  and 
greatness  of  soul.  He  neither  wept,  nor  performed  any  funeral 
rites,  nor  was  he  seen  at  the  grave  of  any  of  his  nearest  relations, 
until  the  death  of  Paralus,  his  last  surviving  legitimate  son.  This 
at  last  subdued  him.  He  attempted,  indeed,  then  to  keep  up  his 
usual  calm  behaviour  and  serenity  of  mind  ;  but  in  putting  the  gar- 
land upon  the  head  of  the  deceased,  his  firmness  forsook  him  ;  he 
could  not  bear  the  sad  spectacle ;  he  broke  out  into  loud  lamenta- 
tion, and  shed  a  torrent  of  tears — a  passion  which  he  had  never 
before  given  way  to. 

Athens  made  a  trial,  in  the  course  of  a  year,  of  the  rest  of  her 
generals  and  orators,  and  finding  none  of  sufficient  weight  and  au- 
thority for  so  important  a  charge,  she  once  more  turned  her  eyes 
on  Pericles,  and  invited  him  to  take  upon  him  the  direction  of 
affairs  both  military  and  civil.  He  had  for  some  time  shut  himself 
up  at  home  to  indulge  his  sorrow,  when  Alcibiades,  and  his  other 
friends,  persuaded  him  to  make  his  appearance.  The  people 
making  an  apology  for  their  ungenerous  treatment  of  him,  he  re- 
assumed  the  reins  of  government,  and  being  appointed  general, 
his  first  step  was  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  law  concerning  bas- 
tards, of  which  h^  l^jmself  bad  beeji  the  author ;  fbr  he  was  afraid 


I2B  raucuca 

that  his  name  and  family  would  be  extinct  for  want  of  a  auceeiBor. 
The  history  of  that  law  is  as  follows : 

Many  years  before,  Pericles  in  the  height  of  his  power,  aod 
having  several  legitimate  sons,  caused  a  law  to  be  made,  that  none 
shouia  be  accounted  citizens  of  Athens,  but  those  whose  parents 
were  both  Athenians.'^  AAer  this  the  king  of  Kg)pt  made  the 
Athenians  a  present  of  forty  thousand  medimni  of  wheat,  and  as 
this  was  to  be  divided  among  the  citizens,  many  persons  were  pro- 
ceeded against  as  illegitimate  upon  that  law,  whose  birth  had  never 
before  been  called  in  question,  and  many  were  disgraced  upon 
false  accusations.  Near  five  thousand  were  cast  and  sold  for 
slaves  ;t  and  fourteen  thousand  and  forty  appeared  to  be  entitled 
to  the  privilege  of  citizens4  Though  it  was  unequitable  and 
strange,  that  a  law  which  had  been  put  in  execution  with  so  much 
severity,  should  be  repealed  by  the  man  who  first  proposed  it,  yet 
the  Athenians,  moved  at  the  late  misfortunes  in  his  family,  by 
which  he  seemed  to  have  suffered  the  punishment  of  his  arrogance 
and  pride,  and  thinking  he  should  be  treated  with  humanity,  after 
he  had  felt  the  wrath  of  heaven,  permitted  him  to  enrol  a  natural 
son  in  his  own  tribe,  and  to  give  him  his  own  name.  This  is  he 
who  aflerwards  defeated  the  Peloponnesians  in  a  sea*fight  at  Ar- 
ginusee,  and  was  put  to  death  by  the  people,  together  with  his  col- 
leagues.§ 

About  this  time  Pericles  was  seized  with  the  plague,  but  not 
with  such  acute  and  continued  symptoms  as  it  genenilly  shows. 
It  was  rather  a  lingering  distemper,  which,  with  frequent  intermis- 
sions, and  by  slow  degrees,  consumed  his  body,  and  impaired  the 
vigour  of  his  mind.  Theophrastus  has  a  disquisition  in  his  Ethics, 
whether  men's  characters  may  be  changed  with  their  fortune,  and 
with  the  soul  so  affected  with  the  disorders  of  the  body  as  to  lose 
her  virtue  ;  and  there  he  relates  that  Pericles  showed  to  a  friend 
who  came  to  visit  him  in  his  sickness,  an  amulet  which  the  women 

*  According  to  Fluurch's  account,  at  the  btsLinntng  or  th«  life  of  ThemieinclM, 
this  law  waa  made  before  the  time  of  I'ericlee.  rertcles,  however,  might  put  it  mma 
•txicily  in  execution  than  it  had  been  before,  from  a  spirit  of  oppoeition  to  Cinior, 
vrhom  children  were  only  of  the  hallhlood. 

f  The  illegitimacv  did  not  reduce  men  to  a  itate  of  Mrtilude;  itonljr  plactd  tham 
in  the  rank  oi  Ktrnngert. 

I  A  tmall  number  hideed.  at  a  time  whtn  Athenf  had  dlired  to  think  of  tenciafC 
out  colonies,  humbling  her  neighbours,  Mibduing  foreigMra.  aod  even  of  arectii^  an 
univerfal  monarchy. 

}  The  Athenians  had  appointad  ten  cnmmanden  on  that  occasion.    After  iher 
had  olitamed  the  victory,  they  wn  triad,  an<l  eight  of  Ihtm  WSTioapiially  ecMMientnati, 
of  whom  six  that  wore  on  tha  S)>ot  were  px<>rule(l.  and  thin  natural  not)  «!'  Priiclei 
was  one  of  them.     The  only  crii- - 
the  dead.     Xenophon.  in  his  Ot> 

It  happened  undpr  the  archonkiii|i  •>!  ;  .imas  mr  m-cuho  vmi  or  mv  i>  , 
Olympiad,  twenty  four  years  after  tlie  death  uf  I*ertcl9fl.  .Socrates  the  pi 
was  at  that  time  one  of  ihe  prytanes,  and  resolutely  refused  to  do  bii  ofbc^ 
linle  while  after  the  madnetfl  of  the  people  turned  the  other  war 


PERICLiiS.  129 

had  hung  about  his  neclt,  intimating  that  he  must  be  sick:  indeed, 
since  he  submitted  to  so  ridiculous  a  piece  of  superstition. 

When  he  was  at  the  point  of  death,  his  surviving  friends  and  the 
principal  citizens  sitting  about  his  bed  discoursed  together  con- 
cerning  his  extraordinary  virtue,  and  the  great  authority  he  had 
enjoyed,  and  enumerated  his  various  exploits  and  the  number  of 
his  victories  ;  for,  while  he  was  commander  in  chief,  he  had  erect- 
ed  no  less  than  nine  trophies  to  the  honour  of  Athens.  These 
things  they  talked  of,  supposing  that  he  attended  not  to  what  they 
said,  but  that  his  senses  were  gone.  He  took  notice,  however,  of 
every  word  they  had  spoken,  and  thereupon  delivered  himself  au- 
dibly as  follows :  **  I  am  surprised  that  while  you  dwell  upon  and 
extol  these  acts  of  mine,  though  Fortune  had  her  share  in  them, 
and  many  other  generals  have  performed  the  like,  you  take  no  no- 
tice  of  the  greatest  and  most  honourable  part  of  my  character,  that 
no  Athenian,  through  my  means,  ever  put  on  mourning.^'' 

Pericles  undoubtedly  deserved  admiration,  not  only  for  the  can- 
dour  and  moderation  which  he  ever  retained,  amidst  the  distrac- 
tions of  business  and  the  rage  of  his  enemies,  but  for  that  noble 
sentiment  which  led  him  to  think  it  his  most  excellent  attainment* 
never  to  have  given  way  to  envy  or  anger,  notwithstanding  the 
greatness  of  his  power,  nor  to  have  nourished  an  implacable  hatred 
against  his  greatest  foe.  In  my  opinion,  this  one  thing,  I  mean 
his  mild  and  dispassionate  behaviour,  his  unblemished  iniegrit}'", 
and  irreproachable  conduct  during  his  whole  administration,  makes 
his  appellation  of  Olympius,  which  would  be  otherwise  vain  and 
absurd,  no  longer  exceptionable,  nay,  gives  it  a  propriety.  Thus 
we  think  the  divine  powers  as  the  authors  of  all  good,  and  naturally 
incapable  of  producing  evil,  worthy  to  rule  and  preside  over  the 
universe. 

The  state  of  public  affairs  soon  shev^ed  the  want  of  Pericles,"^ 
and  the  A.thenians  openly  expressed  their  regret  for  his  loss.  Even 
those,  who,  in  his  lifetime,  could  but  ill  brook  his  superior  po\Ver, 
as  thinking  themselves  eclipsed  by  it,  yet  upon  a  trial  of  other  ora- 
tors and  demagogues,  after  he  was  gone,  soon  acknowledged  that 
where  severity  was  required,  no  man  was  ever  more  moderate;  or, 
if  mildness  was  necessary,  no  man  better  kept  up  his  dignity  than 
Pericles.  And  his  so  much  envied  authority,  to  which  they  had 
given  the  name  of  monarchy  and  tyranny,  then  appeared  to  have 
been  the  bulwark  of  the  state.  So  much  corruption,  and  such  a 
rage  of  wickedness  broke  out  upon  the  commonwealth  after  his 
death,  which  he  by  proper  restraints  had  palliated,  and  kept  from 
dangerous  and  destructive  extremities. 

*  Pericles  died  in  the  third  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  that  is,  tba  last  ycsas  &> 
ihp  eighty. seventh  Olympiad,  and  423  years  before  the  christian  era. 


Z30 

ALCIBIADES. 
Flourished  440  years  before  Chrisi. 

THOS£  that  h^ve  searched  into  the  pedigree  of  Alcibiades,  gay, 
that  Euryeaces,  the  son  of  Ajaz,  was  founder  of  the  family  ;  and 
that  by  his  mother's  side  he  was  descended  from  Alcmeon :  for 
Dinomachc,  bis  mother,  was  the  daughter  of  Megacies,  who  was 
of  that  line.  His  father  Clinias  gained  great  honour  in  the  sea- 
fight  of  Artemisium,  where  he  fought  in  a  galley  fitted  out  at  hit 
own  expense,  and  afterwards  was  slain  in  the  battle  of  Coronea, 
where  the  BoDotians  won  the  day.  Pericles  and  Ariphron,  the 
SODS  of  Xanthippus,  and  near  relations  to  Alcibiades,  were  his 
guardians. 

As  to  the  beauty  cif  Alcibiades,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  say,  that 
it  retained  its  charms  through  the  several  stages  of  childhood, 
youth  and  manhood.  For  it  is  not  universally  true  what  £ury- 
pides  says, 

The  very  autumn  of  a  form  once  fine 
Retains  its  beauties. 

Yet  this  was  the  case  of  Alcibiades,  amongst  a  few  others,  by  rea- 
son of  his  natural  vigour  and  happy  constitution. 

He  had  a  lisping  in  his  speech,  which  became  him,  and  gave  a 
grace  and  persuasive  turn  to  his  discourse.  His  manners  were  far 
from  being  uniform  ;  nor  is  it  strange,  that  they  varied  according 
to  the  many  vicissitudes  and  wonderful  turns  of  his  fortune.  He 
was  naturally  a  man  of  strong  passions  :  but  his  rulmg  passion  was 
an  ambition  to  contend  and  overcome.  This  appears  from  what 
is  related  of  hm  sayings  when  a  boy.  When  hard  pressed  in 
wrestling,  to  prevent  his  being  thrown,  he  bit  the  hands  of  bis  an- 
tsgonist,  who  let  go  his  hold,  and  said,  *'  You  bite,  Alcibiades,  like 
a  woman."     "  No,"  says  he,  "  like  a  lion." 

One  day  he  was  playing  at  dice  with  other  boys  in  the  street ; 
and  when  it  came  to  his  turn  to  throw,  a  loaded  waggon  came  up. 
At  first  he  called  to  the  driver  to  stop,  because  he  was  to  throw  m 
the  way  over  which  the  waggon  was  to  pass.  The  rustic  disre- 
garding him  and  driving  on,  the  other  boys  broke  away  ;  but  Alci- 
biades threw  himself  upon  his  face  directly  before  the  waggon, 
and  stretching  himself  out,  bade  the  fellow  drive  on  if  he  pleased. 
Upon  this  he  was  so  startled,  that  he  stopped  bis  horses,  while 
those  who  saw  it,  ran  up  to  him  with  terror. 

In  the  course  of  his  education,  he  willingly  took  tho  lessons  of 
his  other  masters,  but  refused  learning  to  play  upon  the  flute,  which 
bo  looked  upon  as  a  mean  art,  and  unbecoming  a  gentleman. 


ALCIBUDES.  ]^31 

Thus  it  lost  its  place  in  the  number  of  liberal  accomplishments, 
and  was  universally  exploded. 

Many  persons  of  rank  made  their  court  to  Alcibiades,  but  it  is 
evident  that  they  were  charmed  and  attracted  by  the  beauty  of  his 
person.  Socrates  was  the  only  one  whose  regards  were  fixed 
upon  the  mind,  and  bore  witness  to  the  young  man's  virtue  and  in- 
genuity, the  rays  of  which  he  could  distinguish  through  his  fine 
form  ;  and  fearing  lest  the  pride  of  riches  and  high  rank,  and  the 
crowd  of  flatterers,  both  Athenians  and  strangers,  should  corrupt 
him,  he  used  his  best  endeavours  to  prevent  it,  and  took  care  that 
so  hopeful  a  plant  should  not  lose  its  fruit,  and  perish  in  the  very 
flower.  If  ever  fortune  so  enclosed  and  fortified  a  man  with  what 
are  called  her  goods,  as  to  render  him  inaccessible  to  the  incision- 
knife  of  philosophy,  and  the  searching-probe  of  free  advice,  surely 
it  was  Alcibiades.  From  the  first  he  was  surrounded  with  plea- 
sure,  and  a  multitude  of  admirers  determined  to  say  nothing  but 
what  they  thought  would  please,  and  to  keep  them  from  all  ad- 
monition and  reproof;  yet  by  his  native  penetration,  he  distin- 
guished the  value  of  Socrates,  and  attached  himself  to  him,  reject- 
ing  the  rich  and  great  who  sued  for  his  regard. 

With  Socrates  he  soon  entered  into  the  closest  intimacy  ;  and 
finding  that  he  did  not,  like  the  rest  of  the  unmanly  crew,  want  im- 
proper favours,  but  that  he  studied  to  correct  the  errors  of  his 
heart,  and  to  cure  him  of  his  empty  and  foolish  arrogance, 

Then  his  crest  fell,  and  all  bis  pride  was  gone, 
He  droop'd  the  conquer'd  wing. 

In  fact,  he  considered  the  discipline  of  Socrates  as  a  provision 
from  heaven,  for  the  preservation  and  benefit  of  youth.  Thus 
despising  himself,  admiring  his  friend,  adoring  his  wisdom,  and  re- 
vering his  virtue,  he  insensibly  formed  in  his  heart  the  image  of 
love,  or  rather  came  under  the  influence  of  thJiP power,  who,  as 
Plato  says,  secures  his  votaries  from  vicious  love. 

Though  Socrates  had  many  rivals,  yet  he  kept  possession  of 
Alcibiades's  heart  by  the  excellence  of  his  genius  and  the  pathetic 
turn  of  his  conversation,  which  often  drew  tears  from  his  young 
companions.  And  though  sometimes  he  gave  Socrates  the  slip,  and 
was  drawn  away  by  his  flatterers,  who  exhausted  all  the  art  of 
pleasure  for  that  purpose,  yet  the  philosopher  took  care  to  hunt 
out  his  fugitive,  who  feared  and  respected  none  but  him ;  the  rest 
he  held  in  great  contempt. 

When  he  was  past  his  childhood,  happening  to  go  into  a  gram- 
mar-school, he  asked  the  master  for  a  volume  of  Homer;  and  upon 
his  making  answer  that  he  had  nothing  of  Homer's,  he  gave  him 
a  box  on  the  ear,  and  so  lefl;  him.  Another  school-master  telling 
him  he  had  Homer,  corrected  by  himself;  "How!"  said  Alcibi- 
ades, "  and  do  you  emoloy  your  time  in  teaching  children  to  read  ? 


]^  ALCIBIADES. 

you,  who  are  able  to  correct  Homer,  might  seem  to  bo  fit  to  u)- 
struct  men." 

One  day,  wanting  to  speak  to  Pericles,  he  went  to  his  house^ 
and  being  told  there  ihat  he  was  busied  in  considering  how  to  give 
in  his  accounts  to  the  people,  and  theretbre  not  at  leisure  ;  he  said 
OS  he  went  away,  **  He  had  better  consider  how  to  avoid  giving  in 
any  account  at  all." 

While  he  was  yet  a  youth,  he  made  the  campaign  at  PotidsBO, 
where  Socrates  lodged  m  the  same  tent  with  him,  and  was  bis 
companion  in  every  engagement.  In  the  principal  battle  they 
both  behaved  with  great  gallantry  ;  but  Alcibiades  at  last  falling 
down  wounded,  Socrates  advanced  to  defend  him,  which  be  did 
effectually  in  the  sight  of  the  whole  army,  saving  both  him  and  hvs 
arms.  For  this  the  prize  of  valour  was  certainly  due  to  Socrates, 
yet  the  generqls  inclined  to  give  it  to  Alcibiades  on  account  of  his 
quality ;  and  Socrates,  willing  to  encourage  his  thirst  after  true 
glory,  was  the  first  who  gave  his  suffrage  for  him,  and  pressed 
them  to  adjudge  him  the  crown  and  the  complete  suit  of  armour. 
On  the  other  hand,  at  the  battle  of  Delium,  where  the  Athenians 
were  routed,*^  and  Socrates,  with  a  few  others,  were  retreating  on 
foot,  Alcibiades  observing  it,  did  not  pass  him,  but  covered  his  re- 
treat, and  brought  him  safe  off,  though  the  enemy  pressed  furiously 
forward  and  killed  great  numbers  of  the  Athenians.  But  this  hap- 
pened a  considerable  time  afler. 

To  Hipponicus,  the  father  of  Callias,  a  man  respectable  both 
for  his  birth  and  fortune,  Alcibiades  one  day  gave  a  box  on  the 
ear  ;  not  that  he  had  any  quarrel  with  him  or  was  heated  by  pas- 
sion,  but  purely  because,  in  a  wanton  frolic,  he  had  agreed  with 
his  companions  to  do  so.  The  whole  city  being  full  of  the  story 
of  his  insolence,  and  every  body  (as  it  was  natural  to  expect)  ex- 
pressing some  dtoentment,  early  next  morning  Alcibiades  went  to 
wait  on  Hipponicus,  knocked  at  the  door,  and  was  admitted.  As 
soon  as  he  came  into  his  presence,  he  stripped  off  his  garment,  and 
presenting  his  naked  body,  desired  him  to  beat  and  chastise  him 
as  he  pleased.  But  instead  of  that,  Hipponicus  pardoned  him, 
and  forgot  all  his  resentment :  nay,  some  time  after,  he  even  gave 
biro  his  daughter  Hipparete  in  marriage. 

Hippareto  made  a  prudent  and  afiectionate  wife ;  but  at  last 
^wing  very  uneasy  at  her  husband's  associating  with  such  a 
number  of  courtesans,  both  strangers  and  Athenians,  she  quitted 
his  house  and  went  to  her  brother's.  Alcibiades  went  on  with  his 
debaucheries,  and  gave  himself  no  pain  about  his  wife  ;  but  it  was 
necessary  for  her,  in  order  to  a  legal  separation,  to  give  in  a  hill 

•  I<acheii.  H*  introducH  by  PUto.  telU  u«,  that  if  oihert  had  Hon*  ib«ir  Hut^,  ai 
Socrates  (M  In",  ilu*  Ati.»nian«  wnulri  no*  havt*  liecn  defraieit  in  ihr  battle  of  Dclium. 
That  hattir  was  fought  the  first  irear  of  tha  eighijninth  Oljrmpiod,  right  vMn  after 
tlie  battle  of  Fotidvt. 


( 


ALCIBIADES.  133 

of  divorce  to  the  Archon,  and  to  appear  personally  with  it ;  for  the 
sending  of  it  by  another  hand  would  not  do.  When  she  came  to 
do  this  according  to  law,  Alcibiades  rushed  in,  caught  her  in  his 
arms,  and  carried  her  through  the  market-place  to  his  own  house, 
no  one  presuming  to  oppose  him,  or  to  take  her  from  him.  From 
that  time  she  remained  with  him  until  her  death,  which  happened 
not  long  after,  when  Alcibiades  was  upon  his  voyage  to  Ephesus. 
Nor  does  the  violence  used,  in  this  case,  seem  to  be  contrary  to 
the  laws  either  of  society  in  general,  or  of  that  repubhc  in  particu- 
lar. For  the  law  of  Athens  in  requiring  her  who  wants  to  be  di- 
vorced to  appear  pubhcly  in  person,  probably  intended  to  give  the 
husband  an  opportunity  to  meet  with  her  and  recover  her. 

Alcibiades  had  a  dog  of  an  uncommon  size  and  beauty,  which 
cost  him  seventy  mincer  and  yet  his  tail,  which  was  his  principal 
ornament,  he  caused  to  be  cut  off.  Some  of  his  acquaintance 
found  great  fault  with  his  acting  so  strangely,  and  told  him,  that 
all  Athens  rung  with  the  story  of  his  foolish  treatment  of  the  dog, 
at  which  he  laughed,  and  said,  "  This  is  the  very  thing  I  wanted  ; 
for  I  would  have  the  Athenians  talk  of  this,  lest  they  should  find 
something  worse  to  say  of  me." 

The  first  thing  that  made  him  popular,  and  introduced  him  into 
the  administration,  was  his  distributing  of  money,  not  by  design, 
but  by  accidents  Seeing  one  day  a  great  crowd  of  people  as  he 
was  walking  along,  he  asked  what  it  meant ;  and  being  informed 
there  was  a  donative  made  to  the  people,  he  distributed  money  too 
as  he  went  in  amongst  them.  This  meeting  with  great  applause, 
he  was  so  much  delighted,  that  he  forgot  a  quail  which  he  had  un- 
der his  robe,*  and  the  bird,  frightened  with  the  noise,  flew  away. 
Upon  this  the  people  set  up  still  louder  acclamations,  and  many  of 
them  assisted  him  to  recover  the  quail.  The  man  who  did  catch 
it  and  bring  it  to  him,  was  one  Antiochus,f  a  pilot,  for  whom  he 
had  ever  after  a  particular  regard. 

He  had  great  advantages  for  introducing  himself  into  the  man- 
agement of  public  affairs,  from  his  birth,  his  estate,  his  personal 
valour,  and  the  number  of  his  friends  and  relations  ;  but  what  he 
chose  above  all  the  rest  to  recommend  himself  by  to  the  people, 
was  the  charm  of  his  eloquence.  That  he  was  a  fine  speaker  the 
comic  writers  bear  witness ;  and  so  does  the  prinqe  of  orators,  in 
his  oration  against  Midias,  where  he  says  that  Alcibiades  was  the 
moat  eloquent  man  of  his  time.     And  if  we  believe  Theophrastus, 

*  It  was  the,  fasbion  in  those  days  to  breed  quails.  Plato  reports,  that  Socrates 
having  brought  Alcibiades  to  acknowledge,  thai  the  way  to  rise  to  distinction  among 
the  Athenians  was  to  study  to  excel  the  generals  of  their  enemies,  replied  with  this 
severe  irony,  ''No.  no,  Alcibiades.  your  only  study  is  how  to  surpass  Midias  in  the 
art  of  breeding  quails." — Pint  in  1  Alcib. 

.  +  The  name  of  the  man  who  caught  the  quail  would  hardly  have  been  mentioned, 
had  not  Alcibiades  afterwards  entrusted  him  with  the  command  of  the  fleet  iq  bis 
absence ;  when  he  took  the  opportunity  to  fight,  and  was  beatert 
13 


X34  ALClBIADk:^. 

a  curious  searcher  into  antiquity,  and  more  versed  in  history  ihaa 
the  other  philosophers,  Alcibiades  had  a  pecuhar  happiness  of  in. 
vention  and  reudiness  of  ideas  which  eminently  liistinguished  him. 
But  as  his  care  was  employed  qot  only  upon  the  matter,  but  the 
expression,  and  he  had  not  the  greatest  facility  in  the  latter,  he 
often  hesitated  in  the  midst  of  a  speech,  not  hitting  upon  the  word 
he  warned,  and  stopping  until  it  occurred  to  him. 

Alcibiades  was  very  young  when  he  first  applied  himself  to  the 
business  of  the  republic,  and  yet  he  soon  showed  himself  superior 
to  the  other  orators.  The  persons  capable  of  standing  in  some 
degree  of  competition  with  him,  were  Phseax  the  son  of  Erasis- 
tratus,  and  Nicias  the  son  of  Niceratus. — The  latter  was  advanced 
in  years,  and  one  of  the  best  generals  of  his  time.  The  former 
was  but  a  youth,  like  himself,  just  beginning  to  make  his  way,  for 
which  he  had  the  advantage  of  high  birth ;  but  in  other  respects, 
as  well  as  in  the  art  of  speaking,  was  inferior  to  Alcibiades.  He 
seemed  fitter  for  soliciting  and  persuading  in  private,  than  for 
stemming  the  torrent  of  a  public  debate ;  in  short,  he  was  one  of 
those  of  whom  Eupolis  says,  "  True,  he  can  talk,  and  yet  he  is  no 
speaker."  There  is  extant  an  oration  against  Alcibiades  and  Phsax, 
in  which,  amongst  other  things,  it  is  alleged  against  Alcibiades, 
that  he  used  at  his  table  many  of  the  gold,  and  silver  vessels  pro* 
vided  for  the  sacred  processions,  as  if  they  had  been  his  own. 

There  was  at  Athens  one  Hyperbolus,  of  the  ward  of  Perithois, 
whom  Thucydides  makes  mention  of  as  a  very  bad  man,  and  who 
was  a  constant  subject  of  ridicule  for  the  comic  writers.  But  he 
was  unconcerned  at  the  worst  things  they  could  say  of  him,  and 
being  regardless  of  honour,  he  was  also  insensible  of  shame.  This, 
though  really  impudence  and  folly,  is  by  some  people  calivd  for. 
titude  and  a  noble  daring.  Bui,  though  no  one  liked  hmi,  the 
people,  nevertheless,  made  use  of  him,  when  they  wanted  to  strike 
at  persons  in  authority.  At  his  instigation,  the  Athenians  were 
ready  to  proceed  to  the  ban  oi  ostracism^  by  which  they  pull  down 
and  expel  such  of  the  citizens  as  are  distinguished  by  their  dignity 
and  power,  therein  consulting  their  envy  rather  than  their  fear. 

As  it  was  evident  that  this  sentence  was  levelled  against  one  of 
the  three,  Phsax,  Nicias,  or  Alcibiades,  the  latter  took  care  to 
unite  the  contending  parties,  and  leaguing  with  Nicias,  caused  the 
otiracism  to  fall  upon  Hyperbolus  himself. 

Alcibiades  was  no  less  disturbed  at  the  great  esteem  in  which 
Nicias  was  held  by  the  enemies  of  Athena,  than  at  the  respect 
which  the  Athenians  themselves  paid  him.  The  rights  of  hoepi. 
taliiy  had  long  subsisted  between  the  family  of  Alcibiades  and  the 
Lacedoemonians,  and  he  had  taken  particular  care  of  such  of  them 
as  were  made  prisoners  at  Pv'los ;  yet  when  they  found,  that  it  waa 
chiefly  by  means  of  Nicias  that  they  obtained  a  peace  and  recovered 


ALCIBIADES.  I35 

the  captives,  their  regards  centered  in  him.  It  was  a  commoin 
observation  among  the  Greeks,  that  Pericles  had  engaged  them  in 
a  war,  and  Nicias  had  set  them  free  from  it ;  nay,  the  peace  was 
even  called  the  Nicean  peace.  Alcibiades  was  very  uneasy  at 
this,  and  out  of  envy  to  Nicias  determined  to  break  the  league. 

As  soon  then  as  he  perceived  that  the  people  of  Argos  both  feared 
and  hated  the  Spartans,  and,  consequently,  wanted  to  get  clear  of 
all  connection  with  them,  he  privately  gave  them  hopes  of  assis- 
tance from  Athens ;  and,  both  by  his  agents  and  in  person,  he 
encouraged  the  principal  citizens  not  to  entertain  any  fear,  or  to 
give  up  any  point,  ^)ut  to  apply  to  the  Athenians,  who  were  almost 
ready  to  repent  of  the  peace  they  had  made,  and  would  soon  seek 
occasion  to  break  it. 

But  after  the  Lacedeemonians  had  entered  into  alliance  with  the 
Boeotians,  and  had  deUvered  Panactus  to  the  Athenians,  not  with  its 
fortifications,  as  they  ought  to  have  done,  but,  quite  dismantled,  he 
took  the  opportunity,  while  the  Athenians  were  incensed  at  this 
proceeding,  to  mflamethem  still  more.  At  the  same  time  he  raised 
a  clamour  against  Nicias,  alleging  things  which  had  a  face  of  pro- 
bability ;  for  he  reproached  him  with  having  neglected,  when 
Commander  in  chief,  to  make  that*  party  prisoners  who  were  left 
by  the  enemy  in  Sphacteria,  and  with  releasing  them,  when  taken 
by  others,  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Lacedaemonians.  He 
farther  asserted,  that  though  Nicias  had  an  interest  with  the  Lace- 
dsemonians,  he  would  not  make  use  of  it  to  prevent  their  entering 
into  the  confederacy  with  the  Boeotians  and  Corinthians ;  but  that 
when  an  alliance  was  offered  to  the  Athenians,  by  any  of  the 
Grecian  states,  he  took  care  to  prevent  their  accepting  it,  if  it  were 
likely  to  give  umbrage  to  the  Lacedaemonians. 

Nicias  was  greatly  disconcerted ;  but  at  that  very  jun'cture  it 
happened  that  ambassadors  from  Lacedaemon  arrived  with  mode- 
rate proposals,  and  declared  that  they  had  full  powers  to  treat  and 
decide  all  differences  in  an  equitable  w^y.  The  senate  was  satis- 
fied, and  next  day  the  people  were  to  be  convened  j  but  Alcibiades, 
dreading  the  success  of  that  audience,  found  means  to  speak  with 
the  ambassadors  in  the  mean  time,  and  thus  he  addressfed  them — 

*  After  the  Lacedaemonians  had  lost  the  fort  of  Pilos  in  Messenia,  they  left  in  the 
isle  of  Sphacteria,  which  was  opposite  that  fort,  a  garrison  of  three  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  besides  Helots,  under  the  command  of  Epitades  the  son  of  Molobnis. 
The  Athenians  would  have  sent  Nicias,  while  commander-in  chief,  with  a  fleet  against 
that  island,  but  he  excused  himself  Afterwards  Cleon,  in  conjunction  with  Demos- 
thenes, got  possession  of  it,  after  a  long  dispute,  wherein  several  of  the  garrison  were 
slain,  and  the  rest  made  prisoners,  and  sent  to  Athens.  A  mong  those  prisoners  were 
a  hundred  and  twenty  Spartans,  who  by  the  assistance  of  Nicias  got  released.  The 
Lacedaemonians  afterwards  recovered  the  port  of  Pylos :  for  Anytus,  who  was  sent 
with  a  squadron  to  support  it,  finding  the  wind  directly  against  him,  returned  to 
Athens ;  upon  which  the  people,  according  to  their  usual  custom,  condemned  him  to 
die:  which  sentence,  however,  he  commute- 1,  by  paying  a  vast  sum  of  money,  being 
the  firs.t  who  reversed  a  judgtnent  in  that  manner. 


^^  ALCIBIADES. 

"  Men  of  Lacedsmon,  what  is  it  you  are  going  to  do  ?  Are  you 
not  apprised  thai  the  behaviour  of  the  senate  is  always  candid  and 
humane  to  those  who  apply  to  it,  whereas,  the  people  are  haughty, 
and  expect  great  concessions?  If  you  say  that  you  are  Cf.me  with 
full  powers,  you  will  find  them  untractable  and  extravagant  in  their 
demands.  Come  then,  retract  that  imprudent  declaration,  and  if 
you  desire  to  keep  the  Athenians  withm  the  bounds  of  reason,  and 
not  to  have  terms  extorted  from  you  which  you  cannot  approve, 
treat  with  them  as  if  you  had  not  a  discretionary  commission.  I 
will  use  my  best  endeavours  m  favour  of  the  Lacedeemonians." 
He  confirmed  his  promise  with  an  oath,  and  thus  drew  them  over 
from  Nicias  to  himself.  In  Alcibiades  they  now  placed  an  entire 
confidence,  admiring  both  his  understanding  and  address  in  business, 
and  regarding  him  as  a  very  extraordinary  man. 

Next  day  the  people  assembled,  and  the  ambassadors  were 
introduced.  Alcibiades  asked  them  in  an  obliging  manner,  what 
their  commission  was,  and  they  answered,  that  they  did  not  come 
as  plenipotentiaries.  Then  he  began  to  rave  and  storm,  as  if  he 
had  received  an  injury,  not  done  one  ;  calling  them  faithless,  pre- 
varicating men,  who  were  come  neither  to  do  nor  to  say  any  thing 
honourable.  The  senate  was  incensed ;  the  people  were  enraged ; 
and  Nicias,  who  was  ignorant  of  the  deceitful  contrivance  of 
Alcibiades,  was  filled  with  astonishment  and  confusion  at  this 
change. 

The  proposals  of  the  ambassadors  thus  rejected,  Alcibiades  was 
declared  general,  and  soon  engaged  the  Argives,*  the  Maiitineans 
and  Eleans  as  allies  to  the  Athenians.  Nobody  commended  the 
manner  of  this  transaction,  but  the  effect  was  very  great,  since  it 
divided  and  embroiled  almost  all  Peloponnesus,  in  one  day  lifted  so 
many  amis  against  the  Lacedaemonians  at  Mantinea,  and  removed 
to  so  great  a  distance  from  Athens  the  scene  of  war,  by  which  the 
Lacedtemonians,  if  victorious,  could  gain  no  great  advantage, 
whereas  a  miscarriage  would  have  risked  the  very  being  of  their 
state. 

Soon  af\er  this  battle  at  Mantinca,f  the  principal  officers^  of  this 
Arffive  army  attempted  to  abolish  the  (mpular  government  in  Argos, 
and  to  take  the  administration  into  their  own  hands.  The  Lace- 
daemonians espoused  the  design,  and  assisted  them  to  carry  it  into 
execution.  But  the  people  took  up  arms  again,  and  defeated  their 
new  masters ;  and  Alcibiades,  coming  to  their  aid,  made  the  victory 
more  complete.    At  the  same  time  lie  persuaded  them  to  extend 


*  He  concliirled  a  l««gu«  with  Umm  ftam  for  a  buodred  yaan 
f  Thai  iMitle  was  foiigbt  near  Uust  yaan  after  the  ooocluiioe  of  tba  ueaty  «Hh 
Argot. 

\  Tboaa  oflkart  availed  themwlvet  of  tha  contteroatiOB  tba  psoplc  of  Arpis  wan  in 
after  the  loea  of  the  battle ,  and  the  Lacadainoaiam  gladly  tupportad  tham,  fhwi  a 
parMiaswo  that  if  tha  popular  foveroroaot  waia  aboUahad,  aod  an  tiiftocfaey  (Uka 


ALCIBIADES.  137 

their  walls  dpwn  to  the  sea,  that  they  might  always  be  in  a  con- 
dition to  receive  succours  from  the  Athenians.  From  Athens  he 
sent  them  carpenters  and  masons,  exerting  himself  greatly  on  this 
occasion,  which  tended  to  increase  his  personal  interest  and  power, 
as  well,  as  that  of  his  country.  He  advised  the  people  of  Patrae, 
top,  to  join  their  city  to  the  sea  by  long  walls :  and  somebody 
observing  to  the  Patrensians,  "  That  the  Athenians  would  one  day 
swallow  them  up;"  "  Possibly  it  may  be  so,"  said  Alcibiades. 
*'  but  they  will  begin  with  the  feet,  and  do  it  little  by  little,  whereas 
the  Laceda3monians  will  begin  with  the  head,  and  eat  it  all  at  once." 
He  exhorted  the  Athenians  to  assert  the  empire  of  the  land  as  well 
of  the  sea,  and  was  ever  putting  the  young  warriors  in  mind  to  show 
by  their  deeds  that  they  remembered  the  oath  they  had  taken  in 
the  temple  of  Agraulos.*  The  oath  is,  that  they  will  <jonsider 
wheat,  barley,  vine,  and  olives,  as  the  bounds  of  Attica  ;  by  which 
It  is  insinuated  that  they  should  endeavour  to  possess  themselves 
of  all  lands  that  are  cultivated  and  fruitful. 

But  these  his  great  abilitfes  in  politics,  his  eloquence,  his  reach 
of  genius,  and  keenness  of  apprehension,  were  tarnished  by  his 
luxurious  living,  his  drinking  and  debauches,  his  effeminacy  of 
dress,  and  his  insolent  profusion.  He  wore  a  purple  robe  with  a 
long  train,  when  he  appeared  in  public.  He  caused  the  planks  of 
his  galley  to  be  cut  away,  that  he  might  lie  the  softer,  his  bed  not 
being  placed  upon  the  boards,  but  hanging  upon  girths.  And  in  the 
wars  he  bore  a  shield  of  gold,  which  had  none  of  the  usualf  ensigns 
of  his  country,  but,  in  their  stead,  a  Cupid  bearing  a  thunderbolt. 
The  great  men  of  Athens  saw  his  behaviour  with  uneasiness  and 
indignation,  and  even  dreaded  the  consequence.  They  regarded 
his  foreign  manners,  his  profusion  and  contempt  of  the  laws,  as  so 
many  means  to  make  himself  absolute. 

The  truth  is,  his  prodigious  liberality,  the  games  he  exhibited, 
and  the  other  extraordinary  instances  of  his  munificence  to  the 
people,  the  glory  of  his  ancestors,  the  beauty  of  his  person,  and  the 
force  of  his  eloquence,  together  with  his  heroic  strength,  his  valour, 
and  experience  in  war,  so  gained  upon  the  Athenians,  that  they 

*  Agraulos,  ona  of  the  daughters  of  Cecrops,  had  devoted  herself  to  death  for  the 
benefit  of  her  country;  it  has  been  supposed,  therefore,  that  the  oath  which  the  young 
Athenians  took,  bound  them  to  do  something  of  that  nature,  if  need  should  require; 
though,  as  given  by  Plutarch,  it  implies  only  an  unjust  resolution  to  extend  the  Athe- 
nian dominions  to  all  lands  that  were  worth  seizing.  Demosthenes  mentions  the  oath 
in  his  oration  defals.  Legat.  but  does  not  explain  it. 

f  Both  cities  and  private  persons  had  of  old  their  ensigns,  devices,  or  arras.  Those 
f)f  the  Athenians  were  commonly  Mmerva,  the  owl,  or  the  olive.  None  but  people  of 
figure  were  allowed  to  bear  any  devices ;  nor  even  they,  until  they  had  performed 
some  action  to  deserve  them;  in  the  mean  time  their  shields  were  plain  white, 
Alcibiades,  in  his  device,  referred  to  the  beauty  of  his  person  and  his  martial  prowess. 
Mottos,  too,  were  used.  Capaneus,  for  instance,  bore  a  naked  man  with  a  torch  in  his 
hand,  the  motto  this,  Iwill  burn  the  city.  See  more  in  yEschvlus'  traced  v  of  the  Seven 
Chiefs.  .  &    . 

s  12* 


13^  ALC1BIADE9. 

connived  at  his  errors,  and  spoke  of  them  vrith  all  imaginable  ten- 
derness, calling  them  sallies  of  youth  and  good-humoured  frolics. 
In  the  time  of  Pericles,*  the  Athenians  had  a  desire  after  Sicily, 
and  atler  him  they  attempted  it,  frequently  under  pretence  of  suC' 
counng  their  allies,  sending  aids  of  men  and  money  to  such  of  the 
Sicilians  as  were  attacked  by  the  Syracusans.  This  was  a  step  to 
greater  armaments.  But  Alcibiades  inflamed  this  desire  to  an 
irresistible  degree,  and  persuaded  them  not  to  attempt  the  island 
in  part,  and  by  little  and  Uttle,  but  to  send  a  powerful  fleet  to  sub- 
due  it.  He  inspired  the  people  with  hopes  of  great  things,  and 
indulged  himself  in  expectations  still  more  lofty  :  for  he  did  not, 
like  the  rest,  consider  Sicily  as  the  end  of  his  wishes,  but  rather 
as  an  introduction  to  the  mighty  expeditions  he  had  conceived ; 
and  while  Nicias  was  dissuading  the  people  from  the  siege  of 
Syracuse,  as  an  undertaking  too  difficult  to  succeed  in,  Alcibiades 
was  dreaming  of  Carthage  and  of  Lybia,  and  after  these  were 

Suned,  he  designed  to  grasp  Italy  and  Peloponnesus,  regarding 
icily  as  little  more  than  a  magazine  for  provisions  and  warhke 
stores. 

The  young  men  immediately  entered  into  his  schemes,  and  lis- 
tened  with  great  attention  to  those  who,  under  the  sanction  of  age, 
related  wonders  concerning  the  intended  expeditions,  so  that  many 
of  them  sat  whole  days  in  the  places  of  exercise,  drawing  in  the 
dust  the  figure  of  the  island,  and  plans  of  Lybia  and  Carthage. 
However,  we  are  informed,  that  Socrates  the  philosopher,  and 
Meton  the  astrologer,  were  far  from  expecting  that  these  wars 
would  turn  to  the  advantage  of  Athens. 

Nicias  was  ap{)ointed  one  of  the  generals  much  against  his 
inclination ;  for  he  would  have  delined  the  command,  if  it  had 
been  only  on  account  of  his  having  such  a  colleague. 

The  Athenians,  however,  thought  the  war  would  be  better 
conducted,  if  they  did  not  give  free  scope  to  the  impetuosity  of 
Alcibiades,  but  tempered  his  boldness  with  the  prudence  of  Nicias. 

For,  as  to  the  third  general,  Lamachus,  though  well  advanced  in 
yetirs,  be  did  not  seem  to  come  at  all  short  of  Alcibiades  in  heat 
and  rashness. 

When  they  came  to  deliberate  about  the  number  of  the  troops, 

*  Periclea,  by  hit  prudence  and  authority,  had  restralperi  ihit  exiravannt  aintiilioa 
m  the  Atheniaos.  He  died  the  latt  year  of  the  eigbty<Mveoth  Olympiaa.  in  the  third 
year  uf  (tie  Feloponnesian  war  Two  years  after  this,  the  AthentoM  Mnt  knm  thipa 
to  Rlif^giuin,  which  were  to  go  from  thmce  to  the  uiecour  of  Ills  LMMtiasi^  who  w«f« 
attacked  by  the  SyracuMni.  The  year  foUowing,  tbaj  MOt  t  mHI  freotor  oumlier;' 
and  two  yean  after  that,  they  ^iied  out  another  fleet  of  a  freater  force  ihaa  tbe  lex  lotr; 
but  the  Siciliant  havins  put  an  end  to  their  ditrnkuM,  aad  by  the  adviea  of  Hanno* 
crates  (whoee  speecb  Tbueydidaa,  In  bit  Ibunb  book,  fifss  m  at  larfa).  bavbi|  SUM 
back  iha  fleet,  tbe  AtboaiaiM  wato  ao  OBraftd  ai  ibair  §mmni»  Ibr  not  bavfav  eoa* 
^uered  Sicily,  that  tbay  baniabad  two  of  ibam,  PjFtbodotvs  and  Sopboelaa,  aad  laid  a 
heavy  fine  upon  Eurymedon.  So  iafatuatad  were  tbay  bf  tbair  protparHy,  that  Ibfjr 
ipra^tned  thenseives  irresistible. 


ALCIBIADES. 


139 


and  the  necessary  preparations  for  the  armament,  Nicias  again 
opposed  their  measures,  and  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  war.  But 
Alcibiddes  replying  to  his  arguments  and  carrying  all  before  him, 
the  orator  Demostratus  proposed  a  decree,  that  ihe  generals  should 
have  the  absolute  direction  of  the  war,  and  of  all  the  preparations 
for  it.  When  the  people  had  given  their  assent,  and  every  thing 
was  got  ready  for  setting  sail,  unlucky  omens  occurred,  even  on  a 
festival  which  was  celebrated  at  that  time.  Add  to  this,  the 
mutilating  and  disfiguring  of  almost  all  the  statues  of  Mercury,* 
which  happened  in  one  night,  a  circumstance  which  alarmed  even 
those  who  had  long  despised  things  of  that  nature.  It  was  imputed 
to  the  Corinthians,  of  whom  the  Syracusans  were  a  colony  ;  and 
they  were  supposed  to  have  done  it,  in  hopes  that  such  a  prodigy 
might  induce  the  Athenians  to  desist  from  the  war.  But  the  people 
paid  little  regard  to  this  insinuation,  or  to  the  discourses  of  those 
who  said  that  there  was  no  manner  of  ill  presage  in  what  had  hap- 
pened, and  that  it  was  nothing  but  the  wild  frolic  of  a  parcel  of 
young  fellows,  flushed  with  wine,  and  bent  on  some  extravagance. 
Indignation  and  fear  made  them  take  this  event,  not  only  for  a  bad 
omen,  but  for  the  consequence  of  a  plot  which  aimed  at  greater 
matters ;  and  therefore  both  senate  and  people  assembled  several 
times  within  a  few  days,  and  very  strictly  examined  every  sus- 
picious circumstance. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  demagogue  Androcles  produced  some 
Athenian  slaves  and  certain  sojourners,  who  accused  Alcibiades 
and  his  friends  of  defacing  some  other  statues,  and  of  mimicking 
the  sacred  mysteries  in  one  of  their  drunken  revels.  The  people 
being  much  provoked  at  Alcihiades,  and  Androcles,  his  bitterest 
enemy,  exasperating  them  still  more,  at  first  he  was  somewhat 
<Jisconcerted.  But  when  he  perceived  that  the  seamen  and  soldiers 
too,  intended  for  the  Sicilian  expedition,  were  on  this  side,  and 
heard  a  body  of  Argives  and  Mantineans,  consisting  of  a  thousand 
men,  declare,  that  they  were  willing  to  cross  the  seas,  and  to  run 
the  risk  of  a  foreign  war  for  the  sake  of  Alcibiades,  but  that  if  any 
injury  were  done  to  him,  they  would  immediately  march  home 
again  ;  then  he  recovered  his  spirits,  and  appeared  to  defend  him- 
self. It  was  now  his  enemies*  turn  to  be  discouraged,  and  to  fear 
that  the  people,  on  account  of  the  need  they  had  of  him,  would  be 
favourable  in  their  sentence.  To  obviate  this  inconvenience,  they 
persuaded  certain  orators  who  were  not  reputed  to  be  his  enemies, 
but  hated  him  as  heartily  as  the  most  professed  ones,  to  move  it  to 
the  people,  "  That  it  was  extremely  absurd,  that  a  general  who 
was  invested  with  a  discretionary  power,  and  a  very  important 
command,  when  the  troops  were  collected,  and  the  allies  all  ready 

*  The  Athenians  had  statues  of  Mercury  at  the  doors  of  iheir  houses,  made  of  stones 
oCa  cubical  form. 


]4U  ALCIBIAPBB. 

to  sail,  should  lose  time,  whUe  they  were  casting  loto  for  judges, 
and  filling  the  glasses  with  water,  to  measure  out  the  time  of  his 
defence.  In  the  name  of  the  gods  let  him  sail,  and  when  the  war 
is  concluded,  he  accountable  to  the  laws,  which  will  still  be  the 
same." 

Alcibiadcs  easily  saw  their  mtUicious  drill  in  wanting  to  pat  off 
(he  trial,  and  observed,  "  That  it  uould  be  an  intolerable  hardship 
to  leave  such  accusations  and  calumnies  behind  him,  and  be  sent 
out  with  so  important  a  commission,  while  he  was  in  suspense  as 
to  his  own  fate«  That  he  ought  to  sutTer  death,  if  he  could  not 
clear  himself  of  the  charge  ;  but  if  he  could  prove  his  innocence, 
justice  required  that  he  should  be  set  free  from  all  fear  of  false 
accusers,  before  they  sent  him  against  their  enemies."  But  he 
could  not  obtain, that  favour.  He  was  indeed  ordered  to  set  sail,* 
which  he  accordingly  did,  together  with  his  colleagues,  bavins 
near  a  hundred  and  forty  galleys  in  his  company,  five  thousand 
one  hundred  heavy.armed  soldiers,  and  about  a  thousand  three 
hundred  archers,  slingers,  and  others  light-armed,  with  suitable 
provisions  and  stores. 

Arriving  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  he  landed  at  Rhegium.  There 
he  gave  his  opinion  as  to  the  manner  in  which  the  war  should  be 
conducted,  and  was  opposed  by  Nicias :  but  as  Lamachus  agreed 
with  him,  he  sailed  to  Sicily,  and  made  himself  master  of  Catana.f 
This  was  all  he  performed,  being  soon  sent  for  by  the  Athenians 
to  take  his  trial.  At  first,  as  we  have  observed,  there  was  nothing 
against  him  but  slight  suspicions,  and  the  depositions  of  slaves  and 
persons  who  sojourned  in  Athens.  But  his  enemies  took  advantage 
of  his  absence  to  bring  new  matters  of  impeachment,  adding  to  the 
mutilating  of  the  statues  his  sacrilegious  behaviour  with  respect  to 
the  mysteries,  and  alleging  that  bo3i  these  crimes  flowed  from  the 
same  source,^  a  conspiracy  to  change  the  government.  All  that 
were  accused  of  being  any  ways  concerned  in  it,  they  committed 
to  prison  unheard ;  and  they  repented  exceedingly,  that  they  had 
not  immediately  brought  Alcibiades  to  his  trial,  and  got  him  con- 
demned upon  so  heavy  a  charge.  While  this  fury  lasted,  every 
relation,  every-  friend  and  acquaintance  of  his,  was  very  severely 
dealt  with  by  the  people. 

Among  tho^te  that  were  then  imprisoned,  in  order  to  their  trial, 
was  the  orator  Anducides,  whom  Hellaniciis  the  historian  reckons 
among  the  descendants  of  Ulysses.  He  was  thought  to  be  no 
friend  to  a  popular  government,  but  a  favourer  of  obligarchy. 

•  I'he  second  year  of  the  ei(^hty  firtt  Olympiad,  and  wvantb  oC  tbt  PaJopoimarian 
war. 

f  By  %urpti$n.-~Thuryd.  lib.  vL 

i  They  gave  out,  that'  he  had  enterrd  into  a  eontpiraey  to  tMCfiT  Iba  etty  to  tha 
Laeadmnoniany,  and  that  he  had  persuaded  th«  Argirea  to  usdanaks  NmetbRitto 
thatr  prrVifiic*-. 


1 


ALCIBIADES. 


141 


What  contributed  not  a  little  to  his  being  suspected  of  having  some 
concern  in  defacing  the  Hermce,  was,  that  the  great  statue  of  Mer- 
cury, which  was  placed  near  his  house,  being  consecrated  to  that 
god  by  the  tribe  called  the  iEgeis,  was  almost  the  only  one, 
amongst  the  most  remarkable,  which  was  left  entire. 

It  happened  that  amongst  those  who  were  imprisoned  on  the 
same  account,  Andocides  contracted  an  acquaintance  and  friend- 
ship with  one  Timaaus  ;  a  man  not  equal  ni  rank  to  himself,  but  of 
uncommon  parts  and  a  daring  spirit.  He  advised  Andocides  to 
accuse  himself  and  a  few  more ;  because  tiie  decree  promised 
impunity  to  any  one  that  would  confess  and  inform,  whereas  the 
event  of  the  trial  was  uncertain  to  all,  and  much  to  be  dreaded  by 
such  of  them  as  were  persons  of  distinction.  He  represented  that 
it  was  better  to  save  his  life  by  a  falsity,  than  to  suffer  an  infamous 
death  as  one  really  guilty  of  the  crime  ;  and  that  with  respect  to 
the  pubUc,  it  would  be  an  advantage  to  give  up  a  few  persons  of 
dubious  character,  in  order  to  rescue  many  men  from  an  enraged 
populace. 

Andocides  was  prevailed  upon  by  these  argmnents  of  Timaeus ; 
and  informing  against  himself  and  some  others,  enjoyed  the  impu- 
nity promised  by  the  decree  ;  but  all  the  rest  whom  he  named  were 
capitally  punished,  except  a  few  that  fled.  Nay,  to  procure  the 
greater  credit  to  his  deposition,  he  accused  even  his  own  servants. 

However,  the  fury  of  the  people  was  not  so  satisfied ;  but  turn- 
ing from  the  persons  who  had  disfigured  the  Hermae,  as  if  it  had 
reposed  a  while  only  to  recover  its  strength,  it  fell  totally  upon 
Alcibiades.  At  last  they  sent  the  Salaminian  galley  to  fetch  him, 
artfully  enough  ordering  their  officer  not  to  use  violence,  or  to  lay 
hold  on  his  person,  but  to  behave  to  him  with  civility,  and  to 
acquaint  him  with  the  people's  orders  that  he  should  go  and  take 
his  trial,  and  clear  himself  before  them.  For  they  were  apprehen- 
sive  of  some  tumult  and  mutiny  in  the  army,  now  it  was  in  an 
enemy's  country,  which  Alcibiades,  had  he  been  so  disposed,  might 
easily  have  raised.  Indeed,  the  soldiers  expressed  great  uneasiness 
at  his  leaving  them,  and  expected  that  the  war  would  be  spun  out 
to  a  great  length  by  the  dilatory  counsels  of  Nicias,  when  the  spur 
was  taken  away.  Lamachus,  indeed,  was  bold  and  brave,  but  he 
was  wanting  both  in  dignity  and  weight,  by  reason  of  his  poverty. 

Alcibiades  immediately  embarked  ;*  the  consequence  of  which 
was,  that  the  Athenians  could  not  take  Messena.  There  were 
persons  in  the  town  ready  to  betray  it,  whom  Alcibiades  perfectly 
knew,  and  as  he  apprised  some  that  were  friends  to  the  Syracusans 
of  their  intention,  the  affair  miscarried. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Thurii,  he  went  on  shore,  and  conceal. 
ing  himself  there,  eluded  the  search  which  was  made  after  him. 

*  He  prudently.emlrarkcd  on  a  vessel  of  his  own,  and  not  on  the  Salaniinian  galley- 


J42  ALCIBIADES. 

But  some  person  tcnowing  him,  and  saying,  "  Will  you  not,  then, 
trust  your  country  ?"  he  answered,  "  As  to  any  thing  else  1  will 
trust  her;  bui  with  my  hfe  I  would  not  trust  even  my  mother,  Icsi 
ehe  should  mistake  a  black  bean  for  a  white  one."  AtUrwards 
being  lold  that  the  republic  had  condemned  him  to  die,  he  said, 
<»  But  I  will  make  them  find  that  1  am  alive." 

As  he  did  not  appear,  they  condemned  him,  confiscated  his 
soods,  and  ordered  all  the  priests  and  priestesses  to  denounce  an 
execration  against  him ;  which  was  denounced  accordingly  by  all 
but  Theano,  the  daughter  of  Menon,  priestess  of  the  tenrrple  of 
Agraulos,  who  excused  herself,  allegmg  that  "  she  was  a  priestess 
for  prayer,  not  for  execration." 

While  these  decrees  and  sentences  were  passing  against  Alcibi. 
ades,  he  wa^  at  Argos :  having  quitted  Thurii  which  no  longer 
afforded  him  a  safe  asylum,  to  come  into  Peloponnesus.  Still 
dreading  his  enemies,  and  giving  up  all  hopes  of  being  restored  to 
his  country,  he  sent  to  Sparta  to  desire  permission  to  live  there 
under  the  protection  of  the  pubHc  faith,  promising  to  serve  that 
state  more  eflTectualiy,  now  he  was  their  friend,  than  he  had 
annoyed  them  whilst  their  enemy.  The  Spartans  granting  him  a 
safe  conduct,  and  expressing  their  readiness  to  receive  him,  he 
went  thither  with  pleasure.  One  thing  he  soon  effected,  which 
was  to  procure  succours  for  Syracuse  without  further  hesitation  or 
delay,  having  persuaded  them  to  send  Gylippus  thither,  to  take 
upon  him  the  direction  of  the  war.  and  to  crush  the  Athenian  power 
in  Sicily.  Another  thing  which  he  persuaded  them  to,  was  to 
declare  war  against  the  Athenians,  and  to  begin  its  operations  on 
the  continent :  and  the  third,  which  was  the  roost  important  o(  all, 
was  to  get  Decnlia  fortified  ;  for  this  being  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Athens,  was  productive  of  great  mischief  to  the  commonwealth.* 

These  measures  procured  Alcibiades  the  public  approbation  at 
Sparta,  and  he  was  no  less  admired  for  his  manner  of  living  in 
private.  By  conforming  to  their  diet  and  other  austerities,  he 
charmed  and  captivated  the  people.  When  they  saw  him  close, 
filiaved,  bathing  in  cold  water,  feeding  on  their  coarse  bread,  or 
eating  their  black  broth,  they  could  hardly  believe  that  such  a  man 
rliad  ever  kept  a  cook  in  his  house,  seen  a  perfumer,  or  worn  a  robe 
of  Milesian  purple.  It  seems,  that,  among  his  other  qualifications, 
he  had  the  very  extraordinary  art  of  engaging  the  afiections  of 

*  Agi*.  kin?  of  Soarta,  at  th*  h^ari  of  a  v»»rv  niiroerout  armv  of  [  an*, 

^nrinthiaiin,  and  «Nhrr  luilioiiii  of  lVto|)Onn«itnt>.  iiivti<irH  Aiiicji.  nml   i  >  tl>a 

•dvicu  wiiicb  Alcii>!.i-'-     •  •■* --— •  -••  *  '  —  •:  -)  l)«oalia.  whKM  ><i,.>.-  m  mn 

fqi'Ml  itiKtHnci;  from  whicb  m«atiii  itir  AthcniaM 

were  now  ili-privrf!  ,„.  renit  of  their  laiiHt,aod  of 

th«  MicoiHira  oi  I'm  tnc  |irt'utt.-<t  iiiibforiuiie  whirh  happMMid  IOIImi 

Atheitiant,  fr>  i  thn  war  lu  (hit  iiiii«,  m%»  that  whr.h  tofcl  th«m  Uilt 

year  in  Sicily,  .  .    nly  lo«t  ihe  coiiquect  ihey  aimed  at.  toftetbcr  wiib  th* 

reputation  tbey  bad  m  Ioiih  inaintainrd,  but  tbeir  §mu  iMff  anny,  and  iMr  i 


ALCIBIADES.  X43 

those  with  whom  he  conversed,  by  imitating  and  adopting  their 
customs  and  way  of  Uving.  Nay,  he  turned  himself  into  all  man- 
ner of  forms  with  more  ease  than  the  cameleon  changes  his  colour. 
It  is  not,  we  are  told,  in  that  animal's  power  to  assume  a  white, 
but  Alcibiades  could  adapt  himself  to  either  good  or  baji,  and  did' 
not  find  any  thing  which  he  attempted  impracticable.  Thus  at 
Sparta  he  was  all  for  exercise,  frugal  in  his  diet,  and  severe  in  his 
manners.  In  Asia,  he  was  as  much  for  mirth  and  pleasure,  luxury 
and  ease.  In  Thrace,  again,  riding  and  drinking  were  his  favourite 
amusements  ;  and  in  the  palace  of  Tissaphernes,  the  Persian  gran- 
dee, he  outvied  the  Persians^  themselves  in  pomp  and  splendour. 
Not  that  he  could  with  so  much  ease  change  his  real  manners,  or 
approve  in  his  heart  the  form  which  he  assumed  ;  but  because  he 
knew  that  his  native  manners  would  be  unacceptable  to  those 
whom  he  happened  to  be  with,  he  immediately  conformed  to  tho 
ways  and  fashions  of  whatever  place  he  came  to.  When  he  was 
at  Lacedaemon,  if  you  regarded  only  his  outside,  you  would  say  as 
the  proverb  does,  "  This  is  not  the  son  of  Achilles,  but  Achilles 
himself;"  This  man  has  surely  been  brought  up  under  the  eye  of 
Lycurgus  ;  but  then  if  you  looked  more  nearly  into  his  dispositioa 
and  his  actions,  you  would  exclaim  with  Electra  in  the  poet,  *'  The 
same  weak  woman  still  !"* 

After  the  miscarriage  of  the  Athenians  in  Sicily,  the  people  of 
Chios,  of  Lesbos,  and  Cyzicum,  sent  to  treat  with  the  Spartans 
about  quitting  the  interests  of  Athens,  and  putting  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  Sparta.  The  Bceotians,  on  this  occasion, 
solicited  for  the  Lesbians,  and  Pharnabazus  for  the  people  of 
Cyzicum  ;  but,  at  the  persuasion  of  Alcibiades,  succours  were  sent 
to  those  of  Chios  before  all  others.  He  likewise  passed  over  into 
Ionia,  and  prevailed  with  almost  all  that  country  to  revolt,  and 
attending  the  Lacedaemonian  generals  in  the  execution  of  most  of 
their  commissions,  he  did  great  prejudice  t(>  the  x\thenians. 

But  Agis  could  not  endure  his  glory  and  prosperity ;  for  most 
of  the  present  successes  were  ascriben  o  Alcibiades.  The  great 
and  the  ambitious  among  the  Spartans  were  indeed,  in  general, 
touched  with  envy  ;  and  had  influence  enough  with  the  civil  magis- 
trates,  to  procure  orders  to  be  sent  to  their  friends  in  Ionia  to  kill 
him.  But  timely  foreseeing  his  danger,  and  cautioned  by  his  fears, 
in  every  step  he  took  he  still  served  the  Lacedaemonians,  taking 
care  all  the  while  not  to  put  himself  in  their  power.  Instead  of 
that,  he  sought  the  protection  of  Tissaphernes,  one  of  the  grandees 
of  Persia,  or  lieutenants  of  the  king.  With  this  Persian  he  soon 
attained  the  highest  credit  and  authority  :  for  himself  a  very  subtle 

*  This  is  spoken  of  Hermione,  in  the  Orestes  of  Euripides,  upon  her  discovering 
the  same  vanity  and  solicitude  about  her  beauty,  when  advanced  in  years,  that  sh» 
fa»d  when  she  was  young. 


^44  ALCIBIADES. 

and  inaiiicere  man,  he  admired  the  art  and  keenness  of  Alcibiades. 
Indeed,  by  the  elegance  of  his  conversation,  and  the  charms  of  his 
politeaess,  every  man  was  gained,  all  hearts  were  touched.  Even 
those  who  leared  and  envied  him  were  not  insensible  to  pleasure 
in  his  company ;  and  while  they  enjoyed  it,  their  resentment  was 
disarmed.  Tissaphernes,  in  all  other  cases  savage  in  his  temper, 
and  the  bitterest  enemy  that  Greece  experienced  among  the  Per- 
sians,  gave  himself  up,  notwithstanding,  to  the  flatteries  of  Alcibf- 
ades,  insomuch  that  he  even  vied  with  and  exceeded  him  in  address. 
For  of  all  his  gardens,  that  which  excelled  in  beauty,  which  was 
remarkable  for  the  salubrity  of  its  streams  and  the  freshness  of  its 
ineadcws,  which  was  set  oft*  with  pavilions  royally  adorned,  and 
retirements  tiuished  in  the  most  elegant  taste,  he  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Alcibiades ;  and  every  one  continued  to  give  it  that 
appellation. 

Rejecting,  therefore,  the  interests  of  Lacedd;mon,and  fearing  that 
people  as  treacherous  to  him,  he  represented  them,  and  their  king 
Agis,  in  a  disadvantageous  light  to  Tissaphernes.  He  advised  him 
not  to  assist  them  effectually,  nor  absolutely  to  ruin  the  Athenians, 
but  to  send  his  subsidies  to  Sparta  with  a  sparing  hand  ;  that  so 
the  two  powers  might  insensibly  weaken  and  consume  each  other, 
and  both  at  last  be  easily  subjected  to  the  king.  TiHsaphernes 
readily  followed  his  counsels,  and  it  was  evident  to  all  the  world 
that  he  held  him  in  the  greatest  admiration  and  esteem  :  which 
made  him  equally  considerable  with  the  Greeks  of  both  parties. 
The  Athenians  repented  of  the  sentence  they  had  passed  upon  him 
because  they  had  suffered  for  it  since  ;  and  Alcibiades,  on  his  side, 
was  under  some  fear  and  concern,  lest,  if  their  republic  should  bo 
destroyed,  he  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Lacedcemonians  who 
hated  him. 

At  that  time,  the  whole  strength  of  the  Athenians  lay  at  Samoa. 
With  their  ships  sent  out  from  thence,  they  recovered  some  of 
the  towns  which  had  revolted,  and  others  they  kept  to  their  duty  ; 
and  at  sea  they  were  in  some  measure  able  to  make  head  against 
their  enemies.  But  they  were  afraid  of  Tissaphernes  and  the 
and  the  Phcenician  fleet  of  an  hundred  and  fifly  ships,  which  were 
said  to  be  coming  against  them ;  for  against  such  a  force  they 
could  not  hope  to  defend  themselves.^  Alcibiades,  apprised  of  this, 
privately  sent  a  messenger  to  the  principal  Athenians  at  Samos, 
to  give  them  hopes  that  he  would  procure  them  the  friendship  of 
Tiflsaphemes  :  not  to  recommend  himself  to  the  people,  whom  bo 
could  not  trust,  but  to  oblige  the  nobility,  if  they  would  but  exert 
their  superiority,  to  repress  the  insolence  of  the  commi)nahy,  and, 
taking  the  government  into  their  own  hands,  by  that  means  save 
the  country. 

All  the  officers  readily  embraced  this  proposal,  except  Phryni- 


I 


ALCIBIADES.  I45 

chus,  who  was  of  the  ward  of  Dirades.  He  nlone  suspected  what 
was  really  the  case,  that  it  Was  a  matter  of  very  httle  consequence 
to  Alcibiades,  whether  an  ohgarchy  or  democracy  prevailed  in 
Athens ;  that  it  was  his  business  to  get  himself  recalled  by  any 
means  whatever,  and  that,  therefore,  by  his  invective  against  the 
people,  he  wanted  only  to  insinuate  himself  into  the  good  graces  of 
the  nobility.  Upon  these  ^reasons  proceeded  the  opposition  of 
Phrynichus  ;  but,  seeing  his  opinion  disregarded,  and  that  iVlcibi- 
ades  must  certainly  become  his  enemy,  he  gave  secret  intelligence 
to  Astyochus,  the  enemy's  admiral,  of  the  double  part  which  Alci- 
biades  acted,  advising  him  to  beware  of  his  designs,  and  to  secure 
his  person.  But  he  knew  not  that  while  he  was  betraying  he  was 
himself  betrayed.  For  Astyochus,  wanting  to  make  his  court  to 
Tissaphernes',  informed  Alcibiades  of  the  affair,  who,  he  knew, 
had  the  ear  of  that  grandee. 

Alcibiades  immediately  sent  proper  persons  to  Samos  with  an 
accusation  against  Phrynichus  ;  who,  seeing  no  other  resource,  as 
every  body  was  against  him,  and  expressed  great  indignation  at 
his  behaviour,  attempted  to  cure  one  evil  with  another  and  a  great- 
er. For  he  sent  to  Astyochus  to  complain  of  his  revealing  the 
secret,  and  to  offer  to  deliver  up  to  him  the  whole  Athenian  fleet 
and  army.  This  treason  of  Phrynichus,  however,  did  no  injury  to 
the  Athenians,  because  it  was  again  betrayed  by  Astyochus,  for  he 
laid  the  whole  matter  before  Alcibiades.  Phrynichus  had  the  sa- 
gacity to  foresee  and  expect  another  accusation  from  Alcibiades, 
and,  to  be  beforehand  with  him,  he  himself  forewarned  the  Athe- 
nians, that  the  enemy  would  endeavour  to  surprise  them,  and  there- 
fore desired  them  to  be  upon  their  guard,  to  keep  on  board  their 
ships,  and  to  fortify  their  camp. 

While  the  Athenians  were  doing  this,  letters  came  from  Alcibi- 
ades again,  advising  them  to  beware  of  Phrynichus,  who  had  un- 
dertaken to  betray  their  fleet  to  the  enemy  :  but  they  gave  no  cre- 
dit to  these  despatches,  supposing  that  Alcibiades,  who  perfectly 
knew  the  preparations  and  intentions  of  the  enemy,  abused  that 
knowledge  to  the  raising  of  such  a  calumny  against  Phrynichus. 
Yet,  afterwards,  when  Phrynichus  was  stabbed  in  full  assembly  by 
one  of  Hermon's  soldiers  who  kept  guard  that  day,  the  Athenians 
taking  cognizance  of  the  matter,  after  his  death,  condemned  Phry- 
nichus as  guilty  of  treason,  and  ordered  Hermon  and  his  party  to 
be  crowned  for  despatching  a  traitor. 

The  friends  of  Alcibiades,  who  now  had  a  superior  interest  at 
Samos,  sent  Pisanderto  Athens,  to  change  the  form  of  government, 
by  encouraging  the  nobility  to  assume  it  and  to  deprive  the  people 
of  their  power  and  privileges,  as  the  condition  upon  which  Alcibi- 
ades would  procure  them  the  friendship  and  alliance  of  Tissapher- 
nes. This  was  the  colour  of  the  pretence  made  use  of  bv  those 
T  13 


146 


ALLlUiADLS. 


who  wanted  to  lutroJucc  an  oligarchy.  But  wbeu  tbattHxi^,  whicii 
were  called  the  Jive  thousand^  but  in  fact  were  only  four  mmdred,* 
had  got  the  power  into  their  handtj,  they  paid  little  atteotioo  to  Al- 
cibiades,  and  Carried  on  the  war  but  slowly  ;  partly  distrusting 
the  citiaxns  who  did  not  yet  relish  the  new  Ibrm  of  government, 
and  partly  hoping  that  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  were  always  in- 
clined to  favour  an  oligarchy,  would  not  press  them  with  their  usi^al 
vigour. 

Such  of  the  commonalty  as  were  at  home,  were  silent  through 
fear,  though  much  ^gainst  their  will ;  for  ^i  number  of  those  who 
had  openly  opposed  the  four  hundred  ^ere  put  to  death.  But  when 
they  who  were  at  Samos  were  informed  of  the  affair,  they  were 
highly  incensed  at  it,  and  inclined  immediately  to  set  sail  for  the 
Pyrajus.  In  the  fir9t  place,  however,  they  sent  for  Alcibiades,  and 
having  appointed  him  their  general,  ordered  him  to  lead  them 
against  the  tyrants,  and  demohsh  both  them  and  their  power.  On 
such  an  occasion,  almost  any  other  man,  suddenly  exalted  by  the 
favor  of  the  multitude,  would  have  thought  he  niust  have  complied 
with  ail  their  humours,  and  not  have  contradicted  those  in  any 
Ihing,  who,  from '  a  fugitive  and  a  banished  man,  had  raised  him 
to  be  coqamander  in  chief  of  such  a  fleet  and  army.  But  he  beha- 
ved as  became  a  great  general,  and  prevented  their  plunging  into 
error  through  the  violence  of  their  rage.  This  care  of  his  evi. 
dently  was  the  saving  of  the  commonwealth.  For  if  they  had  sailed 
home,  as  they  promised,  the  enemy  would  have  seized  on  Ionia 
immediately,  and  have  gained  the  Hellespont  and  the  islands  whh- 
out  striking  a  stroke  ;  while  the  Athenians  would  have  been  enga- 
ged in  a  civil  war,  of  which  Athens  itself  must  have  been  the  seat. 
All  this  was  prevented  chiefly  by  Alcibiades,  who  not  only  tried 
what  arguments  would  do  with  the  army  in  general,  and  informed 
them  of  their  danger,  but  applied  to  them  one  by  one,  using  en- 
treaties  to  some  and  force  to  others^  in  which  he  was  atnated  by 
the  loud  harangues  of  I'hrasybulus  of  the  ward  of  Stira,  who  at- 
tended  him  through  the  whole,  and  had  the  strongest  voice  of  any 
man  among  the  Athenians. 

Another  great  service  performed  by  Alcibiades  was,  his  under- 
taking  that  the  Phoenician  fleet,  which  the  Lacedaemonians  expect- 
ed  from  the  king  of  Persia,  should  either  join  the  Athenians,  or  at 
least  not  act  on  the  enemy's  side.  In  consequence  of  this  promise, 
he  set  out  as  expeditiously  as  possible,  and  prevailed  upon  Tissa- 

*  It  was  at  first  proposed  that  only  ihe  dr«|s  of  the  people  should  loee  their  author- 
ity, which  was  to1)e  vested  in  five  thousand  of  the  most  wealthy,  who  were  for  the 
future  to  be  reputed  the  people.  But  when  Pisander  and  bis  asMKiates  found  the 
strength  of  their  party,  they  carried  it  that  the  old  form  of  government  should  be  dis* 
solved,  and  that  five  Prytanes  should  t>e  elected  ;  that  thrse  five  ihould  cbooee  a 
hundred  ;  that  each  of  the  hundred  should  choose  three  ;  that  the  fntit  hundred  thus 
•lecied  should  become  a  senate  with  supreme  powar,  and  should  rnn<nilt  the  five 
thousand  oitly  when  and  on  such  matters  as  tbey  tbotiftn  fit. 


ALCIBIADES.  I47 

phernes  not  to  forward  the  ships,  which  were  already  come  as  far 
as  Aspendus,  but  to  disappoint  and  deceive  the  Lacedcsmonians, 
Nevertheless,  both  sides,  and  particularly  the  Lacedajmonians, 
accused  Alcibiades  of  hindering  that  fleet  from  coming  to  their  aid: 
for  they  supposed  he  had  instructed  the  Persians  to  leave  the 
Greeks  to  destroy  each  other  :  and,  indeed,  it  was  obvious  enough 
that  such  a  force,  added  to  either  side,  would  entirely  have  depri- 
ved the  other  of  the  dominion  of  the  sea. 

After  this,  the/owr  hundred  were  Soon  quashed,*  the  friends  of 
Alcibiades  very  readily  assisting  those  who  were  for  a  democracy  : 
and  now  the  people  in  the  city  not  only  wished  for  him,  but  com- 
manded  him  to  return  ;  yet  he  thought  it  not'  best  to  return  with 
empty  hands,  or  without  having  effected  something  worthy  of 
note,  but  instead  of  being  indebted  to  the  compassion  and  favour 
of  the  multitude,  to  distinguish  his  appearance  by  his  merit.  Par- 
ting,, therefore,  from  Samos  with  a  few  ships,  he  cruised  on  the 
sea  of  Cnidos,  and  a^out  the  i^le  of  Coos,  where  he  got  intelligence 
that  Mindarus,  the  Spartan  admiral,  had  sailed  with  his  whole  fleet 
towards  the  Hellespont  to  find  out  the  Athenians.  This  made  him 
hasten  to  the  assistance  of  the  latter,  and  fortunately  enough  he 
arrived  with  his  eighteen  ships  at  the  very  juncture  of  time,  when 
the  two  fleets  having  engaged  near  Abydos,  continued  the  fight 
from  morning  until  night,  one  side  having  the  advantage  on  the 
right  wing,  and  the  other  on  the  left.f 

On  the  appearance  of  his  squadron,  both  sides  entertained  a  false 
opinion  of  the  end  of  his  coming  ;  for  the  Spartans  were  encoura- 
ged, and  the  Athenians  struck  with  terror.  But  he  soon  hoisted 
the  Athenian  flag  on  the  admiral's  galley,  and  bore  down  directly 
upon  the  Peloponnesians,  who  now  had  the  advantage,  and  were 
urging  the  pursuit.  His  vigorous  impression  put  them  to  flight, 
and  following'  them  close,  he  drove  them  ashore,  destroying 
iheir  ships,  and  killing  such  of  their  men  as  endeavoured  to  save 
themselves  by  swimming;  though  Pharnabasus  succoured  them 
from  the  shore,  and  with  an  armed  force  attempted  to  save  their  ves- 
sels. The  conclusion  was,  that  the  Athenians  having  taken  thirty 
of  the  enemy's  ships,  and  recovered  their  own,  erected  a  trophy. 

After  this  glorious  success,  Alcibiades,  ambitious  to  show  him- 
self as  soon  as  possible  to  Tissaphernes,  prepared  presents  and 
other  proper  acknowledgements  for  his  friendship  and  hospitality, 
and  then  went  to  wait  upon  him  with  a  princely  train.  But  he  was 
not  welcomed  in  the  manner  he  expected  ;  for  Tissaphernes,  who, 

*  The  same  year  that  i^iey  were  set  up,  which  was  the  second  of  the  ninety-second 
Olympiad.  Thfi  reader  (!>iis»  carefully  distinguish  this  faction  of  four  hundred,  from 
the  senate  of  four  hundred  established  by  SdIom,  which  these  turned  out  the  few 
nionths.ttiey  were  in  power. 

•{•  Thucydides  does  not  speak  of  this  arrival  of  Alf^i'J'ftf^^s :  but  probably  he  did 
not  live  to  have  a  clear  account  of  this  action,  for  he  died  this  year.  Xenophon,  who 
continued  his  historv,  mentions  it. 


14S  ALCIBIAD^S. 

for  some  time,  bad  b6en  accused  by  the  Lacccbemouians,  and  was 
apprebensivu  tbat  tbe  charge  might  reach  the  king's  ear,  thought 
the  coming  of  Alcibiadcs  a  very  seasonable  mcideni,  and  therel'ure 
put  him  under  arrest  and  confined  him  at  Sardis,  imagining  tbat 
injuriouti  proceeding  would  be  a  means  to  clear  himself. 

Thirty  days  aAer,  Alcibiades  having  by  some  means  or  other 
obtained  a  horse,  escaped  from  his  keepers,  and  fled  to  CUzome- 
li»  ;  and,  by  way  of  revenge,  he  pretended  that  Tissaphemes  pri- 
vately set  him  at  liberty.  From  thence  he  passed  to  the  place 
Avhere  the  Athenians  were  stationed  ;  and  being  informed,  tbat 
Mmdarus  and  Pharnabazus  were  together  at'Cyzicum,  he  showed 
the  troops  tiiat  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  flghi  both  by  sea  and 
land,  nay  evep  to  fight  with  stone  walls,  if  that  should  be  required^ 
in  order  to  come  at  their  enemies :  for  if  the  victory  were  not  com- 
plete and  universal,  they  could  come  at  no  money.  Then  ho  em- 
barked the  forces  and  sailed  to  Proconesus,  where  he  ordered 
tbem  to  take  the  lighter  vessels  into  the  middle  of  the  fleet,  and  to 
have  a  particular  care  that  the  enemy  might  not  discover  that  be 
vas  couiin£  against  them.  A  great  and  sudden  rain,  which  hap- 
pened to  full  at  that  time,  together  with  dreadful  thunder  and  dark- 
ness, was  of  great  service  in  covering  his  operations  :  for  not  only 
the  enemy  were  ignorant  of  bis  design,  but  the  very  Athenians, 
whom  he  had  ordered  in  great  haste  on  board,  did  not  presently 
perceive  that  he  was  under  sail.  Soon  afler,  the  weather  cleared 
up,  and  the  Peloponnosian  ships  were  seen  riding  at  anchor  in  the 
road  of  Cyzicum  :  lest,  therefore,  the  enemy  should  be  alarmed  at 
the  largeness  of  his  fleet,  and  save  themselves  by  getting  on  shore, 
he  directed  many  of  the  (officers  to  slacken  sail,  and  keep  out  of 
nght,  while  he  showed  himself  with  forty  ships  only,  and  challen- 
ged the  Lacedaemonians  to  the  combat.  The  stratagem  had  its 
effect ;  for,  despising  the  small  number  of  galle>s  which  they  saw, 
they  immediately  weighed  anchor  and  engaged ;  but  tbe  rest  of 
tbe  Athenian  ships  comm^  up  during  the  engagement,  the  Lace- 
demonians were  struck  with  terror  uud  fled.  Lpon  that,  Alcibia- 
des, witti  twenty  of  his  best  ships,  breaking  through  the  midst  of 
them,  hastened  to  the  shore,  and  having  made  a  descent,  pursued 
those  that  fled  from  the  ships,  and  killed  great  numbers  of  them. 
He  likewise  defeated  Mindarus  and  Pharnabazus,  who  came  their 
succour.  Mindarus  made  a  brave  resistance  and  was  slain  ;  but 
Pharnabazus  saved  himself  b>  flight. 

The  Atbcmans  remained  masters  of  the  field,  and  of  the  spoils, 
and  took  all  the  enemy's  ships.  Having  also  possessed  themselves 
of  Cysicum,  which  was  abandoned  by  Pharnabazus,  and  deprived 
of  the  HKsislance  of  the  Pelo)M)nnefiianK,  who  were  almost  all  cut  off, 
they  not  only  secured  the  Hellespont,  but  entirely  cleared  the  sea 
of  the  Lacedicmpnians.     'J'he  letter  also  was  tnlercepted,  which. 


ALCiBlADES.  14<, 

iu  the  Laconic  style,  was  to  give  the  Ephori  an  account  of  their 
misfortunes.  "  Our  glory  is  faded.  Mindarus  is  slain.  Our  sol- 
diers are  starving  ;  and  we  know  not  what  step  to  take." 

On  the  other  hand,  Alcibiades's  men  were  so  elated,  and  took  so 
much  upon  them  because  they  had  always  been  victorious,  that 
they  would  not  vouchsafe  even  to  mix  with  the  other  troops  that 
had  been  sometimes  beaten.  It  happened,  not  long  before,  that 
Thrasyllus  having  miscarried  in  his  attempt  upon  Ephesus,  tho 
Ephesians  erected  a  trophy  of  brass  in  reproach  of  the  Aihenians.* 
The  soldiers  of  Alcibiades,  therefore,  upbraided  those  of  Thrasyl- 
lus with  this  affair^  magnifying  themselves  and  their  general,  and 
disdaining  to  join  others,  either  in  the  place  of  exercise  or  in  the 
camp.  .  But  soon  after,  when  Pharnabazus,  with  a  strong  body  of 
horse  and  foot,  attacked  the  forces  of  Thrasyllus,  who  were  rava- 
ging the  country  about  Abydos,  Alcibiades  marched  to  their  assis- 
tance, routed  the  enemy,  and,  together  with  Thrasyllus,  pursued 
them  until  night.  Then  he  admitted  Thrasyllus  into  his  company, 
and  with  mutual  civilities  and  satisfaction  they  returned  to  the 
camp.  Next  day  he  erected  a  trophy,  and  plundered  the  province, 
which  was  under  Pharnabazus,  without  the  least  opposition.  The 
priests  and  priestesses  he  made  prisoners,  among  the  rest,  but  soon 
dismissed  them  without  ransom.  Thence  he  intended  to  proceed 
and  lay  siege  to  Chalcedon,  which  had  withdrawn  its  allegiance 
from  the  Athenians,  and  received  a  Lacedaemonian  garrison  and 
governor  ;  but  heing  informed  that  the  Chalcedonians  had  collec- 
ted their  cattle  and  corn,  and  sent  it  all  to  the  Bithynians,  their 
friends,  he  led  his  army  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Bithynians,  and  sent 
a  herald  before  them,  to  summon  them  to  surrender  it.  They, 
dreading  his  resentment,  gave  up  the  booty,  and  entered  into  an 
alliance  with  him. 

Afterwards,  he  returned  to  the  siege  at  Chalcedon,  and  enclosed 
it  with  a  wall  which  reached  from  sea  to  sea.  Pharnabazus  ad- 
vanced to  raise  the  siege,  and  Hippocrates,  the  governor,  sallied 
out  with  his  whole  force  to  attack  the  Athenians.  But  Alcibiades 
drew  up  his  army  so  as  to  engage  them  both  at  once,  and  he  de- 
feated them  both ;  Pharnabazus  betaking  himself  to  flight,  and 
Hippocrates  being  killed,  together  with  the  greatest  part  of  his 
troops.  This  done,  he  sailed  into  the  Hellespont,  to  raise  contri- 
butions m  the  towns  upon  the  coast. 

In  this  voyage  he  took  Selybria,  but  in  the  action- unnecessari- 
ly exposed  himself  to  great  danger.  The  persons  who  promised 
to  surrender  the  town  to  him,  agreed  to  give  him  a  signal  at  mid- 
night with  a  lighted  torch ;  but  they  were  obliged  to  do  it  before 

*  Trophies  before  had  been  of  wood,  but  the  Ephesians  erected  this  of  brass,  to 
to  perpetuate  ihe  infamy  of  the  Athenians,  and  it  was  this  new  and  mortifying  cir- 
cuin!>tauce  with  which  Alcibiades's  soldiers  reproached  those  of  Thrasvllus.— DtW. 
lib.  xiii 

13* 


)50  ALCIBIADE?. 

the  time,  for  feat  of  some  one  that  was  in  the  secret,  who  suddenly 
altered  his  mind.  The  torch,  therefore,  being  held  up  before  the 
army  was  ready,  Alcibiades  look  about  thirty  men  with  him,  and 
ran  to  the  walls,  having  ordered  the  rest  to  follow  as  fast  as  pos. 
si6le.  The  gate  was  opened  to  him,  and  twenty  of  the  conspira- 
tors, lightly  Armed,  joining  his  small  company,  he  advanced  with 
great  spirit,  but  soon  perceived  the  Selybriahs,  with  their  weap- 
ons in  their  bands,  coming  forward  to  attack  him.  As  to  stand 
and  fight  promised  no  sort  of  success,  and  he  who  to  that  hour  bad 
never  been  defeated,  did  not  choose  to  fly,  he  ordered  a  trumpet 
to  command  silence,  and  proclamation  to  be  made,  that  the  Sely. 
hrians  should  not,  under  the  the  pain  of  the  republic's  high  dis- 
pleasure,  take  up  arms  against  the  Athenians.  Their  incHnation 
to  the  combat  was  then  immediately  damped,  partly  from  a  suppo- 
sition  that  the  whole  Athenian  army  was  within  the  walls,  and 
partly  from  the  hopes  they  concieived  of  coming  to  tolerable  terms. 
Whilst  they  were  talking  togethei  of  this  order,  the  Athenian  army 
came  up,  and  Alcibiades  rightly  conjecturing  that  the  inclinations 
of  the  Selybrians  were  for  peace,  was  afraid  of  giving  the  Thra- 
oians  an  opportunity  to  plunder  the  town.  These  last  came  down 
in  great  numbers  to  serve  under  him  as  volunteers,  from  a  particu- 
lar attdchment  to  his  person  ;  but  on  this  occasion  he  sent  them  all 
utof  tho  town,  and,  upon  tho  submission  of  the  Selybrians,  he  sa. 
vedthem  from  being  pillaged,  dertianding  only  a  sum  of  money, 
and  leaving  a  garrison  in  the  place. 

Meantime,  the  other  generals,  who  carried  on  the  siege  of  Chal- 
cedon,  came  to  an  agreement  with  Pharnabazus  on  these  condi' 
tions  :  namely,  that  a  sum  of  money  should  be  paid  them  by  Phar- 
nabazus  ;  that  the  Chalcedonians  should  return  to  their  allegiance 
to  the  republic  of  Athens ;  and  that  no  injury  should  be  done  to 
the  province  of  which  Pharnabazus  was  governor,  who  undertook 
that  the  Athenian  ambassadors  should  be  conducted  safe  to  the 
king.  Upon  the  return  of  Alcibiades,  Pharnabazus  desired  that 
he  too  would  swear  to  the  performance  of  the  articles,  but  Alci- 
blades  insisted  that  Pharnabazus  should  swear  first.  When  the 
treaty  whs  reciprocally  confirmed  with  an  oath,  Alcibiades  went 
against  Byzantium,  which  had  revolted,  and  drew  a  line  of  circum- 
vallation  about  tho  city.  While  he  was  thus  employed,  Anoxilaus, 
Lyrurgus,  and  some  others,  secretly  promised  to  deliver  up  the 

{»lace,  on  condition  that  he  would  keep  it  from  being  plundered, 
loreiipon,  he  caused  it  to  be  reported,  tliat  certam  weighty  and 
unexpected  affairs  called  him  back  to  Ionia,  and  in  the  day.time 
he  set  sail  with  his  whole  fleet;  but  returning  at  night,  he  himself 
disembarked  with  the  land,  forces,  and  posting  thoni  under  tho 
wails,  commanded  them  not  to  make  the  lelist  noise.  At  the  same 
tirro  the  <i\uyn  inndo  for  the  harbour,  and  the  rrrw?»  prcKsinc  in 


^LCIBIADES.  151 

with  loud  shouts  and  great  tumult,  astonished  the  Byzantines,  who 
expected  no  such  matter.  Thus  an  opportunity  was  given  to  those 
within  the  walls,  who  favoured  the  Athenians,  to  receive  them  in 
great  security,  while  every  body's  attention  was  engaged  upon  the 
harbour  and  the  ships. 

The  affair  passed  not,  however,  without  blows.  For  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians,  Boeotians,  and  Megarensians,  who  were  at  Byzantium, 
having  driven  the  ships'  crews  back  to  their  vessels,  and  perceiv- 
ing that  the  Athenian  land-forces  were  got  into  the  town,  charged 
them  too  with  great  vigour.  The  dispute  was  sharp,  and  the  shock 
great,  but  victory  declared  for  Alcibiades  and  Theramenes.  •  The 
former  of  these  generals  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  the  latter 
the  left.  About  three  hundred  of  the  enemy,  who  survived,  were 
taken  prisoners.  Not  one  of  the  Byzantines,  after  the  battle,  was 
either  put  to  death  or  banished  ;  for  such  were  the  terms  on  which 
the  town  was  given  up,  that  the  citizens  should  be  safe  in  their 
persons  and  their  goods. 

Alcibiades,  by  this  time,  desirous  to  see  his  native  country,  and 
still  more  desirous  to  be  seen  by  his  countrymen,  afler  so  niany 
glorious  victories,  set  sail  with  the  Athenian  fleet,  adorned  with 
many  shields  and  other  spoils  of  the  enemy;  ai  great  number  of 
ships  that  he  had  taken  making  up  the  rear,  and  the  flags  of  many 
more  which  he  had  destroyed,  being  carried  in  triurnph ;  for  all 
of  them  together  were  not  fewer  than  two  hundi^ed. 

When  he  was  landed,  the  multitude  that  came  out  to  meet  him 
did  not  vouchsafe  so  much  as  to  look  upon  the  other  generals,  but 
crowding  upon  .him,  hailed  him  with  shouts  of  joy,  conducted  him 
on  the  way,  and  such  as  could  approach  him,  crowned  him  with 
garlands,  while  those  that  could  not  come  up  so  close,  viewed  him 
at  a  distance,  and  the  old  men  pointed  him  out  to  the  young.  Many 
tears  were  mixed  with  the  public  joy,  and  the  memory  of  past  mis- 
fortunes with  the  sense  of  their  present  success.  For  they  con- 
cluded that  they  should  not  have  miscarried  in  Sicily,  or  indeed 
have  failed  in  any  of  their  expectations,  if  they  had  left  the  direc- 
tion of  affairs,  and  the  command  of  the  forces,  to  Alcibiades  ;  since 
now  having  exerted  himself  in  behalf  of  Athens,  when  it  bad  al- 
most lost  its  dominion  of  the  sea,  was  hardly  able  to  defend  its  own 
'jiburbs,  and  was  moreover  harassed  with  intestine  broils,  he  had 
raised  it  from  that  low  and  ruinous  condftion,  so  as  not  only  to  re- 
store its  maritime  power,  but  to  render  it  victorious  every  wheire 
by  land. 

The  people  presently  meeting  in  full  assembly,  Alcibiades  came 
in  among  them,  and  having  in  a  pathetic  manner  bewailed  his 
misfortunes,  he  very  modestly  complained  of  their  treatment,  as- 
cribing all  to  his  hard  fortune  and  the  influence  of  some  envious 
demon.     He  then  proceeded  to  discourse  of  the  hopes  and  designs 


1^2  ALCIBIADES. 

of  their  enomies,  ogatost  whom  he  used  bis  utmost  endeavours  to 
animate  them.  And  they  were  so  much  pleaded  with  his  harangue, 
that  they  crowned  him  with  crowns  of  gold,  and  gave  him  the  ab* 
solute  command  of  their  forces,  both  by  sea  and  land.  They  like* 
wise  made  a  decree  that  his  estate  should  be  restored  to  him,  and 
that  the  Eumolpidse  and  the  heralds  should  take  off  the  execrations 
vrhich  they  had  pronounced  against  him  by' order  of  the  people. 
Whilst  the  rest  were  employed  in  expiations  for  this  purpose,  Theo- 
doru9,  the  high  priest,  said,  "  For  his  part,  he  had  never  denounced 
any  curse  against  him,  if  he  had  done  no  injury  to  the  common- 
wealth." 

Amidst  this  glory  and  prosperity  of  Alcibiadcs,  some  people  were 
still  uneasy,  looking  upon  the  time  of  his  arrival  as  ominous.  For 
on  that  very  day  was  kept  the  jp/yn/ma,'  or  purifying  of  the  god- 
dess Minerva.  It  was  the  twenty-fifth  of  May,  when  the  praxi. 
ergidas  perform  those  ceremonies  which  are  not  to  be  revealed, 
disrobing  the  image,  and  covering  it  up.  Hence  it  is  that  the 
Athenians,  of  all  days,  reckon  this  the  most  unlucky,  and  take  the 
utmost  care  not  to  do  business  upon  it ;  and  it  seemed  that  the 
goddess  did  not  receive  him  graciously,  but  rather  with  aversion, 
since  she  hid  her  face  from  him.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  every 
thing  succeeded  according  to  his  wish  :  three  hundred  gallies  were 
manned,  and  ready  to  put  to  sea  again ;  but  a  laudable  zeal  de- 
tained  him  until  the  celebration  of  the  mysteries.f  For  after  the 
Lacedicmonians  had  fortified  Decelia,  which  commanded  the  roads 
to  Eleusis,  the  feast  was  not  kept  with  its  usual  pomp,  because 
they  were  obliged  to  conduct  the  procession  by  sea ;  the  sacri- 
fices,  the  sacred  dances,  and  other  ceremonies  which  had  been 
performed  on  the  way,  called  holy,  while  the  image  of  Bacchus 
was  carried  in  procession,  being  on  that  account  necessarily  omit- 
ted. Alcibiades,  therefore,  judged  it  would  be  an  act  conducive 
to  the  honour  of  the  gods,  and  to  his  reputation  with  men,  lo  re« 
store  those  rites  to  their  due  solemnity,  by  conducting  the  proces- 
sion with  his  army,  and  guarding  it  against  the  enemy.  By  that 
means,  either  king  Agis  would  be  humbled,  if  he  suffered  it  to  pass 
unmolested,  or  if  he  attacked  the  convoy,  Alcibiades  would  have  a 
fight  to  maintain  in  the  cause  of  piety  and  religion,  for  the  moet 
venerable  of  its  mysteries,  in  the  sight  of  his  country,  and  all  his 
fellow-citizens  would  be  witnesses  of  his  valour. 

When  he  had  dcterminod  upon  this,  and  communicated  his  de- 
sign  to  the  Eumolpida)  and  the  heralds,  he  placed  sentinels  upon 

*  Oa  that  day,  when  the  ttaiue  of  MinerTt  wat  wash«d,  Um  iMnplsa  wt%  •noon* 
patted  with  a  cord,  to  denoie  that  th«y  w«r«  ahut  up,  at  wat  cuMooMiry  on  all  inaus* 
pleioui  dajrt.  Tbey  carried  dried  figt  iti  procettion,  bMiiiat  tfni  ««t  tiM  f rtl/ruit 
which  wat  eaten  aAer  acoma. 

t  The  fcMival  of  Ceret  and  Pmaarpina  continued  dIm  days.  On  tbo  aixth  day, 
tbey  Mrried  in  proce»k>n  to  Elsutit  the  atattw  of  ^chaa,  whom  they  tupptMid  to 
ho  the  ton  of  Jupiter  and  Ceret. 


ALCiBlADES.  I53 

the  eminences,  and  set  out  his  advanced  guard  as  soon  as  it  was 
light.  Next  he  took  the  priests,  the  persons  initiated,  and  those 
who  had  the  charge  of  initiating  others,  and  covering  them  whh 
his  forces,  led  them  on  in  great  order  and  profound  silence,  ex- 
hibiting in  that  march  a  spectacle  so  august  and  venerable,  that 
those  who  did  not  envy  him  declared  he  had  performed  not  only 
the  office  of  a  general,  but  of  a  high-priest :  not  a  man  of  the  ene- 
my  dared  to  attack  hijn,  and  he  conducted  the  procession  back  ia 
great  safety,  which  both  exalted  him  in  his  own  thoughts,  and  gave 
the  soldiery  such  an  opinion  of  him,  that  they  considered  them- 
selves as  invincible  while  under  his  command  ;  and  he  gained 
such  an  influence  over  the  mean  and  indigent  part  of  the  people, 
that  they  were  passionately  desirous  to  see  him  invested  with  ab- 
solute power,  insomuch  that  some  of  them  applied  to  him  in  per- 
son, and  exhorted  him,  in  order  to  quash  the  malignity  of  envy  at 
once,  to  abolish  the  privileges  of  the  people,  and  the  laws,  and  ta 
quell  those  busy  spirits  who  would  otherwise  be  the  ruin  of  the 
state  ;  for  then  he  might  direct  affairs  and  proceed  to  action,  with- 
out fear  of  groundless  impeachments. 

What  opinion  he  himself  had  of  this  proposal  we  know  not ;  but 
this  is  certain,  that  the  principal  citizens  were  so  apprehensive  of 
his  aiming  at  arbitrary  power,  that  they  got  him  to  embark  as  soon 
as  possible,  and  the  more  to  expedite  the  matter,  they  ordered, 
among  other  things,  that  he  should  have  the  choice  of  his  col- 
leagues. Putting  to  sea,  therefore,  with  a  fleet  of  an  hundred 
ships,  he  sailed  to  the  isle  of  Andres,  where  he  fought  and  defeat- 
ed the  Andrians,  and  such  of  the  Lacedaemonians  as  assisted  them. 
But  yet  he  did  not  take  the  city,  which  gave  his  enemies  the  first 
occasion  for  tiie  charge  which  they  afterwards  brought  against 
him.  Indeed,  if  ever  man  was  ruined  by  a  high  distinction  of 
character,  it  was  Alcibiades.*  For  his  continual  successes  had 
procured  such  an  opinion  of  his  courage  and  capacity,  that  when 
afterwards  he  happened  to  fail  in  what  he  undertook,  it  was  sus- 
pected to  be  from  want  of  inclination,  and  no  one  would  believe  it 
was  from  want  of  ability  ;  they  thought  nothing  too  hard  for  him, 
when  he  pleased  to  exert  himself.  They  hoped  also  to  hear  that 
Chios  was  taken,  and  all  Ionia  reduced,  and  grew  impatient  when 
every  thing  was  not  despatched  as  suddenly  as  they  desired.  They 
never  considered  the  smallness  of  his  supplies,  and  that  having  to 
carry  on  a  war  against  people  who  were  furnished  out  of  the  trea- 
sury  of  a  great  king,  he  was  often  laid  under  the  necessity  of 

*  It  was  not  altogether  the  universality  of  his  success  that  rendered  Alcibiades 
suspected,  when  he  came  short  of  public  expectation.  The  duplicity  of  his  charac- 
ter is  obvious,  from  the  whole  account  of  his  life.  He  paid  not  the  least  regard  to 
veracity  in  political  matters,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  if  such  principles  mado 
\nm  continually  obnoxious  to  the  suspicion  of  the  people. 
IT 


X54  ALClBIAOfiS. 

leaving  his  camp,  to  go  in  search  of  money  and  provisionB  for  hiM 
men. 

This  it  was  that  gave  rise  to  the  last  accusation  againn  him. 
Lysander,  the  Lacedeemonian  admiral,  out  of  the  money  he  re. 
ceived  from  Cyrus,  raised  the  wages  of  each  mariner  from  three 
oboU  a  day  to  four,  whereas  it  was  with  difficulty  that  Alcibiades 
paid  his  men  three.  The  latter,  therefore,  went  into  Caria  to  raise 
money,  leaving  the  fleet  in  charge  with  Antiochus,^  who  was  an 
experienced  seaman,  but  rash  and  inconsiderate.  Though  he  had 
express  orders  from  Alcibiades  to  let  no  provocation  from  the  ene- 
my bring  him  to  hazard  an  engagement,  yet  in  his  contempt  of 
those  orders,  having  taken  some  troops  on  board  his  own  galley 
and  one  more,  he  stood  for  Ephesus,  where  the  enemy  lay,  and 
OS  he  sailed  by  the  heads  of  their  ships,  insulted  them  in  the  meet 
insufferable  manner,  both  by  words  and  actions.  Lysander  sent 
out  a  few  ships  to  pursue  him ;  but  as  the  whole  Athenian  fleet 
came  up  to  assist  Antiochus,  he  drew  out  the  rest  of  his,  and  gave 
battle,  and  gained  a  complete  victory.  He  slew  Antiochus  him. 
self,  took  many  ships  and  men,  and  erected  a  trophy.  Upon  this 
news,  Alcibiades  returned  to  Samos,  whence  he  moved  with  the 
whole  fleet  to  offer  Lysander  battle.  But  Lysander,  content  with  the 
advantage  he  had  gained,  did  not  think  proper  to  accept  it. 

Among  the  enemies  whom  Alcibiades  had  in  the  army,  Thra- 
sybulus,  the  eon  of  Thrason,  being  the  most  determined,  quitted 
the  camp  and  went  to  Athens  to  impeach  him.  To  incense  the 
people  against  him,  he  declared  in  full  assembly,  that  Alcibiades 
had  been  the  ruin  of  their  affairs,  and  the  means  of  losing  their 
ships  by  bis  insolent  and  imprudent  behaviour  in  command,  and  by 
leaving  the  direction  of  every  thing  to  persons  who  had  got  into 
credit  with  him  through  the  great  merit  of  drinking  deep  and 
cracking  seamen's  jokes ;  whilst  he  was  securely  traversing  the 
provinces  to  raise  money,  indulging  his  love  of  liquor,  or  abandon- 
ing himself  to  his  pleasures  with  the  courtesans  of  Ionia  and  Ahy. 
dos ;  and  this  at  a  time  when  the  enemy  was  stationed  at  a  small 
distance  from  his  fleet.  It  was  also  objected  to  him,  that  he  had 
built  a  castle  in  Thrace  near  the  city  of  Bisanthe,  to  be  made  us0 
of  as  a  retreat  for  himself,  as  if  he  either  could  not,  or  would  not 
live  any  longer  in  his  own  country.  The  Athenians  giving  ear  to 
these  accusations,  to  shew  their  resentment  and  dislike  to  him, 
appointed  new  commanders  of  their  forces.* 

Alcibiades  was  no  sooner  informed  of  it,  than,  consulting  his 

own  safety,  he  entirely  quitted  the  Athenian  army ;  and  having 

collected  a  band  of  strangers,  he  made  war  on  his  own  account 

against  those  Thracians  who  acknowledged  no  king.     The  booty 

*  Thii  w»  b«  who  caught  the  quail  for  him. 
t  They  appointed  ten  general*.— Ximof  A.  lib.  I. 


ALCIBIADES.  I55 

he  made  raised  him  great  sums ;  and  at  the  same  time  lie  de- 
fended the  Grecian  frontier  against  the  barbarians. 

Tydeus,  Menander,  and  Adimantus,  the  new-made  generals, 
being  now  at  iGgos  Potamos,*  with  all  the  ships  which  the  Athe- 
nians had  left,  used  to  stand  out  early  every  morning  and  offer  bat- 
tle to  Lysander,  whose  station  was  at  Lampsacus,  and  then  to  re- 
turn  and  pass  the  day  in  a  disorderly  and  careless  manner,  as  if 
they  despised  their  adversary.  This  seemed  to  Alcibiades,  who 
was  in  the  neighbourhood,  a  matte^-  not  to  be  passed  over  without 
notice.  He  therefore  went  and  told  the  generals,!  "He  thought 
their  station  by  no  means  safe  in  a  place  where  there  was  neither 
town  nor  harbour ;  that  it  was  very  inconvenient  to  have  their  pro- 
visions and  stores  from  so  distant  a  place  as  Sestos  ;  and  extremely 
dangerous  to  let  their  seamen  go  ashore,  and  wander  about  at 
their  pleasure  ;  whilst  a  fleet  was  observing  them,  which  was  un- 
der the  orders  of  one  man,  and  the  strictest  discipline.  He  there- 
fore advised  them  to  remove  their  statioii  to  Sestos." 

The  generals,  however,  gave  no  attention  to  what  he  said  ;  and 
Tydeus  was  so  insolent  as  even  to  bid  him  begqpe,  for  that  they, 
not  he,  were  now  to  give  orders.  Alcibiades,  suspecting  that  there 
was  some  treachery  in  the  case,  retired,  telling  his  acquaintance 
who  conducted  him  out  of  the  camp,  that  if  he  had  not  been  insult- 
ed in  such  an  insupportable  manner  by  the  generals,  he  would  in 
a  few  days  have  obliged  the  Lacedaemonians,  however  unwilling, 
either  to  come  to  an  action  at  sea,  or  else  to  quit  their  ships.  This 
to  some  appeared  a  vain  boast ;  to  others  it  seemed  not  at  all  im- 
probable, since  he  might  have  brought  down  a  number  of  Thracian 
archers  and  cavalry,  to  attack  and  harrass  the  Lacedaemonian 
camp.j: 

The  event  soon  showed  that  he  judged  right  of  the  errors  which 
the  Athenians  had  committed.  For  Lysander  falling  upon  them 
when  they  least  expected  it,  eight  galleys  only  escaped,^  along 
with  Conon  ;  the  rest,  not  much  short  of  two  hundred,  were  taken 
and  carried  away,  together  with  three  thousand  prisoners,  who 
were  afterwards  put  to  death  ;  and,  within  a  short  time  after,  Ly- 
sander took  Athens  itself,  burnt  the  shipping,  and  demolished  the 
long  walls. 

*  Plutarch  passes  over  almost  three  years ;  namely,  the  twenty-fifth  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  war;  the  twenty  sixth,  in  which  me  Athenians  obtained  the  victory  at  Argi- 
nusae,  and  put  six  of  the  ten  generals  to  death,  upon  a  slight  accusation  of  their  col- 
league, Theramenes ;  and  almost  the  whole  twenty  seventh,  towards  the  end  of  which 
the  Athenians  sailed  to  ^Egos  Potamos,  where  they  received  the  blow  that  is  spoken 
of  m  this  place. 

f  The  officers  at  the  head  of  the  Grecian  armies  and  navy,  we  sometimes  call  gene- 
rals, and  sometimes  admirals,  because  they  commonly  commanded  both  by  sea  and 
land. 

t  "When  a  fleet  remained  some  time  at  one  particular  station,  there  wasgenerally  a 
body  of  land-forces,  and  part  of  the  mariners  too.  encamped  upon  the  shore. 

§  There  was  a  ninth  ship,  called  Paralus,  which  escaped,  and  carried  the  ngwg  of 
their  defeat  to  Athens.     Conon  himself  retired  to  Cyprus. 


156  ALCIBIADIuS. 

Alcibiadcs,  alarmed  at  the  success  of  the  LaccdaBmonuui8»  wlio 
were  now  masters  both  at  sea  and  land,  retired  into  Bithynia. — 
Thither  he  ordered  much  treasure  to  be  sent,  and  took  large  sums 
with  him,  but  still  left  more  behind  m  the  castle  where  be  resided. 
In  Bythynia  he  once  more  lost  great  part  of  his  substance,  being 
stript  by  the  Thracians  there,  whirh  <i«t«rmificd  iiinn  to  go  to  Ar- 
tuxerxes,  and  entreat  hie  protection.  He  imagined  that  the  king, 
upon  trial,  would  find  him  no  less  serviceable  than  Theraistocles 
had  been,  and  he  had  a  better  pretence  to  his  patronage  ;  for  be 
was  not  going  to  solicit  the  king's  aid  against  his  countrymen,  as 
Theraistocles  had  done,  but  for  his  country  against  its  worst  ene- 
mies. He  concluded  that  Pharnabazus  was  most  likely  to  procure 
him  a  safe  conduct,  and  therefore  went  to  him  in  Phrygia,  where 
be  stayed  some  time,  making  his  court,  and  receiving  marks  of 
respect. 

It  was  a  grief  to  the  Athenians  to  be  deprived  of  their  power 
and  dominion,  but  when  Lysander  robbed  them  also  of  their  liber- 
ty, and  put  their  city  under  the  authority  of  thirty  chiefs,  they  were 
still  more  miserably  afflicted.  Now  their  atfairs  were  ruined,  they 
perceived  with  regret  the  measures  that  would  have  saved  them, 
and  which  they  had  neglected  to  make  use  of;  now  they  acknow- 
ledged their  blindness  and  errors,  and  looked  upon  their  second 
quarrel  with  Alcibiades  as  the  greatest  of  those  errors.  They  had 
casi  him  off"  without  any  offence  of  his ;  their  anger  had  been 
grounded  upon  the  ill  conduct  of  his  lieutenant  in  losing  a  few 
ships,  and  their  own  conduct  had  been  still  worse  in  depriving  the 
coromonweaUh  of  the  most  excellent  and  valiant  of  its  generals. 
Yet  amidst  their  present  misery,  there  was  one  alight  glimpse  of 
hope,  that  while  Alcibiudes  survived,  Athens  could  not  be  utterly 
undone.  For  he,  who  before  was  not  content  to  lead  an  mactive, 
though  peaceable  life,  m  exile,  would  not  now,  if  his  own  affairs 
were  upon  any  tolerable  footing,  sit  still  and  see  the  insolence  of 
the  Lacedaemonians,  and  the  madness  of  the  thirty  tyrants,  without 
'mdeavouring  at  some  remedy.  Nor  was  it  at  all  unnatural  for  the 
multitude  to  dream  of  such  relief,  since  those  thirty  chiefs  them, 
selves  were  so  solicitous  to  enquire  ailer  Alcibiades,  and  gave  so 
much  attention  to  what  he  was  doing  and  contriving. 

At  laAt,  Critias  represented  to  Lysander,  that  the  Lacedaemoni- 
ans could  never  securely  enjoy  the  empire  of  Greece  till  the  Athe. 
ninn  democracy  were  absolutely  destroyed ;  and  fbough  the  Athe* 
iiians  seemed  at  present  to  bear  an  oligarchy  with  some  patience, 
yet  Alcibiades,  if  he  lived,  would  not  suffer  them  long  to  submit  to 
such  a  government.  Lysander,  however,  could  not  be  prevailed 
ut>on  by  these  arguments,  until  he  received  private  orders  from  the 
tu9(pstn(to8  of  Sparta,*  to  get  Alcibiades  despatched ;  whether  it 
•  Tb0  Seytaltk  «rat  teot  to  him. 


ALCJBIADES.  257 

was  that  they  dreaded  his  great  capacity  and  enterprising  spirit, 
or  whether  it  was  done  in  complaisance  to  king  Agis.  Ly sunder 
then  sent  to  Pharnabazus  to  desire  him  to  put  this  order  in  execu- 
tion ;  and  he  appointed  his  brother  Magacus  and  his  uncle  S.ut»a. 
mithres  to  manage  the  affair. 

Alcibiades  at  that  time  resided  in  a  small  village  in  Phiygia, 
having  his  mistress  Timandra  with  him.  Those  that  were  sent  to 
assassinate  him,  not  danng  to  enter  his  house,  surrounded  it  and 
set  it  on  fire.  As  soon  as  he  perceived  it,  he  got  together  large 
quantities  of  clothes,  and  hangings,  and  threw  them  upon  the  fire 
to  choke  it;  then  having  wrapt  his  robe  about  his  left  hand,  and 
taking  his  sword  in  his  right,  he  sallied  through  the  fire,  and  got 
safe  out  before  the  stuff  which  he  had  thrown  upon  it  could  catch 
the  fiames.  At  sight  of  him  the  barbarians  dispersed,  not  one  of 
them  daring  to  wait  for  him,  or  to  encounter  him  hand  to  hand ; 
but,  standing  at  a  distance,  they  pierced  him  with  their  darts  and 
arrows.  Thus  fell  Alcibiades.  The  barbarians  retiring  after  he 
was  slain,  Timandra  wrapt  the  body  in  her  own  robes,*  and  buried 
it  as  decently  and  honourably  as  her  circumstances  would  allow. 

Some  writers,  though  they  agree  as  to  the  manner  of  Alcibiades's 
death,  yet  they  differ  about  the  cause.  They  tell  us,  that  catastrophe 
is  not  to  be  imputed  to  Pharnabazus,  or  Lysander,  or  the  Lace- 
dajmonians;  but  that  Alcibiades  having  corrupted  a  young  wo- 
man of  a  noble  family  in  that  country,  and  keeping  her  in  his  house, 
her  brothers,  incensed  at  the  injury,  set  fire  in  the  night  to  the 
house  in  which  he  lived,  and  upon  his  breaking  through  the  flames, 
killed  him  in  the  manner  we  have  related.f 

*  She  bulled  him  in  a  town  called  Meiissa ;  and  we  learn  from  Athenaeus  (inDeip' 
tiosoph,)  thaP'the  monument  remaii>ed  to  his  time;  for  he  himself  saw  it.  The  em- 
peror Adrian,  in  memory  of  so  great  a  man,  caused  his  statue  of  Persian  marble  to 
be  set  up  thereon,  and  ordered  a  bull  to  be  sacrificed  to  him  annually. 

f  Epborus  the  historian,  as  he  is  cited  by  Diodorus  Siculus  (lib.  xiv.)  gives  an  ac- 
count of  his  death,  quite  different  from  those  recited  by  Plutarch.  He  says,  that  Al- 
cibiades having  discovered  the  design  of  Cyrus  the  younger  to  take  up  arms,  informed 
Pharnabazus  of  it,  and  desired  that  he  might  carry  the  news  to  the  king  :  but  Phar- 
nabazus envying  him  that  honour,  sent  a  confidant  of  his  own,  and  took  all  the  merit 
upon  himself.  Alcibiades,  suspecting  the  matter,  went  to  Paphlagonia,  and  sought  to 
procure  from  the  governor  letters  of  credence  to  the  king,  which  Pharnabazus  under- 
standing, hired  people  to  murder  him.    He  was  slain  in  the  fortieth  year  of  his  age^ 

14 


16B 

TIMOLEpN. 

Flourished  343  years  before  Christ. 

THE  parentage  of  Timoleon  was  noble  on  both  sides,  his  ftthnr 
Timodemus  and  his  mother  Demariste  being  of  the  best  families 
in  Corinth.  His  love  of  his  country  was  remarkable,  and  so  was 
the  mildness  of  his  disposition,  though  he  bore  an  extreme  hatred 
to  tyrants  and  wicked  men.  His  natural  abilities  for  war  were  so 
happily  tempered,  that  as  an  extraordinary  prudence  was  seen  in 
the  enterprises  of  his  younger  years,  so  an  undaunted  courage  dis. 
tinguished  his  declining  age.  He  had  an  elder  brother,  named  Ti- 
mophanes,  who  resembled  him  in  nothing ;  being  rash  and  indis. 
creet,  and  utterly  corrupted  by  the  passion  for  sovereignty,  infused 
into  him  by  some  of  his  profligate  acquaintance,  and  certain  foreign 
soldiers  whom  he  had  always  about  him.  He  appeared  to  be  im- 
petuous in  war,  and  to  court  danger,  which  gave  his  countrymen 
such  an  opinion  of  his  courage  and  activity,  that  they  frequently 
entrusted  him  with  the  command  of  the  army.  And  in  these  mat- 
ters Timoleon  much  assisted  him,  by  entirely  concealing,  or  at 
least  extenuating  his  faults,  and  magnifying  the  good  qualities 
which  nature  haa  given  him. 

In  the  battle  between  the  Corinthians  and  the  troops  of  Argos 
and  Cleone,  Timoleon  happened  to  serve  among  the  infantry,  when 
Timophanes,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry,  was  brought  into 
extreme  danger ;  for  his  horse  being  wounded,  threw  him  amidst 
the  enemy.  Hereupon,  part  of  his  companions  were  frightened, 
and  presently  dispersed ;  and  the  few  that  remained,  having  to 
fight  with  numbers,  with  difficulty  stood  their  ground.  Timoleon, 
seeing  his  brother  in  these  circumstances,  ran  to  his  aMistancc, 
and  covered  him  as  be  lay,  ivith  his  shield,  and  after  having  re. 
ceived  abundance  of  darts  and  many  strokes  of  the  sword  upon  his 
body  and  his  armour,  by  great  <  flbrts  repulsed  the  enemy,  and  saved 
him. 

Some  ttme  after  this  the  Corinthians,  apprehensive  that  their  cit}- 
might  be  surprised  through  some  treachery  of  their  allies,  resolved 
to  keep  on  foot  four  hundred  mercenaries,  and  gave  the  command 
of  them  to  Timophanes.  But  he,  having  no  regard  to  justice  or 
honour,  soon  entered  into  measures  to  subject  the  city  to  himself, 
and,  having  put  to  death  n  number  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
without  form  of  trial,  declared  himself  absolute  pnnce  of  it.  'i^ 
molcon,  greatly  concerned  at  this,  and  accounting  the  trcacheniup 
proceedings  of  his  brother  his  own  misfortune,  went  to  expostulate 
with  him,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  to  renounce  this  mad. 


TIMOLEON.  159 

ness  and  unfortunate  ambition,  and  to  make  his  fellow-citizens 
some  amends  for  the  crimes  he  had  committed.  But  this  admoni- 
tion being  rejected  with  disdain,  he  returned  a  few  days  after,  ta- 
king with  him  a  kinsman  named  iEschylus,  brother  to  the  wife  of 
Timophanes,  and  a  certain  soothsayer,  a  friend  of  his,  whom  Theo- 
pompus  calls  Satyrus,  but  Ephorus  and  Timseus  mention  by  the 
name  of  Orthagoras.  These  three  standing  round  Timophanes, 
earnestly  entreated  him  yet  to  listen  to  reason ;  but  he  at  first 
laughed  at  them,  and  afterwards  gave  way  to  a  violent  passion  : 
upon  which,  Timoleon  stepped  aside,  and  stood  weeping,  with  his 
face  covered,  while  the  other  two  drew  their  swords,  and  despatched 
him  in  a  moment.* 

The  matter  being  soon  generally  known,  the  principal  and  mogt 
valuable  part  of  the  Corinthians  extolled  Timoleon's  detestation  of 
wickedness,  and  the  greatness  of  soul  which,  notwithstanding  the 
gentleness  of  his  heart  and  his  affection  to  his  relations,  led  him 
to  prefer  his  country  to  his  family,  and  justice  and  honour  to  in- 
terest and  advantage.  While  his  brother  fought  valiantly  for  his 
country,  he  had  saved  him ;  and  slain  him  when  he  had  treache- 
rously enslaved  it.  Those  who  knew  not  how  to  live  in  a  demo- 
cracy, and  had  been  used  to  make  their  court  to  men  in  power, 
pretended  indeed  to  rejoice  at  the  tyrant's  death ;  but  at  the  same 
time  reviling  Timoleon,  as  guilty  of  an  horrible  and  impious  deed, 
they  created  him  great  uneasiness.  When  he  heard  how  heavily 
his  mother  bore  it,  and  that  she  uttered  the  most  dreadful  wishes 
and  imprecations  against  him,  he  went  to  excuse  it,  and  to  console 
her :  but  she  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  seeing  him,  and  or 
dered  the  doors  to  be  shut  against  him.  He  then  became  entirely 
a  prey  to  sorrow,  and  attempted  to  put  an  end  to  his  life  by  ab- 
staining from  all  manner  of  food.  In  these  unhappy  circumstances 
his  friends  did  not  abandon  him.  They  even  added  force  to  their 
entreaties,  till  they  prevailed  on  him  to  live.  He  determined,  how- 
ever, to  live  in  solitude ;  and  accordingly  he  withdrew  from  all 
public  affairs,  and  for  some  years  did  not  so  much  as  approach  the 
city,  but  wandered  about  the  most  gloomy  parts  of  his  grounds,  and 
gave  himself  up  to  melancholy.  Thus  the  judgment,  if  it  borrows 
not  from  reason  and  philosophy  sufficient  strength  and  steadiness 
for  action,  is  easily  unsettled  and  depraved  by  any  casual  com- 
mendation or  dispraise,  and  departs  from  its  own  purposes.  For  an 
action  should  not  only  be  just  and  laudable  in  itself,  but  the  princi- 

*  Diodorus,  in  the  circumstances  of  this  fact,  diflfers  from  Plutarch.  He  tells  us, 
that  Timoleon  having  killed  his  brother  in  the  market-place  with  his  own  hand,  a 
great  tumult  arose  among  the  citizens.  To  appease  this  tumult,  an  assembly  was  con- 
vened ;  and  in  the  height  of  their  debates  the  Syracusan  ambassadors  arrived,  de- 
manding a  general.  Whereupon  they  unanimously  agreed  to  send  Timoleon ;  but 
first  let  him  know,  that  if  he  discharged  his  duty  there  well,  he  should  be  considered 
as  one  that  had  killed  a  tyrant;  if  not,  as  the  murderer  of  his  brother.— -Diodor,  Si- 
rut.  I.  xvi.  c.  W. 


100 

pie  from  which  it  proceeds,  firm  and  immoveable,  io  order  that  our 
conduct  may  have  the  sanction  of  our  own  approbation.  Otherwise, 
upon  the  completion  of  any  undertaking,  we  shall,  through  our  own 
weakness,  be  filled  with  sorrow  and  remorse,  and  the  splendid  ideas 
of  honour  and  virtue  that  led  us  to  perform  it,  will  vanish  ;  just  as 
the  glutton  is  soon  cloyed  and  disgusted  with  the  luscious  viands 
which  he  had  devoured  with  too  keen  an  appetite.  Repentance  tar. 
nishcs  the  best  actions ;  whereas  the  purposes  that  are  grounded 
upon  knowledge  and  reason  never  change,  though  they  may  hap- 
pen  to  be  disappointed  of  success. 

As  for  Timoleon's  extreme  dejection  in  consequence  of  the  late 
act,  whether  it  preceded  from  regret  of  his  brother's  fate,  or  the 
reverence  he  bore  his  mother,  it  so  shattered  and  impaired  his  spi. 
rits,  that  for  almost  twenty  years  he  was  concerned  in  no  important 
or  public  afiair.  He  was  at  last  drawn  from  his  retirement  on  the 
following  occasion ; — 

Dionysius  having,  after  the  murder  of  Dion,  re-established  him. 
self  in  his  dominions,  became  the  master  of  those  %vho  had  ex> 
pelled  him.  All  who  remained  in  Syracuse,  became  slaves  to  a  ty- 
rant, who,  at  the  best,  was  of  an  ungentle  nature,  and  at  that  time 
exasperated  by  his  misfortunes  to  a  degree  of  savage  ferocity.  But 
the  best  and  most  considerable  of  the  citizens  having  retired  to 
Icetes,  prince  of  the  Leontines,  put  themselves  under  his  protec 
tion,  and  chose  him  for  their  general.  Not  that  he  was  better  than 
the  most  avowed  tyrants ;  but  they  h'ld  no  other  resource ;  and 
they  were  willing  to  repose  some  confidence  in  him  as  being  of  a 
Syracusan  family,  and  having  an  army  able  to  encounter  that  of 
Dionysius. 

In  the  meantime  the  Carthaginians  appearing  before  Sicily  with 
a  great  fleet,  and  being  likely  to  avail  themselves  of  the  disordered 
state  of  the  island,  the  Sicilians,  struck  with  terror,  determined  to 
send  an  embassy  into  Greece,  to  beg  assistance  of  the  Corinthians ; 
not  onlv  on  account  of  their  kindred  to  that  people,*  and  the  many 
services  they  had  received  from  them  on  former  occasions,  but  be- 
cause they  knew  that  Corinth  was  always  a  patroness  of  liberty, 
and  an  enemy  to  tyrants,  and  that  she  had  engaged  in  many  con> 
siderable  wars,  not  from  a  motive  of  ambition  or  avarice,  but  to 
maintain  the  freedom  and  independence  of  Greece.  Hereupon 
ICetes,  whose  intention  in  accepting  the  command  was  not  so  much 
to  deliver  Syracuse  from  its  tyrants,  as  to  set  up  himself  there  in  the 
same  capacity,  treated  privately  with  the  Carthaginians,  while  in 
public  he  commended  the  design  of  the  Syracusans,  and  despatched 
ambassadors  along  with  theirs  into  Peloponoemis.  Not  that  ho  was 

*  Ttie  Sjrracutani  were  •  colony  from  Corinth,  foundtd  by  Arcbias  the  Coriothiao, 
in  the  teoond  year  of  the  eleventh  Olvrnpiad,  teven  bundiM  and  thirty-three  years 
before  th«  CbriMJan  era.  Sicilv  had  been  planted  with  Pbtanicians  and  oibar  \m\^ 
rous  peopla,  at  tbe  Grecian*  called  them,  above  th<ee  InuuUcd  yus$  tttftt^ 


TIMOLKt>I^^.  iQi 

desirous  of  succours  from  thence,  but  he  hoped  that  if  the  Corin- 
thians, on  account  of  the  troubles  of  Greece,  and  their  engage- 
ments at  home,  should,  as  it  was  likely  enough,  decline  sending 
any,  he  might  the  more  easily  incline  the  balance  to  the  side  of  the 
Carthaginians,  and  then  make  use  of  their  alliance  and  their  forces, 
either  against  the  %racusans,  or  their  present  tyrant.  That  such 
were  his  views,  a  little  time  discovered. 

When  the  ambassadors  arrived,  and  their  business  was  known, 
the  Corinthians,  always  accustomed  to  give  particular  attention  to 
the  concerns  of  their  colonies,  and  especially  those  of  Syracuse^ 
readily  passed  a  vote  that  the  succours  should  be  granted.  The 
next  thing  to  be  considered  was,  who  should  be  general ;  when  the 
magistrates  put  in  nomination  such  as  had  endeavoured  to  distin- 
guish themselves  in  the  state,  but  one  of  the  plebeians  stood  up,  and 
proposed  Timoleon,  who  as  yet  had  no  share  in  the  business  of 
the  commonwealth,  and  was  so  far  from  hoping  or  wishing  for  sucb 
an  appointment,  that  it  seemed  some  god  inspired  him  with  the- 
thought ;  with,  such  indulgence  did  Fortune  immediately  promote 
his  election,  and  so  much  did  her  favour  afterwards  signalize  hia 
actions,  and  add  lustre  to  his  valour ! 

When  he  was  elected  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people,  Teleclides^ 
a  man  of  the  greatest  power  and  reputation  in  Corinth,  exhorted 
him  to  behave  well,  and  to  exert  a  generous  valour  in  the  execu- 
tion  of  his  commission  :  "  For,"  said  he,  "  if  your  conduct  be  good, 
we  shall  consider  you  as  the  destroyer  of  a  tyrant ;  if  bad,  as  tht^ 
murderer  of  your  brother." 

While  Timoleon  was  assembling  his  forces,  and  preparing  to  set 
sail,  the  Corinthians  received  letters  from  Icetes,  which  plainly 
discovered  his  revolt  and  treachery.  For  his  ambassadors  were 
no  sooner  set  out  for  Corinth,  than,  he  openly  joined  the  Carthage- 
nians,  and  acted  in  concert  M'ith  them,  in  order  to  expel  Dionysius 
from  Syracuse,  and  usurp  the  tyranny  himself.  Fearing,  moreo. 
ver,  lest  he  should  lose  his  opportunity  by  the  speedy  arrival  of  the 
army  from  Corinth,  he  wrote  to  the  Corinthians  to  acquaint  them, 
'*  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  them  to  put  themselves  to  trouble 
and  expense,  or  to  expose  themselves  to  the  dangers  of  a  voyage 
to  Sicily ;  particularly,  as  the  Carthaginians  would  oppose  them^ 
and  were  watching  for  their  ships  with  a  numeious  fleet ;  and  that 
indeed,  on  account  of  the  slowness  of  their  motions,  he  had  been 
forced  to  engage  those  very  Carthaginians  to  assist  him  agamst 
the  tyrant." 

If  any  of  the  Corinthians  before  were  cold  and  indifferent  as  to 
the  expedition,  upon  the  reading  of  these  letters  they  were  one  and 
all  so  incensed  against  Icetes,  that  they  readily  supplied  Timoleon 
with  whatever  he  wanted,  and.  united  their  endeavoups  to  expedite 
ms  sailing. 

X  14* 


laS  TIMOLCON. 

Having  obtained  seven  ships  of  Conntli^  two  of  Corcyra,  and  a 
tenth  fitted  out  by  the  Leucadians,  he  put  to  sea  without  delay. 
The  fleet  ver>'  soon  made  the  coast  of  Italy.  But  the  news  brought 
thitlier  from  Sicily  much  perplexed  Timoleon,  and  disheartened 
his  forces.  For  Icetes  having  beaten  Dionysius  in  a  pitched  bat- 
tle/ and  taken  great  part  of  Syracuse,  had  by  a  line  of  circumval. 
lation,  shut  up  the  tyrant  in  the  citadel  and  that  part  of  the  city 
which  is  called  the  island^  and  besieged  him  there.  .  At  the  same 
time  he  ordered  the  Carthaginians  to  take  care  that  Timoleon 
should  not  land  in  Sicily  ;  hoping,  when  the  Corinthians  were  dri- 
yen  off,  without  farther  opposition,  to  share  the  island  with  his  new 
allies.  The  Carthaginians  accordingly  sent  twenty  galleys  to  Rhe- 
gium,  in  which  were  ambassadors  from  Icetes  to  Timoleon,  charged 
with  proposals,  quite  as  captious  as  his  proceedings  themselves : 
for  they  were  nothing  but  specious  and  artful  words,  invented  to 
give  a  colour  to  his  treacherous  designs.  They  were  to  moke  an 
offer,  "  That  Timoleon  might,  if  he  thought  proper,  go  and  assist 
Icetes  with  his  counsel,  and  share  in  his  successes ;  but  that  he 
must  send  back  his  ships  and  troops  to  Corinth,  since  the  war  was 
almost  finished,  and  the  Carthaginians  were  determined  to  prevent 
their  passage,  and  ready  to  repel  force  with  force." 

Timoleon,  on  this  occasion,  coming  to  an  interview  with  the  am. 
hassadors  and  the  Carthaginian  commanders,  mildly  said,  **  He 
would  submit  to  their  proposal,  for  what  could  he  gain  by  opposing 
them  ?  but  he  was  desirous  that  they  would  give  them  in  publicly 
before  the  people  of  Rhegium,  ere  he  quitted  that  place,  since  it 
was  a  Grecian  city,  and  common  friend  to  both  parties.  For  that 
this  tended  to  his  security,  and  they  themselves  would  stand  more 
lirmly  to  their  engagement,  if  they  took  that  people  Cor  witnesses  to 
them." 

This  overture  he  made  only  to  amuse  them,  intending  all  the 
while  to  steal  a  passage,  and  the  magistrates  of  Rhegium  entered 
lieartily  into  his  scheme  ;  for  they  wished  to  see  the  affairs  of  Si- 
rily  in  Corinthian  hands,  and  dreaded  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Carthaginians.  They  summoned,  therefore,  an  assembly ,  and  shut 
the  gates,  lest  the  citizens  should  go  about  any  other  business. 
Being  convened,  they  made  long  speeches,  with  no  other  view 
than  to  gain  time  for  the  Corinthian  galleys  to  |;et  under  sail ;  and 
the  Carthaginians  were  easily  detained  in  the  assembly,  having  no 
suspicion,  because  Timoleon  was  present,  and  it  was  expected  every 
moment  that  he  would  stand  up  and  make  his  speech.  But  upon 
secret  notice  that  the  other  galleys  had  put  to  sea,  and  his  alone 

•  Icetes  riiidinf  himcelf  in  want  of  provisions,  wiibdnw  from  the  *ie«e  of  Syracuse 
lowaids  tiis  own  country ;  whereupon  Dionysius  marched  out  and  attacked  hit  rear. 
liat  !cete«  fHcinii  atmut,  defeated  him,  killed  three  Uiouiand  of  hb  men,  and  purwtag 
htm  into  the  city,  got  posse»sion  of  part  ot  it.  Our  author  otMervee,  a  liiUe  t)aww,tbai 
S>rraru«e  iMing  divided  by  strong  walls,  was  at  it  wan  an  aieemblaite  o(  eHiaa. 


TIMOLEON.  163 

was  left  behind,  he  slipped  through  the  crowd,  got  down  to  the 
shore,  and  hoisted  sail*  with  all  speed. 

He  soon  arrived,  with  all  his  vessels,  at  Tauromenium  in  Sicily, 
to  which  he  had  been  invited  some  time  before,  and  where  he  was 
now  kindly  received,  by  Andromachus,  lord  of  that  city.  This  An- 
dromachus  was  father  to  Timaeus  the  historian ;  and  being  much 
the  best  of  all  the  Sicilian  princes  of  his  time,  he  both  governed 
his  own  people  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  principles  of  justice,  arid 
had  ever  avowed  his  aversion  and  enmity  to  tyrants.  On  this  ac- 
count he  readily  allowed  Timoleon  to  make  his  city  a  place  of 
arms,  and  persuaded  his  people  to  co-operate  with  the  Corinthians 
with  all  their  force,  in  restoring  liberty  to  the  whole  island. 

The  Carthaginians  at  Rhegium,  upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  as- 
sembly, seeing  that  Timoleon  was  gone,  were  vexed  to  tind  them- 
selves  outwitted ;  and  it  afforded  no  small  diversion  to  the  Rhe- 
gians,  that  Phoenicians  should  complain  of  any  thing  effecte^d  by  guile.-\ 
They  despatched,  however,  one  of  their  galleys  with  an  ambassa- 
dor to  Tauromenium,  who  represented  the  affair  at  large  to  An- 
dromachus, insisting  with  much  insolence  that  he  should  imme- 
diately turn  the  Corinthians  out  of  his  tov/n ;  and  at  last  showing 
him  his  hand  with  the  palm  upwards,  and  then  turning  it  down 
again,  told  him,  if  he  did  not  comply  with  that  condition,  the  Car- 
thaginians would  overturn  his  city,  just  as  he  liad  turned  his  hand. 
Andromachus  only  smiled,  and,  without  making  him  any  other  an- 
swer, stretched  out  his  hand,  first  with  one  side  up,  and  then  the 
other,  and  bade  him  begone  directly,  if  fie  did  not  choose  to  have  his 
ship  turned  upside  down  in  the  same  manner, 

Icetes,  hearing  that  Timoleon  had  made  good  his  passage,  was 
much  alarmed,  and  sent  for  a  great  number  of  Carthaginian  gal- 
leys. The  Syracusans  then  began  to  despair  of  a  deliverance ; 
for  they  saw  the  Carthaginians  masters  of  their  harbour,:|:  Icetes 
possessed  of  the  city,  and  the  citadel  in  the  hands  of  Dionysius, 
while  Timoleon  held  only  by  a  small  border  of  the  skirts  of  Sicily, 
the  little  town  of  Tauromenium,  with  a  feeble  hope  and  an  incon- 
siderable force,  having  no  more  than  a  thousand  men,  and  provi- 
sions barely  sufficient  for  them.  Nor  had  the  Sicilian  states  any 
confidence  in  him,  plunged  as  they  were  in  misfortunes,  and  exas- 
perated against  all  that  pretended  to  lead  armies  to  their  succour, 
particularly  on  account  of  the  perfidy  of  Callippus  and  Pharax. 
The  one  was  an  Athenian^  and  the  other  a  Lacedaemonian,  and 
both  came  with  professions  to  do  great  things  for  the  liberty  of  Si- 

*  The  Carthaginians  believed  that  the  departure  of  those  nine  galleys  for  CorintJ) 
had  been  agreed  on  between  the  officers  of  both  parties,  and  that  the  tenth  was  left 
beliiind  to  carry  Timoleon  to  Icetes. 

f  Fraus  Punica,  PhoenicianyVaurf,  had  passed  into  a  proverb. 

i  The  Carthaginians  bad  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  of  war,  fifty  thousand  foot,  and 
three  hundred  chariots. 


|e4  TIMOLEQflf. 

cfly,  and  for  demolishing  the  tyrants ;  yet  the  Sfcilians  soon  found 
that  the  reign  of  former  oppressors  was  comparatively  a  golden 
age,  and  reckoned  those  far  more  happy  who  died  in  servitude  than 
such  as  lived  to  see  so  dismal  a  kind  of  freedom.  Expecting,  there* 
fore,  that  this  Corinthian  deliverer  would  be  no  better  than  those 
before  him,  and  that  ihe  deceitful  hand  of  art  would  reach  out  to 
them  the  same  bait  of  good  hopes  and  fair  promises,  to  draw  them 
into  subjection  to  a  new  master,  they  aM,  except  the  people  of  Adra- 
num,  suspected  the  designs  of  the  <Jorinthiaii8,  and  dechned  their 
proposals.  Adranum  was  a  small  city,  consecrated  to  the  god  Adra- 
nusy*  who  was  held  in  high  veneration  throughout  all  Sicily.  Its 
inhabitants  were  at  variance  with  each  other;  some  calling  in  icetefl 
and  the  Carthaginians,  and  others  applying  to  Timoleon.  Both  ge- 
nerals, striving  who  should  get  there  first,  as  fortune  would  have  it, 
arrived  about  the  same  time.  But  Icetes  had  five  thousand  men 
with  him,  and  Timoleon  twelve  hundred  at  the  most,  whom  be 
drew  out  of  Tauromeniuni,  which  was  forty -two  miles  and  an  half 
from  Adranum.  The  first  day  he  made  but  a  short  march,  and 
pitched  his  tents  in  good  time.  The  next  d6y  he  marched  forward 
nt  a  great  pace,  though  the  road  was  very  rtigged,  and  lowards  eve- 
ning was  informed  that  Icetes  had  just  reached  the  town,  and  was 
encamped  before  it.  At  the  same  time  his  officers  made  the  fore- 
most division  halt,  to  take  sonie  refreshment,  that  they  might  be 
more  vigorous  in  the  ensuing  engagement.  This,  however,  was 
ogainst  the  opinion  of  Timoleon,  who  entreated  them  to  march  for- 
ward as  fast  as  possible,  and  to  attack  the  enemy  before  they  were 
put  in  order  ;  it  being  probable,  now  they  were  just  come  off  their 
march,  that  they  were  employed  in  pitching  their  tents  and  pre- 
paring their  sapper.  He  had  no  sooner  given  this  order,  than  he 
took  his  buckler  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  them,  as  Icadmg 
them  on  to  undoubted  victor)'. 

His  men,  thus  encouraged,  followed  him  very  cheerfully.  As 
soon  as  they  came  up,  they  fell  upon  the  enemy,  who  were  in  great 
confusion,  and  ready  to  fiy  at  their  first  approach.  For  this  rea- 
son not  many  more  than  three  hundred  were  killed,  but  twice 
OS  many  were  made  prisoners,  and  the  camp  was  taken.  Upon 
this  the  people  of  Adranum  opened  their  gates  to  Timoleon,  and 
several  other  cities,  by  their  ambassadors,  immediately  entered 
into  an  alliance  with  him.  Mamercus,  sovereign  of  Catana,  a 
warlike  and  wealthy  prince,  joined  the  confederacy.  Dionysius 
himself,  having  bid  adieu  to  hope,  and  unable  to  hold  out  much 
longer,  despising  Icetes,  who  was  so  shamefully  beaten,  and  ad. 
fniring  th«  bravery  of  Timoleon,  offered  to  dehver  up  to  him  and 
the  Corinthians  both  himself  and  the  citadel. 

•  Thii  <1eity.  by  hit  insignia,  nfkerirardc  mmtiOQtd,  shouM  fMm  to  bo  Man.  Hit 
t»mpla  wat  guarded  by  a  hundred  do(i. 


TIMOLEON. 


165 


Timoleon  accepted  of  this  good  fortune  so  superior  to  his  hopes, 
and  sent  Euclides  and  Teleraachus,  two  Corinthian  officers  into  the 
citadel,  as  he  did  four  hundred  men  besides,  not  all  together,  nor 
openly,  for  that  was  impossible,  because  the  enemy  were  upon 
their  guard,  but  by  stealth,  and  a  few  at  a  time.  This  corps  took 
possession  of  the  citadel  and  the  tyrant's  moveables,  with  all  that 
he  had  provided  for  carrying  on  the  war,  namely,  a  good  number 
of  horses,  all  manner  of  engines,  and  a  vast  quantity  of  darts  ;  they 
found  also  arms  for  seventy  thousand  men,  which  had  been  laid  up 
of  old,  and  two  thousand  soldiers  with  Dionysius,  whom  he  deli- 
vered  up  along  with  the  stores  to  Timoleon.  But  the  tyrant  re . 
served  his  money  to  himself,  and  having  got  on  board  a  ship,  he 
sailed  with  a  few  of  his  friends,  without  being  perceived  by  Icetes, 
and  reached  the  camp  of  Timoleon. 

Then  it  was  that  he  first  appeared  in  the  humble  figure  of  a  pri- 
vate  man,*  and  as  such,  he  was  sent  with  one  ship,  and  a  very  mo- 
derate sum  of  money  to  Corinth — he  who  was  born  in  a  splendid 
court,  and  educated  as  heir  to  an  absolute  monarchy.  He  held  it 
for  ten  years  ;|  and  for  twelve  more,  from  the  time  that  Dion  took 
up  arms  against  him,  he  was  exercised  continually  in  wars  and 
troubles,  insomuch  that  the  mischiefs  caused  by  his  tyranny  were 
abundantly  recompensed  upon  his  own  head  in  what  he  suffered. 

When  Dionysius  arrived  at  Corinth,  there  was  hardly  a  man  in 
Greece  who  was  not  desirous  to  see  him  and  discourse  with  him. 
Some  hating  the  man,  and  rejoicing  at  his  misfortunes,  came  for 
the  plccisure  of  insulting  him  in  his  present  distress  ;  others,  whose 
sentiments  with  respect  to  him  were  somewhat  changed,  and  who 
were  touched  with  compassion  for  his  fate,  plainly  saw  the  influ- 
ence of  an  invisible  and  divine  power  displayed  in  the  affairs  of  fee- 
ble mortals.  For  neither  nature  nor  art  produced  m  those  times 
any  thing  so  remarkable  as  that  work  of  fortune,:):  which  showed 
the  man  who  was  lately  sovereign  of  Sicily,  now  holding  conver- 
sation in  a  butcher's  shop  at  Corinth  ;  or  sitting  whole  days  in  a 
perfumer's  ;  or  drinking  the  diluted  wine  of  taverns  ;  or  squabbling 
in  the  streets  with  lewd  women ;  or  directing  female  musicians  in 
their  singing,  and  disputing  with  them  seriously  about  the  harmony 
of  certain  airs  that  were  sung  in  the  theatre,  § 

Nevertheless,  some  sayings  of  his  are  recorded,  by  which  k 

*  Dionysius  was  born  to  absolute  power,  whereas  most  other  tyrants,  Dionysius  the 
elder,  for  instance,  had  raised  themselves  to  it,  and  some  from  a  mean  condition. 

t  For  he  began  his  reign  in  the  first  year  of  the  hundred  and  third  Olympiad,  three 
hundred  and  sixty  six  years  before  the  Christian  era.  Dion  took  arms  against  him  in 
the  fourth  year  of  the  hundred  and  fifth  Olympiad;  and  he  delivered  up  the  citadel 
to  Timoleon,  and  was  sent  to  Corinth,  in  the  first  year  of  the  hundred  and  ninth. 

I  Plutarch  adds,  nor  art,  to  give  us  to  understand  that  the  tragic  poets  had  not  re- 
presented so  signal  a  catastrophe  in  fable. 

§  Some  writers  tell  us  that  the  extreme  poverty  to  which  he  was  reduced,  obliged 
hirn  to  open  a  school  at  Corinth,  where  he  exercised  that  tyranny  over  children  which 
he  could  no  longer  practise  over  men.— Ctc.  Ttisc.  Quest.  \.  iii. 


166  TIMOIJlON., 

should  seem  that  he  did  not  bear  his  present  fnisibrtunet  in  ao  ab« 
ject  manner.  When  he  arrived  at  Leucas,  which  was  a  Corinthian 
colony  as  \^ell  as  Syracuse,  he  said,  **  He  found  himself  in  aaitua* 
tion  Uke  that  of  young  men  who  h^d  been  guihy  of  some  misde- 
meanor. For  as  (hey  converse  cheerfully,  notwithstanding,  with 
their  brothers,  but  are  abashed  at  the  thought  of  coming  before 
their  fathers,  so  he  was  ashamed  of  going  to  live  in  the  mother  city, 
and  could  pass  his  days  much  more  to  his  6ati;)factiou  with  them.'' 
Another  time,  when  a  certain  stranger  derided  him,  at  Corinth,  in 
a  very  rude  and  scornful  manner,  for  having,  in  the  meridian  of 
his  power,  taken  pleasure  in  the  discourse  of  philosophers,  and  at 
last  asked  him,  "  What  he  had  got  by  the  wisdom  of  Plato  ?"— "  Do 
you  think,"  said  he,  "that  we  have  reaped  no  advantage  from 
Plato,  when  we  bear  in  this  manner  such  a  change  of  fortune  ?" 
Aristozenus  the  musician,  and  some  others,  have  inquired,  **  What 
was  the  ground  of  his  displeasure  against  Plato  ?"  He  answered, 
"  That  absolute  power  abounded  with  evils :  but  had  this  great 
infelicity  above  all  the  rest,  that  among  the  number  of  those  who 
call  themselves  the  friends  of  an  arbitrary  prince,  there  is  not  one 
who  will  speak  his  mind  to  him  freely ;  and  that  by  such  false 
friends  he  had  been  deprived  of  the  friendship  of  Plato." 

Some  one  who  had  a  mind  to  be  arch,  and  to  make  merry  with 
Dionysius,  shook  his  robe  when  he  entered  his  apartment,  as  is 
usual  when  persons  approach  a  tyrant ;  and  he,  returning  the  jest, 
bade  him,  "  Do  the  same  when  he  went  out,  that  he  might  not 
carry  off  some  of  the  moveables." 

One  day,  over  their  cups,  Philip  of  Macedon,  with  a  kind  of 
sneer,  introduced  some  discourse  about  the  odes'"  and  tragedies 
which  Dionysius  the  elder  leA  behind  him,  and  pretended  to  doubt 
how  he  could  find  leisure  for  such  works.  Dionysius  answered 
smartly  enough,  "  They  were  written  in  the  time  which  you  and  I, 
and  other  happy  fellows,  spend  over  the  bowl." 

If  the  ill  fortune  of  Dionysius  appeared  surprising,  the  success 
of  Timoleon  was  no  less  wonderful.  For  within  fifty  days  af\er 
his  landing  in  Sicily,  he  became  master  of  the  citadel  of  Syracuse, 
and  sent  off  Dionysius  into  Peloponnesus.     The  Corinthians,  en- 

*  Dionytiui  tlie  elder  valued  himwlf  upoA  hin  poetrv.  trat  hat  been  censured  m  the 
trorst  poet  in  the  world.  I'iloxenus  who  was  himself  no  excellent  povt,  attempted  to 
underrive  him  in  the  favourable  opinion  he  haf'  of  his  own  abilities  Imji  was  sent  to 
the  qiiames  for  the  lihertv  he  tool  However,  the  next  day  h«  was  tartorad  to  favour, 
and  Dionyniuft  repeated  to  him  some  verses  he  had  taken  axu»ordinary  pataia  with, 
rzpectini;  his  approbation :  hut  the  port,  msiead  of  (giving  it.  lookad  round  lo  the 
Riiards,  and  said  to  them  very  humnurouily,— **  Take  me  bmek  to  Uie  qiiarrias.**  Not- 
withitanding  ihia.  Dionysius  disputed  the  prize  of  poetry  at  the  Olympic  |[an>e» ;  but 
there  he  was  hissed,  and  the  rich  pavilion  he  had  sent  torn  io  pieces.  He  had  battar 
succaaa,  however,  at  Athens:  for  he  gained  the  prixe  of  poairy  at  the  cetabratad  faaat 
of  Barchu«     On  this  ocrat^ion  he  was  in  such  rauturet  that  be  drank  to  axoaaa,  tod 


such  raptures  that 

the  debauch  threw  him  iiiiu  violent  paina,  to  allay  which,  ha  asked  for  ■  loporathra; 
and  hit  pbytteians  gave  bim  one  that  laid  him  asleep,  otit  of  which  be  never  awaked 


TIMOLEON.  167 

couraged  with  these  advantages,  sent  him  a  reinforcement  of  two 
thousand  foot  and  two  hundred  horse.  These  got  on  their  way  as 
far  as  Thurium ;  but  finding  it  impracticable  to  gain  a  passage  from 
thence,  because  the  sea  was  beset  with  a. numerous  fleet  of  Car- 
thaginians, they  were  forced  to  stop  there,  and  watch  their  oppor- 
tunity. However,  they  employed  their  time  in  a  very  noble  under- 
taking. For  the  Thurians,  marching  out  of  th^ir  city  to  war  against 
the  Brutians,  left  it  in  charge  with  these  Corinthian  strangers,  who 
defended  it  with  as  much  honour  and  integrity  as  if  it  had  been 
their  own. 

Meantime,  Icetes  carried  on  the  siege  of  the  citadel  with  great 
vigour,  and  blocked  it  up  so  close,  that  no  provisions  could  be  got 
in  for  the  Corinthian  garrison.  He^  provided  also  two  strangers  to 
assassinate  Timoleon,  and  sent  them  privately  to  Adranum.  That 
general,  who  never  kept  any  regular  guards  about  him,  lived  then 
with  the  Adranites,  )vithout  any  sort  of  precaution  or  suspicion. 
The  assassins  being  informed  that  he  was  going  to  offer  sacrifice, 
went  into  the  temple  with  their  poniards  under  their  clothes,  and 
mixing  with  those  that  stood  round  the  altar,  got  nearer  to  him  by 
little  and  little.  They  were  just  going  to  give  each  other  the  sig- 
nal to  begin,  when  somebody  struck  one  of  them  on  the  head  with 
his  sword,  and  laid  him  at  his  feet.  Neither  he  that  struck  the 
blow  kept  his  station,  nor  the  companion  of  the  dead  man  ;  the  for- 
mer with  his  sword  in  hand  fled  to  the  top  of  a  high  rock,  and  the 
latter  laid  hold  of  the  altar,  entreating  Timoleon  to  spare  his  life. 
on  condition  that  he  discovered  the  whole  matter.  Accordingly, 
pardon  was  promised  him,  and  he  confessed  that  he  and  the  per- 
son who  lay  dead  were  sent  on  purpose  to  kill  him. 

Whilst  he  was  making  this  confession,  the  other  man  was  brought 
down  from  the  rock,  and  loudly  protested,  that  he  was  guilty  of  no 
injustice,  for  he  only  took  righteous  vengeance  on  the  wretch  who 
had  murdered  his  father  in  the  city  of  Leontium.*  And  for  tho 
truth  of  this,  he  appealed  to  several  that  were  there  present,  who 
all  attested  the  same,  and  could  not  but  admire  the  wonderful  ma 
nagement  of  fortune,  which,  moving  one  thing  by  another^  bring- 
ing together  the  most  distant  incidents,  and  combining  those  that 
have  no  manner  of  relation,  but  rather  the  greatest  dissimilarity., 
makes  such  use  of  them,  that  the  close  of  one  process  is  always 
the  beginning  of  another.  This  happy  escape  had  effects  beyond 
the  present,  for  it  inspired  the  Corinthians  with  high  expectations 
of  Timoleon,  when  they  saw  the  Sicilians  now  reverence  and  guard 
him,  as  a  man  whos^  person  was  sacred,  and  whc  was  come  as 
minister  of  the  gods,  to  avenge  and  deliver  them. 

When  Icetes  had  failed  in  this  attempt,  and  saw  many  of  the  Si- 
cilians going  over  to  Timoleon,  he  blamed  himself  for  making  use 

*  History  can  hardly  afford  a  stronger  instance  of  an  interfering  Providence. 


1^  TIMOLEOn. 

of  the  Carthaginians  -in  small  numbers  only,  and  availioff  hiniBelf 
oftheir  ai»istance  as  it  were  by  stealth,  and  as  if  he  were  aahained  of 
It,  when  they  had  such  immense  forces  at  hand.  He  sent,  there, 
fore,  for  Mago  their  commander  in  chief,  and  his  whole  fleet,  who, 
with  terrible  pomp,  took  possession  of  the  harbour  with  a  hundred 
and  fifty  ships,  and  landed  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men,  which 
encamped  in  the  eily  of  Syracuse.  I'he  Corinthians,  who  still 
held  the  citadel,  found  themselves  in  very  dangerous  and  difficult 
circumstances :  for  besides  that  they  were  in  want  of  provisions, 
they  were  employed  in  sharp  and  continual  disputes  about  the  walls, 
which  were  attacked  with  all  manner  of  machines  and  batteries, 
and  for  the  defence  of  which  they  were  obliged  to  divide  them- 
selves. Timoleon,  however,  found'  means  to  relieve  them,  by  send, 
ing  a  supply  of  corn  from  Catana  in  small  fishing  boats  and  littlo 
skifis,  which  watched  the  opportunity  to  mak6  their  way  through 
the  enemy's  fleet  when  it  happened  to  be  separated  by  a  storm. 
Mago  and  Icetes  no  sooner  saw  this,  than  they  resolved  to  make 
themselves  masters  of  Catana,  from  which  provisions  were  sent  to 
the  besieged  ;  and  taking  with  them  the  best  of  their  troops,  they 
sailed  from  Syracuse.  Leo,  the  Corinthian,  who  commanded  in 
the  citadel,  having  observed  from  the  top  of  it,  that  those  of  the 
enemy  who  stayed  behind  abated  their  vigilance,  and  kept  but  an 
indifl'erent  guard,  suddenly  fell  upon  them  as  if  they  were  dispersed 
and  killing  some,  and  putting  the  rest  to  flight,  gained  the  quarter 
called  Ackradina,  which  was  much  the  strongest ;  for  Syracuse  is 
an  assemblage,  as  it  were,  of  towns.*  Finding  plenty  of  provisions 
and  money  there,  he  did  not  give  up  the  acquisition,  nor  return  into 
the  citadel,  but  stood  upon  his  defence  in  the  AchrcuHnOy  having  for. 
tifled  it  quite  round,  and  joined  it  by  new  works  to  the  citadel. 
Mago  and  Icetes  were  now  near  Catana,  when  a  horseman,  des. 
patched  from  Syracuse,  brought  them  tidings  that  the  Achradina 
'A'as  taken ;  which  struck  them  with  so  much  surprise,  that  they  re- 
turned in  great  hurry,  having  neither  taken  the  place  which  they 
went  against,  nor  kept  that  which  they  had  before. 

Perhaps  prudence  and  valour  have  as  much  right  as  fortune  to 
lay  claim  to  these  successes ;  but  the  event  that  next  ensued  is 
wholly  to  be  ascribed  to  the  favour  of  fortune.  The  corps  of  Co- 
rinthians that  were  at  Thuriuni,  dreading  the  Carthaginian  fleet, 
which,  under  the  command  of  Ilanno,  observed  their  motions,  and 
fujding,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  sea  for  many  days  was  stormy 
ruid  tempestuous,  determined  to  march  through  the  country  of  the 
lii'utians ;  and  partly  by  persuasion,  partly  by  foree,  they  made 

*  There  were  four:  the  Isle,  or  the  citadel,  which  wm  t>etwMO  tb*  two  pods: 
Aehrtuima^  at  a  little  Histatice  fioin  the  citadel ;  7yA«,  ao  called  from  the  temple  of 
Fartune;  and  JYeayoliSy  ox  the  uew  city.  To  these  MMMenineat  aiitbort  (and  r!u> 
fiifrh  i«  nf  the  number^  add  a  fifth,  whirh  thev  call  J^jpotr. 


TCMOLKON.  Tgc) 

good  their  passage  through  the  territories  of  the  barbarians,  and 
came  down  to  Rhegium,  the  sea  still  continuing  rough  as  before. 

The  Carthaginian  admiral,  not  expecting  the  Corinthians  would 
venture  out,  thought  it  was  in  vain  to  sit  still :  and  having  persuaded 
himself  that  he  had  invented  one  of  the  finest  stratagems  in  the 
world,  ordered  the  mariners  to  crown  themselves  with  garlands, 
and  to  dress  up  the  galleys  with  Grecian  and  Phoenician  bucklers, 
and  thus  equipped,  he  set  sail  to  Syracuse.  When  he  came  near 
the  citadel,  he  hailed  it  with  loud  huzzas,  and  expressions  of  tri~ 
umph,  declaring  that  he  was  just  come  fron?  beating  the  Cormthian 
succours,  whom  he  had  met  with  at  sea,  as  they  were  endeavounng 
at  a  passage.  By  this  means  he  hoped  to  strike  terror  into  the 
besieged.  While  he  was  acting  this  part,  the  Corinthians  got  down 
to  Rhegium,  and  as  the  coast  was  clear,  and  the  wind  falling  as  it 
were  miraculously,  promised  smooth  water  and  a  safe  voyage,  they 
immediately  went  on  board  such  barks  and  fishing- boats  as  they 
could  find,  and  passed  over  into  Sicily  with  so  much  safety,  and  in 
such  a  dead  calm,  that  they  even  drew  the  horses  by  the  reins, 
swimming  by  the  side  of  the  vessels. 

When  they  had  all  landed,  and  had  joined  Timoleon,  he  soon 
took  Messana;  and  from  thence  he  marched  in  good  order  to 
Syracuse,  depending  more  upon  his  good  fortune  than  his  forces,  for 
he  had  not  above  four  thousand  men  with  him.  On  the  first  news 
of  his  approach,  Mago  was  greatly  perplexed  and  alarmed,  and  his 
suspicions  were  increased  on  the  following  occasions :  the  marshes 
about  Syracuse,*  which  receive  a  great  deal  of  fresh  water  from 
the  springs,  and  from  the  lakes  and  rivers  that  discharge  them- 
selves there  into  the  sea,  have  such  abundance  of  eels,  that  there 
is  always  plenty  for  those  who  choose  to  fish  for  them.  The  com- 
mon soldiers  of  both  sides  amused  themselves  promiscuously  with 
that  sport,  at  their  vacant  hours,  and  upon  any  cessation  of  arms. 
As  they  were  all  Greeks,  and  had  no  pretence  for  any  private 
animosity  against  each  other,  they  fought  boldly  when  they  met  in 
battle,  and  in  time  of  truce  they  mixed  together,  and  conversed 
familiarly.  Busied  at  one  of  these  times  in  their  common  diver- 
sion of  fishing,  they  fell  into  discourse,  and  expressed  their 
admiration  of  the  convenience  of  the  sea,  and  the  situation  of  the 
adjacent  places.  Whereupon  one  of  the  Corinthian  soldiers  thus 
addressed  those  who  served  under  Icetes :  "  And  can  you,  who 
are  Greeks,  readily  consent  to  reduce  this  city,  so  spacious  in 
itself,  and  blest  with  so  many  advantages,  into  the  power  of  the 
barbarians,  and  to  bring  the  Carthaginians,  the  most  deceitful  and 
bloody  of  them  all,  into  our  neighbourhood,  when  you  ought  to 

«  There  is  one  morass  that  is  called  Lysimelia,  and  another  called  Syraco.  From 
this  last  the  city  took  its  name.  These  morasses  make  the  air  of  Syracuse  very 
unwholci^Pine. 

X  15 


I7D  IIMOLEUN. 

vish  that  between  them  and  Greece  tliere  were  many  Sicilies  i  Or 
can  you  think  that  they  have  brought  an  armed  force  from  the 
pillars  of  Hercules  and  the  Atlantic  ocean,  and  braved  the  hazard 
of  war,  purely  to  erect  a  principality  for  Icetes,  who,  if  he  had  had 
the  prudence  which  becomes  a  general,  would  never  have  driven 
oat  his  founders,  to  call  into  his  country  the  worst  of  its  enemies, 
when  he  might  have  obtained  of  the  Corinthians  and  Timoleon  any 
proper  degree  of  honour  and  power  ? 

The  soldiers  that  were  in  pay  with  Icetes,  repeating  their  dia- 
courses  oilen  in  their  camp,  gave  Mago,  who  had  long  wanted  a 
pretence  to  be  gone,  room  to  suspect  that  he  was  betrayed  ;  and 
though  Icetes  entreated  him  to  stay,  and  remonstrated  upon  their 
great  superiority  to  the  enemy,  yet  he  weighed  anchor,  uud  sailed 
back  to  Africa,  shamefully  and  unaccountably  suffering  Sicily  to 
slip  out  of  his  hands. 

Next  day  Timoleon  drew  up  his  army  in  order  of  battle  before 
the  place ;  but  when  he  and  his  Corinthians  were  told  thai  Maso 
^as  fled,  and  saw  the  harbour  empty,  they  could  not  forbear  laugh- 
ing at  his  cowardice ;  and  by  way  of  mockery,  they  caused  pro- 
clamation to  be  made  about  the  city,  promising  a  reward  to  any 
one  that  could  give  information  where  the  Carthaginian  fleet  was 
gone  to  hide  itself.  Icetes,  however,  had  still  the  spirit  to  stand  a 
iarther  shock,  and  would  not  let  go  his  hold,  but  vigourously  de- 
fended those  quarters  of  the  city  which  he  occupied,  and  which 
appeared  almost  impregnable.  His  soldiers,  however,  were  over- 
powered, and  put  to  flight  on  every  side.  Now,  that  the  city  was 
taken  by  assault,  and  suddenly  reduced,  upon  the  flight  of  the 
enemy,  we  may  justly  impute  to  the  bravery  of  the  troops,  and  the 
ability  of  their  general ;  but  that  not  one  Corinthian  was  either 
killed  or  wounded,  the  fortune  of  Timoleon  claims  entirely  to  her- 
self, willing,  as  she  seems,  to  maintain  a  dispute  with  his  valour, 
and  that  those  who  read  his  story,  may  rather  admire  his  happy 
success,  than  the  merit  of  his  actions. 

Timoleon,  thus  master  of  the  citadel,  did  not  proceed  like  Dioo, 
or  spare  the  place  for  its  beauty  and  magnificence ;  but  guardiiiff 
against  the  suspicions,  which  first  slandered,  and  then  destroy e3 
that  great  man,  he  ordered  the  public  crier  to  give  notice,  **  That 
all  the  Syracusans  who  were  wiUing  to  have  a  hand  in  the  work, 
should  come  with  proper  implements  to  destroy  the  bulwarks  of 
tyranny."  Hereupon  they  came  one  and  all,  coosidenns  that 
proclamation  and  that  day  as  the  surest  commencement  of  their 
liberty ;  and  they  not  only  demolished  the  citadel,  but  levelled  with  the 
ground  both  the  palaces  and  the  monuments  of  the  tyrants.  Having 
soon  cleared  the  place,  he  built  a  common  hall  there  for  the  seat 
of  judicature,  at  once  to  gratify  the  citizens,  and  to  show  that  a 
popular  government  should  bo  erected  on  the  ruins  of  tvrannv. 


f 


TIMOLEOiV.  17J 

The  city  thus  taken  was  found  comparatively  destitute  of  inhabi- 
tants. Many  had  been  slain  in  the  wars  and  intestine  broils,  and 
many  more  had  fled  from  the  rage  of  the  tyrants.  Nay,  so  little 
frequented  was  the  market-place  of  Syracuse,  that  it  produced 
grass  enough  for  the  horses  to  pasture  upon,  and  for  the  grooms  to 
repose  themselves  by  them.  The  other  cities,  except  a  very  few, 
were  entire  deserts  full  of  deer  and  wild  boars,  and  such  as  had 
leisure  for  it,  often  hunted  them  in  the  suburbs  and  about  the  walls; 
while  none  of  those  that  had  possessed  themselves  of  castles  and 
strong  holds,  could  be  persuaded  to  quit  them,  or  come  down  into 
the  city,  for  they  looked  with  hatred  and  horror  upon  the  tribunals 
and  other  seats  of  government,  as  so  many  nurseries  of  tyrants. 
Timoleon  and  the  Syracusans,  therefore,  wrote  to  the  Corinthians, 
to  send  them  a  good  number  from  Greece,  to  people  Syracuse, 
because  the  land  must  otherwise  lie  uncultivated,  and  because  they 
expected  a  more  formidable  war  from  Africa,  being  informed  that 
Mago  had  killed  himself,  and  that  the  Carthaginians,  provoked  at 
his  bad  conduct  in  the  expedition  had  crucified  his  body,  and  were 
collecting  great  forces  for  the  invasion  of  Sicily  the  ensuing 
summer. 

These  letters  of  Timoleon 's  being  delivered,  the  Syracusan 
ambassadors  attended  at  the  same  time,  and  begged  of  the  Corin- 
thians to  take  their  city  into  their  protection,  and  to  become 
founders  of  it  anew.  They  did  not,  however,  hastily  seize  that 
advantage,  or  appproriate  the  city  to  themselves,  but  first  sent  to 
the  sacred  games,  and  the  other  great  assemblies  of  Greece,  and 
caused  proclamation  to  be  made  by  their  herald  :  "  That  the  Corin- 
thians having  abolished  arbitrary  power  in  Syracuse,  and  expelled 
the  tyrant,  invited  all  Syracusans  and  other  Sicilians  to  people  that 
city,  where  they  should  enjoy  their  liberties  and  privileges,  and 
have  the  lands  divided  by  equal  lots  among  them."  Then  they  sent 
envoys  into  Asia  and  the  islands,  where  they  were  told  the  greatest 
part  of  the  exiles  were  dispersed,  to  exhort  them  all  to  come  to 
Corinth,  where  they  should  be  provided  with  vessels,  commanders, 
and  a  convoy  at  the  expense  of  the  Corinthians,  to  conduct  them 
safe  to  Syracuse.  Their  intentions  thus  published,  the  Corinthians 
enjoyed  the  justest  praise,  and  the  most  distinguished  glory,  having 
delivered  a  Grecian  city  from  tyrants,  saved  it  from  the  barbarians, 
and  restored  the  citizens  to  their  country.  But  the  persons  who 
met  on  this  occasion  at  Corinth,  not  being  a  sufficient  number, 
desired  that  they  might  take  others  along  with  them  from  Corinth, 
and  the  rest  of  Greece,  as  new  colonists,  by  which  means,  having 
made  up  their  number  full  ten  thousand,  they  sailed  to  Syracuse. 
By  this  time  great  multitudes  from  Italy  and  Sicily  had  flocked  in 
to  Timoleon,  who  finding  their  number  amount  to  sixty  thousand, 
freely  divided  the  lands  among  there,  but  sold  the  houses  for  a 


ns 


TIMOLEON 


thousand  talenls.  By  this  contrivance  he  both  lefl  it  in  the  power 
of  the  ancient  inhabitants  to  redeem  their  own,  and  took  occasion 
also  to  raise  a  stock  for  the  community,  who  had  been  so  poor,  and 
9o  little  able  to  furnish  the  supplies  for  the  war,  that  they  had  sold 
the  very  statues,  after  having  formed  a  judicial  process  a^inat 
each,  and  passed  sentence  upon  them,  as  if  they  had  been  so  many 
criminals.  On  this  occasion  wo  are  told,  they  spared  one  statue, 
when  all  the  rest  were  condemned,  namely,  that  of  Golon,  one  of 
their  ancient  kings,  in  honour  of  the  man,  and  for  the  sake  of  tho 
victory*  which  he  gained  over  the  Carthaginians  at  Himera. 

Syracuse  being  thus  revived,  and  replenished  with  such  a  number 
of  inhabitants  who  Hocked  to  it  from  all  quarters,  Tiinuleon  wa.^* 
desirous  to  bestow  the  blessing  of  liberty  on  the  other  cities  also, 
and  to  extirpare  arbitrary  government  out  of  Sicily.  For  this  pur. 
pose,  marching  into  the  territories  of  the  petty  tyrants,  he  com. 
pelled  Icetes  to  quit  the  interests  of  Carthage,  to  agree  to  demohsh 
his  castles,  and  to  live  among  the  Leontines  as  a  private  person. 
Leptines  also,  prince  of  Apolionia  and  several  other  little  towns, 
finding  himself  in  danger  of  being  taken,  surrendeied,  and  had  bis 
life  granted  him,  but  was  sent  to  Corinth ;  for  Timoleon  looked 
upon  it  as  a  glorious  thing,  that  the  tyrants  of  Sicily  should  be 
forced  to  live  as  exiles  in  the  city  which  had  colonized  that  island, 
and  should  be  seen  by  the  Greeks  in  such  an  abject  condition. 

After  this  he  returned  to  Syracuse  to  settle  the  civil  government, 
and  to  establish  the  most  important  and  necessary  law8,f  along 
with  Cephalus  and  Dinarchus,  lawgivers  sent  from  Corinth.  In 
the  meanwhile,  willing  that  the  mercenaries  should  reap  some 
advantage  from  tho  enemies*  country,  and  be  kept  from  inaction, 
he  sent  Dinarchus  and  Demaretus  into  the  Carthaginian  province. 
Theso  drew  several  cities  from  the  puoic  interest,  and  not  only 
lived  in  abundance  themselves,  but  also  raised  money,  from  the 
plunder,  for  carrying  on  the  war.  While  these  matters  were 
transacting,  the  Carthaginians  arrived  at  Lilyba^um,  with  seventy 
thousand  land  forces,  two  hundred  galleys,  and  a  thousand  other 
vessels,  which  carried  machines  of^  war,  chariots,  vast  quantities 
of  provisions,  and  all  other  stores,  as  if  they  were  now  determined 
not  to  carry  on  the  war  by  piecemeal,  but  to  drive  tho  Greeks 
entirely  out  of  Sicily.    When  the  Carthagioiana,  therefore,  found 


*  He  defeated  Hamilcar.  who  landed  in  Sicily  with  three  hundred 
in  the  teeond  year  of  the  teventr  fifth  Olympiad. 

f  Among  other  wife  inttituiiont.  ht  appointed  h  chief  magiBUrate  tobeoboeto  jearijr, 
whom  thp  Svracuttoe  celled  the  Amplupolus  of  Jupiter  Otjapia;  tbue  |tviB|  bin  a 
kind  of  nacrr d  character.  The  artt  ^wtphtpolus  was  CommeMt.  Heace  aroee  iIm 
custom  ainonfc  the  Syracusani  to  compute  their  yrart  by  the  raapective  fovenuMnig 
of  theae  mafietratet :  which  cuftom  continued  in  the  time  of  DhMlonM  Sieukia,  tbat  ia^ 
In  Um  reign  of  A  ucuitui,  above  thrf«  hundred  years  after  tbt  oAcs  of  Awtfhipohu  YfW 
#rii  imroduced.-OWwIor.  .^icti/  I  xv  r  i:. 


TIMOLEON.  J73 

that  their  Sicilian  territories  were  laid  waste,  they  marched,  under 
the  command  of  Asdrubal  and  Hamilcar,  in  great  fury  against  the 
Corinthians. 

Information  of  this  being  brought  directly  to  Syracuse,  the  in- 
habitants  were  struck  with  such  terror  by  that  prodigious  armament, 
that  scarce  three  thousand,  out  of  ten  times  that  number,  took  up 
arms  and  ventured  to  follow  Timoleon.  The  mercenaries  were 
in  number  four  thousand,  and  of  them  about  a  thousand  gave  way 
to  their  fears,  when  upon  their  march,  and  turned  back,  crying  out, 
*'  That  Timoleon  must  be  mad,  or  in  his  dotage,  to  go  against  an 
army  of  seventy  thousand  men,  v/ith  only  five  thousand  foot  and  a 
thousand  horse,  and  to  draw  his  handful  of  men,  too,  eight  days' 
march  from  Syracuse  ;  by  which  means  there  could  be  no  refuge 
for  those  that  fled,  nor  burial  for  those  that  fell  in  hattle." 

Timoleon  considered  it  as  an  advantage,  that  these  cowards 
discovered  themselves  before  the  engagement;  and  having  en- 
couraged the  rest,  he  led  them  hastily  to  the  banks  o'f  the  Crimesus, 
where  the  Carthaginians  were  drawn  together. 

The  summer  was  now  begun,  and  the  end  of  the  monih  Thar- 
gelion  brought  on  the  solstice ;  the  river  then  sending  up  a  thick 
mist,  the  field  was  covered  with  it  at  first,  so  that  nothing  in  the 
enemies'  camp  was  discernible,  only  an  articulate  and  confused 
noise  which  reached  the  summit  of  the  hill,  showed  that  a  great 
army  lay  at  some  distance.  But  when  the  Corinthians  had  reached 
the  top,  and  lay  down  their  shields  to  take  breath,  the  sun  had 
raised  the  vapours  higher,  so  that  the  fog  being  collected  upon  the 
summits,  covered  them  only,  while  the  places  below  were  all  visible. 
The  river  Crimesus  appeared  clearly,  and  the  enemy  were  seen 
crossing  it,  first  with  chariots  drawn  by  four  horses,  and  formidably 
provided  for  the  combat,  behind  which  there  marched  ten  thousand 
men  with  white  bucklers.  These  they  conjectured  to  be  Cartha- 
ginians by  the  brightness  of  their  armour,  and  the  slowness  and 
good  order  in  which  they  moved.  They  were  followed  by  the 
troops  of  other  nations,  who  advanced  in  a  confused  and  tumul- 
tuous manner. 

Timoleon,  observing  that  the  river  put  it  in  his  power  to  engage 
with  what  number  of  the  enemy  he  pleased,  bade  his  men  take 
notice  how  the  main  body  was  divided  by  the  stream,  part  having 
already  got  over,  and  part  preparing  to  pass  it,  and  ordered  Dema- 
retus  with  the  cavalry  to  attack  the  Carthaginians  and  put  them  in 
confusion,  before  they  had  time  to  arrange  themselves  in  order  of 
battle.  Then  he  himself  descended  into  the  plain  with  the  infantry, 
forming  the  wing  out  of  other  Sicilians,  intermingling  a  ^qw  stran- 
gers with  them  ;  but  the  natives  of  Syracuse  and  the  most  warlike 
of  the  mercenaries  he  had  placed  about  himself  in  the  centre,  and 
stopped  a  while  to  see  the  success  of  the  horse.     While  he  saw 

15* 


174 

that  they  could  not  como  up  to  a  grapple  with  the  CarthagiDians, 
by  reason  of  the  chariots  that  ran  to  and  fro  before  their  army, 
and  that  they  were  obliged  oAen  to  wheel  about,  to  avoid  the  dan- 
ger of  having  their  ranks  broken,  and  then  to  rally  again  and  return 
to  the  charge,  sometimes  here  and  sometimes  there,  he  took  his 
buckler,  and  called  to  the  foot  to  follow  him,  and  be  of  good  cour. 
^e,  with  an  accent  that  seemed  more  than  human,  so  much  was 
it  above  his  usual  pitch.  His  troops  answering  with  a  loud  shout, 
and  pressing  him  to  lead  them  on  without  delay,  he  sent  orders  to 
the  cavalry  to  get  beyond  the  line  of  chariots,  and  to  take  the 
enemy  in  flank,  while  himself  thickening  his  first  ranks,  so  as  to 
join  buckler  to  buckler,  and  causing  the  trumpet  to  sound,  bore 
down  upon  the  Carthaginians.  They  sustained  the  first  shock 
with  great  spirit :  for  being  fortified  with  breast-plates  of  iron  and 
helmets  of  brass,  and  covenng  themselves  with  large  shields,  they 
could  easily  repel  the  spears  and  javelins.  But  when  the  business 
came  to  a  decision  by  the  sword,  where  art  is  no  less  requisite  than 
strength,  all  on  a  sudden  there  broke  out  dreadful  thunders  from 
the  mountains,  mingled  with  long  trails  of  lightning ;  afier  which, 
the  black  clouds,  descending  from  the  tops  of  the  liills,  fell  upon 
the  two  armies  in  a  storm  of  wind,  rain  and  hail.  The  tempest 
was  on  the  backs  of  the  Greeks,  but  beat  upon  the  faces  of  the 
barbarians,  and  almost  blinded  them  with  the  stormy  showers  and 
the  fire  continually  streaming  from  the  clouds. 

These  things  very  much  distressed  the  barbarians,  particularly 
such  of  them  as  were  not  veterans.  The  greatest  inconvenience 
«cems  to  have  been  the  roaring  of  the  thunder,  and  the  clattering 
of  the  rain  and  hail  upon  their  arms,  which  hindered  them  from 
hearing  the  orders  of  their  oflicers.  Besides,  the  Carthaginians 
not  being  light,  but  heavy  armed,  as  I  said,  the  dirt  was  trouble, 
some  to  them ;  and,  as  the  bosoms  of  their  tunics  were  filled  with 
water,  they  were  very  unwieldy  in  the  combat,  so  that  the  Greeks 
could  overturn  them  with  ease,  and  when  they  were  down,  it  was 
impossible  for  them,  encumbered  as  they  were  with  arms,  to  get  up 
out  of  the  mire.  For  the  river  Crimesus,  swoln  partly  by  the  rains, 
and  partly  having  its  course  stopped  by  the  vast  numbers  that 
crossed  it,  had  overflowed  its  banks.  The  adjacent  field,  having 
many  CHvilies  and  low  places  in  it,  was  filled  with  water  which 
settled  there,  and  the  Carthaginians  falling  into  them,  could  not 
disentjiage  themselves  without  extreme  difriculty.  In  short,  the 
storm  continuing  to  beat  upon  them  with  great  violence,  and  the 
Greeks  having  cut  to  pieces  four  hundred  men  who  composed  theil 
first  ranks,  their  whole  body  was  put  to  flight.  Great  numbers 
were  overtaken  in  the  field,  and  put  to  the  sword ;  many  took  to 
the  river,  and,  jostling  wiih  those  that  were  yet  passing  it,  were 
-carried  down  and  drowned.    The  major  part,  who  endeavoured  to 


TiMOLE(iL\. 


175 


gain  the  hills,  were  stopped  by  the  light-armed  soldiers,  and  slain. 
Among  the  ten  thousand  that  were  killed,  it  is  said  there  were  three 
thousand  natives  of  Carthage — a  heavy  loss  to  that  city  ;  for  none 
of  its  citizens  were  superior  to  these,  either  in  birth,  fortune,  or 
character,  nor  have  we  any  account  that  so  many  Carthaginians 
ever  fell  before  in  one  battle.  As  they  mostly  made  use  of  Lybians, 
Spaniards,  and  Numidians,  in  their  wars,  if  they  lost  a  victory,  it 
was  at  the  expense  of  the  blood  of  strangers. 

The  Greeks  discovered  by  the  spoils  the  quality  of  the  killed. 
Those  who  stripped  the  dead  set  no  value  upon  brass  or  iron,  such 
was  the  abundance  of  silver  and  gold  :  for  they  passed  the  river, 
and  made  themselves  masters  of  the  camp  and  baggage.  Many 
of  the  prisoners  were  clandestinely  sold  by  the  soldiers,  but  five 
thousand  were  delivered  in  upon  the  public  account,  and  two  hun- 
dred chariots  also  were  taken.  The  tent  of  Timoleon  afforded  the 
most  beautiful  and  magnificent  spectacle.  In  it  were  piled  all 
manner  of  spoils,  among  which  a  thousand  breast-plates  of  exqui- 
site workmanship,  and  ten  thousand  bucklers,  were  exposed  to 
view  As  there  was  but  a  small  number  to  collect  the  spoils  of 
such  a  multitude,  and  they  found  such  immense  riches,  it  was  the 
third  day  after  the  battle  before  they  could  erect  the  trophy.  With 
the  first  news  of  victory,  Timoleon  sent  to  Corinth  the  handsomest 
of  the  arms  he  had  taken,  desirous  that  the  world  might  admire 
and  emulate  his  native  city,  when  they  saw  the  fairest  temples 
adorned,  not  with  Grecian  spoils,  nor  with  the  unpleasing  monu- 
ments of  kindred  blood  and  domestic  ruin,  but  with  the  spoils  of 
barbarians,  which  bore  this  honourable  inscription,  declaring  the 
justice  as  well  as  valour  of  the  conquerors,  "  That  the  people  of 
Corinth,  and  Timoleon  their  general,  having  delivered  the  Greeks 
who  dwelt  in  Sicily,  from  the  Carthaginian  yoke,  made  this  offering 
as  a  grateful  acknowledgement  to  the  gods." 

After  this,  Timoleon  lefl  the  mercenaries  to  lay  waste  the  Car- 
thaginian province,  and  returned  to  Syracuse.  By  an  edict  pub- 
lished there,  he  banished  from  Sicily  the  thousand  hired  soldiers 
who  deserted  him  before  the  battle,  and  obliged  them  to  quit  Syra- 
cuse before  the  sun  set.  These  wretches  passed  over  into  Italy, 
where  they  were  treacherously  slain  by  the  Brutians.  Such  was 
the  vengeance  which  heaven  took  of  their  perfidiousness. 

Afterwards,  when  Timoleon  was  laying  siege  to  Calanria,  Icetes 
took  the  opportunity  to  make  an  inroad  into  the  territories  of  Syra- 
cuse, where  he  met  with  considerable  booty ;  and  having  made 
great  havock,  he  marched  back  by  Calauria  itself,  in  contempt  of 
Timoleon  and  the  slender  force  he  had  with  him.  Timoleon  suf- 
fered him  to  pass,  and  then  followed  him  with  his  cavalry  and 
light-armed  foot.  When  Icetes  saw  he  was  pursued,  he  crossed 
the  Damyrias,  and  stood  in  a  posture  to  receive  the  enemy  on  the 


176  TU^U^ON. 

other  side.  What  emboldened  him  to  do  this,  was  the  difticuUy  of 
the  passage,  and  the  steepness  of  the  banks  on  both  sides.  A 
strange  dispute  uf  jealousy  and  honour,  which  arose  among  the 
officers  of  Timoleon,  awhile  delayed  the  combat :  for  there  was 
not  one  that  was  willmg  to  go  after  another,  but  every  man  wanted 
to  be  foremost  in  the  attack  ;  so  that  their  fording  was  likely  to  be 
rery  tumultuous  and  disorderly  by  their  jostling  each  other,  and 
pressing  to  get  before.  To  remedy  this.  Timoleon  ordered  them 
to  decide  the  matter  by  lot,  and  that  each  for  this  purpose,  should 
give  him  his  ring.  He  took  the  rings  and  shook  them  in  the  skirt 
of  his  robe,  and  the  first  that  came  up,  happening  to  have  a  trophy 
for  the  seal,  the  young  officers  received  it  with  joy,  and  crying  out, 
that  they  would  not  wait  for  any  other  lot,  made  their  way  as  fast 
as  possible  through  the  river,  and  fell  upon  the  enemy,  who,  un- 
able  to  sustain  the  shock,  soon  took  flight,  throwing  away  their 
arms,  and  leaving  a  thousand  of  their  men  dead  upon  the  spot. 

A  few  days  after  this,  Timoleon  marched  into  the  territory  of 
the  Leontines,  where  he  took  Icetcs  alive,  and  his  son  Eupolemus, 
and  Euthymus  his  general  of  horse,  were  brought  to  him  bound  by 
the  soldiers.  Icetes  and  his  son  were  capitally  punished,  as  ty- 
lants  and  traitors  to  their  country.  Nor  did  Euthymus  find  mercy, 
though  remarkably  brave  and  bold  in  action,  because  he  was  ac> 
cused  of  a  severe  sarcasm  against  the  Corinthians.  He  had  said, 
it  seems,  in  a  speech  he  made  to  the  Leontines,  upon  the  Corin. 
thians  taking  the  field,  '*  That  it  was  no  formidable  matter,  if  the 
Corinthian  dumes  were  gone  out  to  take  the  air."  Thus  the  gene. 
lahty  of  men  arc  more  apt  to  resent  a  contemptuous  word  than  an 
unjust  action,  and  can  bear  any  other  injury  better  than  disgrace. 
Every  hostile  deed  is  imputed  to  the  necessity  of  war,  but  satirical 
and  censorious  expressions  are  considered  as  the  effects  of  hatred 
or  malignity. 

When  Timoleon  was  returned,  the  Syracusans  brought  the  wife 
and  daughters  of  Icetes  to  a  public  trial,  who,  being  there  oon* 
demned  to  die,  were  executed  accordingly.  This  seems  to  be  the 
roost  exceptionable  part  of  Timoloon's  conduct ;  for,  if  he  had  in- 
terposed, the  women  would  not  have  suffered.  But  he  appears  to 
have  connived  at  it,  and  given  them  up  to  the  reeentment  of  the 
people,  who  were  willing  to  make  some  satitlkctioo  to  the  mtmm 
of  Dion,  who  expelled  Dionysius.  For  Icetcs  was  the  man  who 
threw  Arete  the  wife  of  Dion,  his  sister  Aristomache,  and  his  son, 
who  was  yet  a  child,  alive  into  the  sea. 

Timoleon  then  marched  to  Qatana  againet  Maroercus;  who 
waited  for  him  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  banks  of  the  Abolua.* 
Mamercus  was  defeated  and  put  to  flight,  with  the  loM  of  above 

*  Ptoleni) ,  and  otben,  call  thii  river,  AtabMs^  AUHh  or  AlaboH,  It  it  DWf  Ryb^% 
betwvfi)  CBtaim  and  SyracOM. 


TIMOLEQPJ. 


177 


two  thousand  men,  no  small  part  of  which  consisted  of*  the  Punic 
succours  sent  by  Gisco.  Hereupon,  the  Carthaginians  desired  him 
to  grant  them  peace,  which  he  did  on  the  following  conditions  : 
**  That  they  should  hold  only  the  lands  within  the  Lycus  ;*  that 
they  should  permit  all  who  desired  it,  to  remove  out  of  their  pro- 
vince, with  their  families  and  goods,  and  to  settle  at  Syracuse  ;  and 
that  they  should  permit  all  who  desired  it,  to  renounce  all  friend, 
ship  and  alliance  with  the  tyrants." — Mamercus,  reduced  by  this 
treaty  to  despair,  set  sail  for  Italy,  with  an  intent  to  bring  the  Lus- 
canians  against  Timoleon  and  the  %racusans.  But  instead  of  that, 
the  crews  tacking  about  with  the  galleys,  and  returning  to  Sicily, 
delivered  up^  Catana  to  Timoleon  ;  which  obliged  Mamercus  to 
take  refuge  at  Mesfeena,  with  Hippo,  prince  of  that  city.  Timo- 
leon on  coming  upon  them,  and  investing  the  place  both  by  sea 
and  land,  Hippo  got  on  board  a  ship,  and  attempted  to  make  his 
escape,  but  was  taken  by  the  Messenians  themselves,  who  exposed 
him  in  the  theatre  ;  and  calling  their  children  out  of  the  schools, 
as  to  the  finest  spectacle  in  the  world,  the  punishment  of  a  tyrant, 
they  first  scourged  him,  and  then  put  him  to  death. 

Upon  this  Mamercus  surrendered  himself  to  Timoleon,  agreeing 
to  take  his  trial  at  Syracuse,  on  condition  that  Timoleon  himself 
would  not  be  his  accuser.  Being  conducted  to  Syracuse,  and 
brought  before  the  people,  he  attempted  to  pronounce  an  oration 
which  he  had  composed  long  before  for  such  an  occasion ;  but  be- 
ing  received  with  noise  and  clamour,  he  perceived  that  the  assem- 
bly were  determined  to  show  him  no  favour.  He,  therefore,  threw 
off  his  upper  garment,  ran  through  the  theatre,  and  dashed  his 
head  violently  against  one  of  the  steps,  with  a  design  to  kill  him- 
self,  but  did  not  succeed  according^  to  his  wish ;  for  he  was  taken 
up  alive,  and  suffered  the  punishment  of  thieves  and  robbers. 

In  this  manner  did  Timoleon  extirpate  tyranny,  and  put  a  period 
to  the  wars.  He  found  the  whole  island  turned  almost  wild  and 
savage,  s^»  that  its  very  inhabitants  could  hardly  endure  it,  and  yet 
he  so  civilized  it  again,  and  rendered  it  so  desirable,  that  strangers 
came  to  s-^nle  in  the  country,  from  which  its  own  people  had  lately 
f!ed  ;  the  great  cities  of  Agrigentum  and  Gela,  which,  after  the 
Athenian  war,  had  been  sacked  and  left  desolate  by  the  Carthagi- 
nians,  were  now  peopled  again :  the  former  by  Megellus  and  Pe- 
ristus  from  Elea,  and  the  latter  by  Gorgus  from  the  isle  of  Ceos, 
who  also  collected  and  brought  with  him  some  of  the  old  citizens. 
Timoleon  not  only  assured  them  of  his  protection,  and  of  peaceful 
days  to  settle  in,  after  the  tempests  of  such  a  war,  but  cordially  en- 
tered into  their  necessities,  and  supplied  them  with  every  thing,  so 
that  he  was  even  beloved  by  them  as  if  he  had  been  their  founder. 
«  Plutarch  probably  took  the  name  of  this  river  as  he  found  it  in  Piodorus;  biit 
other  Historians  call  it  the  Halycus.  Indeed,  the  Cartljaginians  might  possibly  give  it 
the  orrental  aspirate  fia  which  gigaifies  no  more  than  the  panicle  fjie. 


178  TIMOLCON 

Nay,  to  thct  degree  did  he  enjoy  the  afiections  of  the  Sieiliana  in 
general,  that  no  war  seemed  concluded,  no  laws  enacted,  no  lands 
divided,  no  political  regulations  made,  m  a  proper  manner,  except 
it  was  revised  and  touched  by  him :  he  was  the  master-builder  who 
put  the  last  hand  to  the  work,  and  bestowed  upon  it  a  happy  ele- 
gance and  perfection.  Though  at  that  time  Greece  boasted  a  number 
of  great  men,  whose  achievements  were  highly  di8tingui8hed,Timo- 
theus  (for  instance),  Agesilaus,  Pelopidas,  and  Epaminondas,  the 
last  of  whom  Timoleon  principally  vied  with,  in  the  course  of  glory, 
yet  we  may  discefn  in  tlieir  actions  a  certain  labour  and  sUaining, 
which  diminishes  their  lustre,  and  some  of  them  have  afforded 
room  for  censure,  and  been  followed  with  repentance  ;  whereas 
there  is  not  one  action  of  Timoleon  (if  we  except  the  extremities 
he  proceeded  to  in  the  case  of  his  brother)  to  which  we  may  not, 
with  Tirosius,  apply  that  passage  of  Sophocles-— 

What  Vtnusj  or  what  Lottf 

Plac'd  the  fair  parts  in  tbia  harmooioui  whole  ? 

For  as  the  poetry  of  Antimachus*  and  the  portraits  of  DionysiuSff 
both  of  them  Colophonians,  with  all  the  nerve  and  strength  with 
which  they  abound,  appear  to  be  too  much  laboured,  and  smell  too 
much  of  the  lamp,  whereas  the  paintings  of  Nicomachus^  and  the 
verses  of  Homer,  besides  their  other  excellencies,  seem  to  have 
been  struck  off  with  readiness  and  ease  ;  so,  if  we  compare  the  ex. 
ploits  of  Epaminohdas  and  Agesilaus,  performed  with  infinite  pains 
and  difficulty,  with  those  of  Timoleon,  which,  glorious  as  they  were, 
had  a  great  deal  of  freedom  and  ease  in  them,  when  we  consider 
the  case  well,  we  shall  conclude  the  latter,  not  to  have  been  the 
work  of  fortune  indeed,  but  the  effects  of  fortunate  virtue. 

He  himself,  it  is  true,  ascribed  all  his  successes  to  fortune.  For 
when  he  wrote  to  his  friends  at  Corinth,  or  addressed  the  Syracu- 
sans,  he  oflen  said,  he  was  highly  indebted  to  that  goddess,  when 
she  was  resolved  to  save  Sicily,  for  doing  it  under  his  name*  In 
his  house  he  built  a  chapel,  and  offered  sacrifices  to  Chanett^  mnd 

*  Antimochut  was  an  epic  poet,  who  flourished  io  the  days  of  Socratas  and  Plato. 
Ha  wrote  a  poem  called  the  Thtbnid.  QutntiliHO  (x.  1.)  says,  he  had  a  fore*  and  so- 
lidity, iiigettier  with  an  elevation  of  style,  and  had  the  secood  |>lace  |i*en  bun  by  tbo 
^ramiiiarian*  afier  Momrr ;  hut  a»  he  failed  in  the  passions,  in  the  dnposhion  of  hb 
table,  and  in  the  eafe  and  elegance  of  manner,  thougn  b*  was  second,  he  was  6r  froai 
coming  near  the  first. 

^  Diimykius  wns  a  portrait  painter — PUn.  xxsv.  10. 

)  i'liuy  lellf  uo  —  '•  Nicomachiis  painted  with  a  twiA  u  well  as  masterly  hand :  lod 
that  bis  pieces  sold  for  as  much  as  a  town  was  wonb.**  Arisiratus  the  tymni  of  Swyon, 
baving  igraad  with  him  for  a  piece  of  work  which  saenod  to  require  •  oomidaisbls 
liiM,  Nicooiarhus  did  not  appear  till  within  a  few  days  of  that  on  wbicb  ha  bad  afited 
to  finiah  it  Hrreupon  the  tyrant  talked  of  punishing  him ;  but  In  those  few  days  bo 
eoanplofed  ihe  Wun^  m  an  admirable  nvsnner,  and  entirely  to  his  sotMacikin. 

k  When  the  ancienii  ascribed  any  event  lo/orftnu,  Uity  did  not  moan  to  dany  tbo 
operation  of  Uie  l)eitv  in  it,  hut  only  to  exclude  all  hunao  cooirimooe  and  posror : 
md  ill  etrenu  aschbeJ  to  cAance,  they  might  poasibly  mtan  to  oxclnda  tbt  stMcy  of 
«U  rational  beini^s,  whether  human  or  divine. 


TIMOLEON.  179 

dedicated  the  house  itself  to  Fortune;  for  the  Syracusans  had  gi- 
ven  him  one  of  the  best  houses  in  the  city,  as  a  reward  of  his  ser- 
vices, and  provided  him,  besides,  a  very  elegant  and  agreeable  re- 
treat  in  the  country.  In  the  country  it  was  that  he  spent  most  of 
his  time,  with  his  wife  and  children,  whom  he  had  sent  lor  from 
Corinth  :  for  he  never  returned  home  ;  he  took  no  part  in  the  trou- 
bles of  Greece,  nor  exposed  himself  to  public  envy,  the  rock  which 
great  generals  commonly  split  upon  in  their  insatiable  pursuits  of 
honour  and  power,  but  he  remained  in  Sicily,  enjoying  the  bless- 
ings he  had  established :  and  of  which  the  greatest  of  all  was  to 
see  so  many  cities  and  so  many  thousands  of  people  happy  through 
his  means. 

But  since,  according  to  the  comparison  of  Simonides,  every  re- 
public must  have  some  impudent  slanderer,  just  as  every  lark  must 
have  a  crest  on  its  head,  so  it  was  at  Syracuse  ;  for  Timoleon  was 
attacked  by  two  demagogues,  Laphystius  and  Demaenetus.  The 
first  of  these  having  demanded  of  him  sureties  that  he  would  an- 
swer to  an  indictment  which  was  to  be  brought  against  him,  the 
people  began  to  rise,  declaring  they  would  not  suffer  him  to  pro- 
ceed. But  Timoleon  stilled  the  tumult,  by  representing,  "  That  he 
had  voluntarily  undergone  so  many  labours  and  dangers,  on  pur- 
pose that  the  meanest  Syracusan  might  have  recourse,  when  he 
pleased,  to  the  laws."  And  when  Demaenetus,  in  full  assembly, 
alleged  many  articles  against  his  behaviour  in  command,  he  did 
not  vouchsafe  him  any  answer ;  he  only  said,  "  He  could  not  suf- 
ficiently express  his  gratitude  to  the  gods,  for  granting  his  request, 
in  permitting  him  to  see  all  the  Syracusans  enjoy  the  liberty  of 
saying  what  they  thought  fit." 

Having  then  confessedly  performed  greater  ihmgs  than  any  Gre- 
cian of  his  time,  and  been  the  only  man  who  realized  those  glorious 
achievements,  to  which  the  orators  of  Greece  were  constantly  ex- 
horting their  countrymen  in  the  general  assemblies  of  the  states, 
fortune  happily  placed  him  at  a  distance  from  the  calamities  in 
which  the  mother-country  was  involved,  and  kept  his  hands  un- 
stained with  its  blood.  He  made  his  courage  and  conduct  appear 
in  his  dealings  with  the  foreigners  and  with  tyrants,  as  well  as  his 
justice  and  moderation,  wherever  the  Greeks  or  their  friends  were 
concerned.  Very  few  of  his  trophies  cost  his  fellow-citizens  a 
tear,  or  put  any  of  them  in  mourning ;  and  yet,  in  less  than  eight 
years,  he  delivered  Sicily  from  its  intestine  miseries  and  distem- 
pers, and  restored  it  to  the  native  inhabitants. 

After  so  much  prosperity,  when  he  was  well  advanced  in  years, 
his  eyes  began  to  fail  him,  and  the  defect  increased  so  fast,  that 
he  entirely  lost  his  sight.  Not  that  he  had  done  any  thing  to  oc- 
casion it,  nor  was  it  to  be  imputed  to  the  caprice  of  fortune,*  but 

*  Plutaich  here  hints  at  an  opinioo,  which  was  very  prevalent  among  the  pagans, 


laO  TIMOLiX»f. 

it  seems  to  have  been  owing  to  a  family  wcaknesa  and  diaortier. 
which  operated  together  with  the  course  of  time.  For  several  of 
his  relations  are  said  to  have  lost  their  sight  in  the  same  manner, 
having  It  gradually  impaired  by  years.  Athanis  tells  us,  that  du> 
ring  the  war  with  Hippo  and  Mumercus,  and  wthle  he  lay  before 
MillaB,  a  white  speck  appeared  on  his  eye,  which  was  a  plain  indi. 
cation  that  blindness  was  coming  on.  However,  this  did  not  hin- 
der him  from  continuing  the  siege,  and  prosecuting  the  war,  until 
he  got  the  tyrants  in  his  power.  But  when  he  returned  to  Syra 
cuse,  he  laid  down  the  command  immediately,  and  excused  him- 
self to  the  people  from  any  farther  service,  as  he  had  brought  their 
aifairs  to  a  happy  conclusion. 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered,  that  he  bore  his  misfortune  without  re- 
pining; but  it  was  really  admirable  to  observe  the  honour  and  re 
spect  which  the  Syracusans  paid  him  when  blind.  They  not  only 
visited  him  constantly  themselves,  but  brought  all  strangers  who 
spent  some  time  amongst  ihem,  to  his  house  in  town,  or  to  that  in 
the  country,  that  they  too  might  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the 
deliverer  of  Syracuse  ;  and  it  was  their  joy  and  their  pride  that  he 
chose  to  spend  his  days  with  them,  and  despised  the  splendid  re- 
ception which  Greece  was  prepared  to  give  him.  Among  the 
many  votes  that  were  passed,  and  things  that  were  done  in  honour 
of  him,  one  of  the  most  striking  was  the  decree  of  the  people  of 
Syracuse,  "  That  whenever  they  should  be  at  war  with  a  foreign 
nation,  they  would  employ  a  Corinthian  general."  Their  method 
of  proceeding,  too,  in  their  assemblies,  did  honour  to  Timoleon ; 
for  they  decided  smaller  matters  by  themselves,  but  consulted  him 
in  the  more  difficult  and  important  cases.  On  these  occasions  he 
was  conveyed  in  a  litter  through  the  market-place  to  the  theatre  ; 
and  when  he  was  carried  in,  the  people  saluted  him  with  one  voice 
as  he  sat.  He  returned  the  civility,  and  having  paused  a  while  to 
ffive  time  for  their  acclamations,  took  cognizance  of  the*  affair  and 
delivered  his  opinion.  The  assembly  ^ave  their  sanction  to  it,  and 
then  his  servants  carried  the  litter  back  through  the  theatre  ;  and 
the  people  having  waited  on  him  out  with  loud  applauses,  despatch- 
ed the  rest  of  the  public  business  without  him. 

With  so  much  respect  and  kindness  was  the  old  age  of  Timoleon 
cherished,  as  that  of  a  common  father !  and  at  last  he  died  of  a 
alight  illness  co-operating  with  length  of  yeart.*^  Some  time  be- 
ing given  the  Syracusans  to  prepare  for  his  funeral,  and  for  the 
neighbouring  inhabitants  and  strangers  to  assemble,  the  whole  was 
conducted  with  great  magnificence.     The  bier,  sumptuously  adorn. 

that  if  any  penon  wai  tignaily  favoured  with  tuccacs,  there  would  toinr  mivfortuna 
happen  10  countartMilance  it.  This  ihey  imputed  to  the  envy  of  MMne  malignant 
derooo. 

*  He  died  the  last  year  of  the  hundred  and  tenth  Olympiad,  three  hundred  asd 
thirty,  five  years  before  the  Cbriftian  era. 


TIMOLEON.  181 

od,  was  carried  by  young  men  selected  bj^  the  people,  over  the 
Cjroi'nd  where  the  palace  and  castle  of  the  tyrants  stood,  before 
they  were  demolished.  It  was  followed  by  many  thousands  of 
men  and  women,  in  the  most  pompous  solemnity,  crowned  with 
garlands  and  clothed  in  white.  The  lamentations  and  tears,  min- 
gled with  the  praises  of  the  deceased,  showed  that  the  honour  now 
paid  him  was  not  a  matter  of  course,  or  compliance  with  a  duty 
enjoined,  but  the  testimony  of  real  sorrow  and  sincere  afTcction. 
At  last,  the  bier  being  placed  upon  the  funeral-pile,  Demetrius,  who 
had  the  loudest  voice  of  all  their  heralds,  was  directed  to  make  pro- 
clamation as  follows  ;  *'  The  people  of  Syracuse  inter  Timoleon 
the  Corifilhian,  the  son  of  Timodemus,  at  the  expense  of  two  hun- 
dred minoe :  they  honour  him,  moreover,  through  all  time,  with  an- 
imal games,  to  be  celebrated  with  performances  in  music,  horse- 
racing  and  wrestling  :  as  the  man  who  destroyed  tyrants,  subdued 
barbarians,  repeopled  great  cities  which  lay  desolate,  ana  restored 
to  the  Sicilians  their  laws  and  privileges." 

The  body  was  interred,  and  a  monument  erected  for  him  in  the 
market-place,  which  they  afterwards  surrounded  with  porticoes 
and  other  buildings  suitable  to  the  purpose,  and  then  made  it  a 
place  of  exercise  for  their  youth,  under  the  name  of  Timoleonteum, 
They  continued  to  make  use  of  the  form  of  government  and  the 
laws  that  he  established,  and  this  ensured  their  happiness  for  a 
long  course  of  years.* 

*  This  prosperity  was  interrupted  about  thirty  years  after,  by  the  cruelties  of  Aga- 
thocles. 

16      . 


182 

ARISTIDES. 
Fhurithed  460  years  before  Chrut. 

ARISTIDES,  the  son  of  Lysimachus,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Anti- 
oohis,  and  the  ward  of  Alopece.  Of  his  estate  we  have  diflereut 
accounts.  Some  say,  he  was  always  very  poor,  and  that  he  left 
two  daughters  behind  him,  who  remained  a  long  time  unmarried, 
on  account  of  their  poverty.*  But  Demetrius  the  Phaleriun  con- 
tradicts this  general  opinion  in  bis  Socrates^  and  says  there  was  a 
farm  at  Phalera  which  went  by  the  name  of  Aristides,  and  that 
there  he  was  buried.  But  it  is  plain  that  Demetrius  laboured  to 
take  the  imputation  of  poverty,  as  if  it  were  some  great  evil,  not 
only  from  Aristides,  but  from  Socrates,  who,  he  says,  besides  a 
house  of  his  own,  had  seventy  mincef  at  interest  in  the  hands  of 
Crito. 

Aristides  had  a  particular  friendship  for  Clisthenes,  who  settled 
the  popular  government  of  Athens  after  the  expulsion  of  the  ty- 
rants 4  yet  he  had,  at  the  same  time,  the  greatest  veneration  for 
Lycurgus,  the  Lacedsemonian,  whom  he  considered  as  the  most 
excellent  of  lawgivers  :  and  this  led  him  to  be  a  favourer  of  aris- 
tocracy, in  which  he  was  always  opposed  by  Themistocles,  who 
listed  in  the  party  of  the  commons.  Some,  indeed,  say,  that  being 
brought  up  together  from  their  infancy,  when  boys,  they  were  all 
at  variance,  not  only  in  serious  matters,  but  in  their  very  sports 
and  diversions,  and  their  tempers  were  discovered  from  the  first  by 
that  opposition.  The  one  was  insinuatmg,  daring,  and  artful, 
variable,  and  at  the  stfme  time  impetuous  in  his  pursuits  ;  the  other 
was  solid  and  steady,  inflexibly  just,  incapable  of  using  any  false- 
hood, flattery  or  deceit,  even  at  play. 

Themistocles,  who  was  an  agreeable  companion,  gained  many 
friends,  and  became  respectable  in  the  strength  of  his  popularity. 
Thus,  when  he  was  told  that  he  would  govern  the  Athenians  ex- 
tremely well,  if  he  would  but  do  it  without  respect  of  persons,  he 
said,  *'  May  I  never  sit  on  a  tribunal  where  my  friends  shall  not 
find  more  favour  from  me  than  strangers !" 

Aristides,  on  the  contrary,  took  a  method  of  his  own  in  conduet- 
ing  the  administration.  For  he  would  neither  consent  to  any  in. 
justice  to  oblige  his  friends,  nor  yet  disoblige  them  by  denying  all 
they  asked  ;  and  at  he  saw  that  many,  depending  on  tl^eir  interest 

*  And  yet,  •ccordioK  to  a  law  of  Solon**.  \\\t  bride  waa  to  carry  with  bar  only  lluaa 
auitt  of  cknbea,  aod  a  little  houMlM»ld  ttuffof  imall  value. 

t  The  mioa,  is  equal  to  100  drachnta»— £3  4*.  7d.  •tariing—b  ladanl  noMf. 
about  |14  34. 

I  Theae  tyimnti  were  PiuMratide.  who  were  dnveo  out  about  the  tistyiixtb  Olyai- 


ARISTIDES.  -[83 

an^  friends,  were  tempted  to  do  unwarrantable  things,  he  never  en- 
deavoured after  that  support,  but  declared,  that  a  good  citizen 
should  place  his  whole  strength  and  security  in  advising  and  doinor 
what  is  just  and  right. 

In  ilie  changes  and  fluctuations  of  the  government,  his  firmness 
was  wonderful.  Neither  elated  with  honours,  nor  discomposed 
with  ill  success,  he  went  on  in  a  moderate  and  steady  manner,  per- 
suaded that  his  country  had  a  claim  to  his  services,  without  the  re- 
ward either  of  honour  or  profit.  Hence  it  was,  that  when  those 
verses  of^schylus  concerning  Amphiaraus  were  repeated  on  the 
stage : — 

To  be,  and  not  to  seem,  is  this  man's  maxim ; 
His  mind  reposes  on  its  proper  wisdom. 
And  wants  no  other  praise* 

the  eyes  of  the  people  in  general  were  fixed  on  Aristides,  as 
the  man  to  whom  this  great  encomium  was  most  applicable.  In- 
deed, he  was  capable  of  resisting  the  suggestions,  not  only  of  favour 
and  affection,  but  of  resentment  and  enmity  wherever  justice  was 
concerned.  For,  it  is  said,  that -when  he  was  carrying  on  a  pro- 
secution against  his  enemy,  and  after  he  had  brought  his  charge, 
tlie  judges  were  going  to  pass  sentence,  without  hearing  the  person 
accused,  he  rose  up  to  his  assistance,  entreating  that  he  might  be 
heard,  and  haye  the  privilege  which  the  laws  allowed.  Another 
time  when  he  himself  sat  judge  between  two  private  persons,  and 
one  of  them  observed,  "that  his  adversary  had  done  many  injuries 
to  Aristides  :" — "Tell  me  not  that,"  said  he,  "but  what  injury  he 
lias  done  to  thee ;  for  it  is  thy  cause  I  am  judging,  not  my  own." 

When  appointed  public  treasurer,  he  made  it  appear,  that  not 
only  those  of  his  time,  but  the  officers  that  preceded  him,  had  ap- 
plied a  great  deal  of  the  public  money  to  their  own  use,  and  par- 
ticularly Themistocles ; — 

For  he,  with  all  his  wisdom, 

Could  ne'er  command  his  hands. 

For  this  reason,  when  Aristides  gave  in  his  accounts,  Themisto- 
cles raised  a  strong  party  against  him,  accused  him  of  misapplying 
the  public  money,  and  got  him  condemned.  But  the  principal  and 
most  respectable  of  the  citizens,!  incensed  at  this  treatment  of 
Aristides,  interposed,  and  prevailed,  not  only  that  he  might  be  ex- 
cused the  fincj  but  chosen  again  chief  treasurer.  He  now  pre- 
tended that  his  former  proceedings  were  too  strict,  and  carrying  a 
gentler  hand  over  those  that  acted  under  him,  suffered  them  to  pil- 

«  These  verses  are  to  be  found  in  the  *»  Siege  of  Thebes  by  the  Seven  Captains.** 
Tfiey  are  a  description  of  the  genius  and  temper  of  Amphiaraus,  which  the  courier, 
who  brings  an  account  of  the  enemy's  attEkcks,  ^nd  of  the  characters  of  the  com- 
manders, gives  to  Eteocles.  Plutarch  has  changed  one  word  in  them  for  another, 
that  suited  his  purpose  better;  reading jt/s<,  instead  o{ valiant. 

7  The  court  of  Areopagus  interposed  in  his  behalf. 


fer  the  public  monoy,  without  seeming  to  find  them  out,  or  reckon- 
ing strictly  with  them ;  so  that,  fattened  on  the  spoils  of  theii 
country,  they  lavished  their  praises  on  Aristides,  and  heartily  es- 
pousing  his  cause,  begged  of  the  people  to  continue  him  in  the 
same  office.  But  when  the  Athenians  were  going  to  confirm  it  to 
him  by  their  sutfrages,  he  gave  them  this  severe  rebuke  :  **  While 
I  managed  your  finances  with  all  the  fidelity  of  an  honest  man,  I 
was  loaded  with  calumnies ;  and  now  when  I  sufier  them  to  be  a 
prey  to  public  robbers,  1  am  become  a  mighty  good  citizen  ;  but  I 
assure  you,  I  am  more  ashamed  of  the  present  honour,  than  I  was 
of  the  former  disgrace,  and  it  is  with  indignation  and  concern  that 
I  see  you  esteem  it  more  meritorious  to  oblige  ill  men,  than  to  take 
proper  care  of  the  public  revenue."  By  thus  speaking  and  dis- 
covering their  frauds,  he  silenced  those  that  recommended  him 
with  so  much  noise  and  bustle,  but  at  the  same  time  received  the 
truest  and  most  valuable  praise  from  the  worthiest  of  the  citizens. 

About  this  time  Datis,  who  was  sent  by  Darius,  under  pretence 
of  chastising  the  Athenians  for  burning  Sardis,  but  in  reality  to  sub. 
due  all  Greece,  arrived  with  his- fleet  at  Marathon,  and  began  to 
ravage  the  neighbouring  country.  Among  the  generals  to  whom 
the  Athenians  gave  the  management  of  this  war,  Miltiades  was 
first  in  dignity,  and  next  to  him  in  reputation  and  authority  was 
Aristidcs.  In  a  council  of  war  that  was  then  held,  Miltiades  voted 
for  giving  the  enemy  battle,*  and  Aristides,  seconding  him,  added 
no  little  weight  to  his  scale.  The  generals  commanded  by  turns, 
each  his  day  ;  but  when  it  came  to  Aristides'  turn,  he  gave  up  his 
right  to  Miltiades,  thus  showing  his  colleagues,  that  it  was  no  dis. 
grace  to  follow  the  directions  of  the  wise,  but  that,  on  the  contrary, 
it  answered  honourable  and  salut&ry  purposes.  By  this  means  he 
laid  the  spirit  of  contention,  and  bringing  them  to  agree  m,  and  fol. 
low  the  best  opinion,  he  strengthened  the  hands  of  Miltiades,  who 
now  had  the  absolute  and  undivided  command  ;  the  other  generals 
no  longer  insisting  on  their  days,  but  entirely  submitting  to  his  or. 
clen.t 

In  this  battle,  the  main  body  of  the  Athenian  army  was  pressed 
the  hardest,:^  because  there  for  a  long  time  the  Persians  made  their 

•  According  to  Herodotus  (I.  vi.  c.  109.)  th«  g«mermls  w«r^  v«rjr  much  dhficted  w 
tbeir  ouiiiiona,  ioin«  were  for  fiKhtiog.  others  not ;  MiltiadMobeevvins  this.  addrsmJ 
hiiDf elf  t<i  CaltimachiiR  of  A phidiix,  who  was  poltmareh^  and  whoae  powar  was  eoual 
to  trial  of  all  the  other  (generals  ('allimachtis.  whose  voice  was  daeiaivt  ■eeofaiaf 
to  the  Atheniao  laws,  joined  directly  with  Miiiiadas,  and  daclarad  for  aivint  baitla 
immeditttel^.  Possibly  Aristides  might  hate  some  shaia  hi  bringing  Calliinachus  to 
thin  r<ti^liition. 

t  Yri  he  would  n^t  fi^ht  antU  his  own  proper  day  of  command  cam*  sImniI,  for 
frar  that,  through  any  latent  s|>arks  of  jealouiy  and  entry,  any  the  genarala  ibould  ba 
led  not  to  do  their  duty. 

t  The  Athenians  and  Platasana  fought  with  such  obatinala  vfkwr  on  the  right  and 
trft,  thitt  the  harbarians  waia  foicad  to  fly  on  both  Mm.  Tba  Persians  and  Saoa, 
however,  perceiving  that  tba  Athenian  cantre  was  waak,  charged  with  sucb  force, 
that  fh«>r  brdir  through  it :  this  those  on  the  right  and  left  peiretved,  hot  tfkt  not 


ARISTIDES. 


185 


greatest  efibrts  against  the  tribes  Leontis  and  Antiochis ;  and  The 
mistocles  and  Aristides,  who  belonged  to  those  tribes,  exerting  them. 
selves  at  the  head  of  them,  with  all  the  spirit  of  emulation,  behaved 
^vith  so  much  vigour,  that  the  enemy  were  put  to  flight,  and  driven 
back  their  ships.  But  the  Greeks  perceiving  that  the  barbarians, 
instead  of  sailing  to  the  isles,  to  return  to  Asia,  were  driven  by  the 
wind  and  currents  towards  Attica,*  and  fearing  that  Athens,  unpro- 
vided for  its  defence,  might  become  an  easy  prey  to  them,  marched 
home  with  nine  tribes,  and  used  such  expedition,  that  they  reach- 
ed the  city  in  one  day.f 

Aristides  was  left  at  Marathon  with  his  own  tribe,  to  ^uard  the 
prisoners  and  the  spoils ;  and  he  did  not  disappoint  the  public  opi- 
nion  :  for  though  there  was  much  gold  and  silver  scattered  about, 
and  rich  garments  and  other  booty  in  abundance  were  found  in  the 
tents  and  ships  which  they  had  taken,  he  neither  had  an  inclina- 
tion to  touch  any  thing  himself,  nor  permitted  others  to  do  it. 

The  year  following,  Aristides  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  ar- 
chon,  which  gave  his  name  to  that  year ;  though,  according  to  De- 
metrius the  Phalerean,  he  was  not  archon  till  after  the  battle  of  Pla- 
taea,  a  little  before  his  death. 

Of  all  the  virtues  of  Aristides,  the  people  were  most  struck  with 
his  justice,  because  the  public  utility  was  the  most  promoted  by  it. 
Thus  he,_ though  a  poor  man  and  a  commoner,  gained  the  royal 
and  divine  title  of  the  Justj  which  kings  and  tyrants  have  never 
beenfond  of.  It  has  been  their  ambition  to  be  styled  Takers  of 
cities ;  Thunderbolts ;  Conquerors.  Nay,  some  have  chosen  to  be 
called  Eagles  and  Vultures^  preferring  the  fame  of  power  to  that  of 
virtue.  The  Deity  himself,  to  whom  they  want  to  be  compared,  is 
distinguished  by  three  things,  immortality,  power  and  virtue  ;  and 
of  these,  virtue  is  most  excellent  and  divine.  They  desire  only  the 
two  first  properties  of  the  Deity ;  immortality,  which  our  nature 
will  not  admit  of;  and  power,  which  depends  chiefly  upon  fortune ; 
while  they  foolishly  neglect  virtue,  the  only  divine  quality  in  their 
power,  not  considering  that  it  is  justice  alone,  which  makes  the  life 
of  those  that  flourish  most  in  prosperity  and  high  stations,  heavenly 
and  divine,  while  injustice  renders  it  grovelling  and  brutal. 

Aristides  at  first  was  loved  and  respected  for  his  surname  oithe 
Justy  and  afterwards  envied  as  much  ;  the  latter,  chiefly  by  the  ma- 
nagement  of  Themistocles,  who  gave  it  out  among  the  people,  that 

attempt  to  succour  it,  till  they  had  put  to  flight  both  the  wings  of  the  Persian  army  ; 
then  bending  the  points  of  the  wings  towards  their  own  centre,  they  enclosed  the 
hitherto  victorious  Persians,  and  cat  them  in  pieces. 

*  It  was  reported  in  those  times,  that  the  Alcmseonidse  encouraged  the  Persians  ta 
make  a  second  attempt,  by  holding  up,  as  they  approached  the  shore,  a  shield  for  a 
signal.  However,  it  was  the  Persian  fleet  that  endeavoured  to  double  the  cape,  of 
Junium,  with  a  view  to  surprise  the  city  of  Athens  before  the  army  could  return.— 
Herodot.  1.  vi.  c.  101,  &c. 

t  From  Marathon  to  Athens  iis  about  forty  miles. 
2a'  16* 


lae  ARISTlDiiS. 

Aristides  had  abolished  Uie  courts  of  judicature,  by  drawing  the  ar- 
bitration of  all  causes  to  himself,  and  so  was  insensibly  gaining  80« 
vereign  power,  though  without  guards  and  the  other  ensigns  of  it. 
The  people,  elevated  with  tlie  late  victory,  thought  themselves  c«. 
pable  of  every  thing,  and  the  highest  respect  little  enough  for  them. 
Dneasy  therefore  at  finding  that  any  one  citizen  rose  to  such  ex- 
traordinary honour  and  distinction,  they  assembled  at  Athena  from 
all  the  towns  in  Attica,  and  banished  Aristides  by  the  ostracism  ;  dis. 
guising  their  envy  of  his  character  under  the  specious  pretence  of 
guarding  against  tyranny. 

The  ostracism  was  conducted  in  the  following  manner :  eveiy 
citizen  took  a  piece  of  a  broken  pot,  or  a  shell,  on  which  he  wrote 
the  name  of  the  person  he  wished  to  have  banished,  and  carried  it 
to  a  part  of  the  market-place  that  was  enclosed  with  wooden  rails. 
The  magistrates  then  counted  the  number  of  the  shells,  and  if  it 
amounted  not  to  six  thousand  the  ostracism  stood  for  nothing ;  if  it 
did,  they  sorted  the  shells,  and  the  person  whose  name  was  found 
on  the  greatest  number,  was  declared  an  exile  for  ten  years,  but 
with  permission  to  enjoy  his  estate. 

At  the  time  that  Aristides  was  banished,  when  the  people  were 
inscribing  the  names  on  the  shells,  it  is  reported  that  an  illiterate 
burgher  came  to  Aristides,  whom  he  took  for  some  ordinary  person, 
and  giving  him  his  shell,  desired  him  to  write  Aristides  uppn  it.  The 
good  man,  surprised  at  this  adventure,  asked  mm,  "  Whether  Aris- 
tides  had  ever  injured  him?" — "No,"  said  he,  "nor  do  I  even 
know  him ;  but  it  vexes  me  to  hear  him  «very  where  called  the 
Jtut,**  Aristides  made  no  answer,  but  took  the  shell,  and  having 
written  his  own  name  upon  it,  returned  it  to  the  man.  When  he 
quitted  Athens,  he  Ufled  up  his  hands  towards  heaven,  and,  agree 
ably  to  his  character,  made  a  prayer  very  different  from  that  of 
Achilles;  namely,  that  the  people  of  Athens  mi^ht  never  see  the 
day,  which  should  force  them  to  remember  Aristides." 

Three  years  ader,  when  Xerxes  was  passing  through  Theasaly 
and  Boeotia  by  long  marches  to  Attica,  the  Athenians  reversed  this 
decree,  and  by  a  public  ordinance  recalled  all  the  exiles.  The 
principal  inducement  was  their  fear  of  Aristides ;  for  they  were  ap 
prehcnsive  that  he  would  join  the  enemy,  corrupt  great  part  of  the 
citizens,  and  draw  them  over  to  the  interest  of  the  Persians.  But 
they  little  knew  the  man.  Before  this  decree  he  had  been  exciting 
and  encouraging  the  Greeks  to  defend  their  liberty  ;  and  afler  it, 
when  Themistocles  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Athenian 
forces,  he  assisted  him  both  with  his  person  and  counsel,  not  dis- 
daining to  raise  bis  worst  enemy  to  the  highest  pitch  of  glory  for 
the  public  good.  For  when  Eury blades,  Uie  comnumder  in  chief, 
)iad  resolved  to  quit  Salamis,*  and  before  lie  could  put  his  purpoae 

*  Eurybisdet  was  for  itaoding  swsy  for  ih«  gulf  of  Corinth,  that  he  miflit  bsossr 
the  land  mrmy ;  but  Themiitooles  closrly  m^w  that  }n  th«  maitt  of  Salam^i  they  ooalH 


ARISTIDES.  287 

ia  execiuioD,  the  enemy's  fleet,  taking  the  advantage  of  the  night, 
had  surrounded  the  islands,  and  in  a  manner  blocked  up  the 
straits,  without  any  one  perceiving  that  the  confederates  were  so 
hemmed  in,  Aristides  sailed  the  same  night  from  iEgina,  and  passed 
with  the  utmost  danger  through  the  Persian  fleet.  As  soon  as  he 
reached  the  tent  of  Themistocles,  he  desired  to  speak  with  him  in 
private,  and  then  addressed  him  in  these  terms :  "  You  and  I,  The- 
mistocles, if  we  are  wise,  shall  now  bid  adieu  to  our  vain  and  child- 
ish  disputes,  and  enter  upon  a  nobler  and  more  salutary  contention, 
striving  which  of  us  shall  contribute  most  to  the  preservation  of 
Greece ;  you  in  doing  the  duty  of  a  general,  and  I  in  assisting  you 
with  my  service  and  advice.  I  find  that  you  alone  have  hit  upon 
the  best  measures,  in  advising  to  come  immediately  to  an  engage, 
ment  in  the  straits ;  and  though  the  allies  oppose  your  design,  the 
enemy  promote  it.  For  the  sea  on  all  sides  is  covered  with  their 
ships,  so  that  the  Greeks,  whether  they  will  or  not,  mustccme  to 
an  action  and  acquit  themselves  hke  men,  there  being  no  room  left 
for  flight." 

Themistocles  answered,  "  I  could  have  wished,  Aristides,  that 
you  had  not  been  beforehand  with  me  in  this  noble  emulation  ;  but 
I  will  endeavour  to  outdo  this  happy  beginning  of  your's  by  my  fu- 
ture  actions."  At  the  same  time  he  acquainted  him  with  the  stra- 
tagem  he  had  contrived  to  ensnare  the  barbarians,*  and  then  de- 
sired him  to  go,  and  make  it  appear  to  Eurybiades,  that  there  eould 
be  no  safety  for  them  without  venturing  a  sea-fight  there  ;  tor  he 
knew  that  Aristides  had  much  greater  influence  over  him  than  he. 
In  the  council  of  war,  assembled  on  this  occasion,  Cieocritus  the 
Corinthian  said  to  Themistocles,  "Your  advice  is  not  agreeable  to 
Aristides,  since  he  is  here  present  and  says  nothing."  "  You  are 
mistaken,"  said  Aristides,  "  for  I  should  not  have  been  silent,  had 
not  the  counsel  of  Themistocles  been  the  most  eligible;  and  now  I 
hold  my  peace,  not  out  of  regard  to  the  man,  but  because  I  approve 
his  sentiments." 

Aristides,  perceiving  that  the  little  island  of  Psy ttalia,  which  lies 

in  the  straits  over  against  Salamis,  was  full  of  the  enemy's  troops, 

put  on  board  the  small  transports  a  number  of  the  bravest  and  most 

resolute  of  his  countrymen,  and  made  a  descent  upon  the  island, 

where  he  attacked  the  barbarians  with  such  fury,  that  they  were 

all  cut  in  pieces,  except  some  of  the  principal  persons,  who  were 

made  prisoners-     After  this  Aristides  placed  a  strong  guard  round 

the  island,  to  take  notice  of  such  as  were  driven  ashore  there,  so 

that  none  of  his  friends  might  perish,  nor  any  of  the  enemy  escape.f 

fight  the  Persian  fleet,  which  was  so  vastly  superior  in  numbers,  wiih  much  greater 
advantage  than  in  the  gulf  of  Corinth,  where  there  was  an  open  sea. 

*  The  stratagem  was  to  send  one  to  acquaint  the  enemy  that  the  Greeks  were  going 
to  quit  the  straits  of  Salamis;  and  therefore,  if  the  Persians  were  dtK»irous  to  crush 
them  at  once,  they  must  fall  upon^them  immediately,  before  they  dispersed 

+  The  battle  of  Salamis  was  fought  in  the  year  before  Christ  48*) 


1{^  AlUi>IIDE& 

For  about  Ps}  ttalia  the  battle  raged  the  most,  aud  the  greatest  et^ 
foris  were  made,  as  appears  from  the  trophy  erected  there. 

When  the  battle  was  over,  Themistocles,  by  way  of  aDUiidiDg 
Artstides,  said,  **  That  great  things  were  already  done,  but  greater 
still  remained  ;  for  they  might  conquer  Asia  in  Europe,  by  makiof 
all  the  sail  they  could  to  the  Hellespont,  to  break  down  the  bridge. 
But  Aristides  exclaimed  against  the  proposal,  and  bade  him  think 
no  more  of  it,  but  rather  consider  and  inquire  what  would  be  the 
speediest  method  of  driving  the  Persian  out  of  Greece,  lest,  finding 
himself  shut  up  with  such  immense  forces,  and  no  way  leO  to  e8> 
cape,  necessity  might  bnog  him  to  6ght  with  the  most  desperate 
courage.  Hereupon^  Themistocles  sent  to  Xerxes  the  second  time, 
by  the  eunuch  Arnaces,  one  of  the  prisoners,'^  to  acquaint  him  pri- 
vately,  that  the  Greeks  were  strongly  inclined  to  make  the  best  of 
their  way  to  the  Hellespont,  to  destroy  the  bridge  which  he  had 
left  there  ;  but  that,  in  order  to  save  his  royal  person^  Themistocles 
was  using  his  best  endeavours  to  dissuade  them  from  it.  Xerxes, 
terrified  at  this  news,  made  all  possible  hasio  to  the  Hellespont, 
leaving  Mardonius  behind  him  with  the  land.forces,  consisting  of 
three  hundred  thousand  of  his  best  troops. 

In  the  strength  of  such  an  army  Mardonius  was  very  formidable  ; 
and  the  fears  of  the  Greeks  were  heightened  by  his  menacing 
letters,  which  were  in  this  style  :  **  At  sea  ia  your  wooden  towers 
you  have  defeated  landmen,  unpractised  at  the  oar  ;  but  there  are 
still  the  wide  plains  of  Thessaly  and  the  fields  of  nouotia,  where 
both  horse  and  foot  may  fight  to  the  best  advantage."  To  tho 
Athenians  he  wrote  in  particular,  being  authorized  by  the  king  to 
assure  them  that  their  city  should  be  rebuilt,  largo  sums  bestowed 
upon  them,  and  the  sovereignty  of  Greece  put  in  their  hands,  if  they 
would  take  no  farther  shaYe  in  the  war.f 

As  soon  us  the  Lacedaemonians  had  intelligence  of  these  propo. 
sals,  they  were  greatly  alarmed,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Athens, 
10  entreat  the  people  to  send  their  wives  and  children  to  Sparta,i 
and  to  accept  from  them  what  was  necessary  for  the  support  of 
such  as  were  in  years  :  for  the  Athenians  having  l(^t  both  their 
<:i»y  and  country,  were  in  great  distress.  Yet,  when  they  had 
hc'ird  what  the  ambassadors  had  to  say,  they  gave  them  such  an 
answer,  by  the  direction  of  Aristides,  as  can  never  bo  sufficiently 

•  This  expedif  ni  answered  two  purpooet.  By  it  be  drove  the  king  of  Penis  oat  of 
Kurofie,  aitd  in  appeaniuce conferred  an  obligation  upon  liini,  which  ini^ht  be  icniitni* 
bereft  to  the  advantafs  of  Th«nu«toclet  when  he  camato  have  ooeatmn  for  it. 

f  lie  made  these  propoeali  by  Aleiandrr  king  of  Macedno,  wlio  dalireied  them  in 
a  let  aipeecb. 

i  They  did  not  propose  to  the  Athenlana  to  tend  their  wires  and  rhildren  to  Sparta, 
bill  only  uflerrd  «o  maintain  ihem  during  the  war.  They  observed,  that  the  original 
quarrei  was  between  the  Persians  and  the  Athenians ;  that  the  Aihetiians  %ve»a  al- 
ways wont  to  b#  forenuMt  in  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  and  that  there  was  no  reasnti  to 
believe  the  Persians  would  observe  aov  terms  whh  a  people  Ihev  hated. 


ARISTiptS.  189 

admired.  They  said,  "  they  could  easily  forgive  their  enemies 
lor  thinking  that  every  thing  was  to  be  purchased  with  silver  and 
gold,  because  they  had  no  idea  of  any  thing  more  excelleni ;  but 
they  could  not  help  being  displeased  that  the  Lacedaemonians 
should  regard  only  their  present  poverty  and  distress,  and,  forget- 
ful  of  their  virtue  and  magnanimity,  call  upon  them  to  fight  for 
Greece,  for  the  palty  consideration  of  a  supply  of  provisions."' 
Aristides  having  drawn  up  this  answer  in  the  form  of  a  decree,  and 
cjjilling  all  the  ambassadors  to  an  audience  in  full  assembly,  bade 
those  of  Sparta  tell  the  Lacedaemonians,  "  That  the  people  of 
Athens  would  not  take  all  the  gold,  either  above  or  under  ground, 
for  the  liberties  of  Greece." 

As  for  those  of  Mardonius,  he  pointed  to  the  sun,  and  told  them, 
'•'As  long  as  that  luminary  shines,  so  long  will  the  Athenians  carry 
on  war  with  the  Persians  for  their  country,  which  has  been  laid 
waste,  and  for  their  temples,  which  have  been  profaned  and  burnt." 
He  likewise  procured  an  order,  that  the  priests  should  solemnly  ex- 
ecrate all  that  should  dare  to  propose  an  embassy  to  the  Medes,  or 
talk  of  deserting  the  alliance  of  Greece. 

When  Mardonius  had  entered  Attica  the  second  time,  the  Athe- 
nians retired  again  to  Salamis ;  and  Aristides,  who,  on  that  occa- 
sion went  ambassador  to  Sparta,  complained  to  the  Lacedsmonians 
of  their  delay  and  neglect  in  abandoning  Athens  once  more  to  the 
barbarians,  and  pressed  them  to  hasten  to  the  succour  of  that  part 
of  Greece  which  was  not  yet  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands.  The 
Ephori  gave  hmi  the  hearing,*  but  seemed  attentive  to  jiothing  but 
mirth  and  diversion,  for  it  was  the  festival  of  Hyacinthus.f  At 
night,  however,  they  selected  five  thousand  Spartans,  with  orders 
to  take  each  seven  Helots  with  him,  and  to  march  before  morning, 
unknown  to  the  Athenians.  When  Arisiides  came  to  make  his 
remonstrances  again,  they  smiled,  and  told  him  that  he  did  but  trifle 
or  dream,  since  their  army  was  at  that  time  as  far  as  Orestium,  on 
ihcir  march  against  the  foreigners."  Aristides  told  them,  "It was 
not  a  time  to  jest,  or  to  put  their  stratagems  in  practice  upon  their 
friends,  but  on  their  enemies." 

Aristides  was  appointed  to  command  the  Athenians  in  the  battle 
that  was  expected,  and  marched  with  eight  thousand  foot  to  Pla- 
taea.  There  Pausanias,  who  was  commander  in  chief  of  all  the 
confederates,  joined  him  with  his  Spartans,  and  the  other  Grecian 
troops  arrived  daily  in  great  numbers.  The  Persian  army,  whicli 
was  encamped  along  the  river  Asopus,  occupied  an  immense  tract 

*  They  put  off  their  answer  from  time  to  time,  until  they  had  gained  ten  days  ;  in 
which  lime  they  finished  the  wall  across  the  isthmus,  which  secured  them  against  the 
barbarians.  , 

i-  Among  the  Spartans,  the  feast  of  Hyacinthus  lasted  three  days;  the  first  aii(] 
last  were  days  of  sorrow  and  mourning  for  Hyacinthus's  death  ;  but  the  second  was 
a  day  of  re'oicing,  celebrated  with  all  manner  of  diversiims. 


]9i)  ARlSTIDIilS. 

of  ground  ;  and  they  bad  fortifiQd  a  spot  ten  furlongs  square,  for 
their  baggage  and  other  thingii  of  value. 

While  the  fate  of  Greece  was  in  suspense,  the  affairs  of  the  Athe- 
nians  were  in  a  very  dangerous  posture.  For  those  of  the  best 
families  and  fortunes,  being  reduced  by  the  wars  and  seeing  their 
authority  in  the  state  and  their  distinction  gone  with  their  wealth, 
and  others  rising  to  honours  and  employments,  assembled  private- 
ly in  a  house  at  PlatsBa,  and  conspired  to  abolish  the  democracy, 
and,  if  that  did  not  succeed,  to  ruin  all  Greece,  and  betray  it  to  the 
Persians.  When  Aristides  got  intelligence  of  the  conspiracy  thus 
entered  into  in  the  camp,  and  found  that  numbers  were  corrupted, 
be  was  greatly  alarmed  at  its  happening  at  such  a  crisis,  and  unre- 
solved  at  first  how  to  proceed.  At  length  he  tietermined  neither 
to  leave  the  matter  uninquired  into,  nor  yet  to  sill  it  thoroughly,  be- 
cause he  knew  not  how  far  the  contagion  had  spread,  and  thought 
it  advisable  to  sacrifice  justice,  in  some  degree,  to  the  public  good, 
by  forbearing  to  prosecute  many  that  were  guilty.  He  therefore 
caused  only  eight  persons  to  be  apprehended,  and,  of  those  eight, 
no  more  than  two,  who  were  most  guilty,  to  be  proceeded  against, 
iCschines  of  Lampra,  and  Agesias  of  Achamo;,  and  even  they 
made  their  escape  during  the  prosecution.  As  for  the  rest,  he  dis- 
charged  them,  and  gave  them,  and  all  who  were  concerned  in  the 
plot,  opportunity  to  recover  their  spirits  and  change  their  senti. 
ments,  as  they  might  imagine  that  nothing  was  made  out  against 
them ;  but  he  admonished  them  at  the  same  time,  *'  That  the  bat- 
tie  was  the  great  tribunal  where  they  might  clear  themselves  of 
the  charge,  and  show  that  they  had  never  followed  any  counsels 
but  such  as  were  just  and  useful  to  their  country." 

Afler  this,*  Mardonius,  to  make  a  trial  of  the  Greeks,  ordered 
bit  cavair}',  in  which  he  was  strongest,  to  skirmish  with  them.  The 
Greeks  were  all  encamped  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Cithtcron,  in  strong 
and  stony  places ;  except  the  Megarensions,  who,  to  the  number 
of  three  thousand,  were  posted  on  the  plain,  and  by  this  means 
suffered  much  by  the  enemies*  horse,  who  charged  them  on  every 
side.  Unable  to  stand  against  such  superior  numbers,  they  des- 
patched a  messenger  to  Pausanias  for  assistance.  Pausanias 
hearing  their  request,  and  seeing  the  camp  of  the  Megarensiaos 
darkened  with  a  shower  of  darts  and  arrows,  and  that  they  were 
forced  to  contract  themselves  within  a  narrow  compass,  was  at  a 
loss  what  to  resolve  on,  for  he  knew  that  his  heavy  armed  Spartans 
were  not  fit  to  act  against  cavalry.     He  endeavoured,  therefore, 

*  Th«  baute  uf  I'latoea  «i'at  fought  in  th«  year  before  Chriit  479.  Uie  vear  after  ibai 
ofSalamk  Henxlotui  was  then  about  nine  or  ten  yearn  old,  aud  liad  bi>  accounts 
fron»  pernoni  that  were  preetiii  in  the  Ijattir.  And' be  iuUxitm  ut,  thai  tb«  citcuof 
M«rce»  here  related  by  I'luturch.  happened  before  the  Greeki  left  their  cftaip  at 
Krythra^  in  order  to  encamp  round  to  Maicm,  and  bttiHt  the  coniett  betwarn  tbt 
Teseta:  and  the  Athcnian»».-!.lh.  Is.  c.  29,  SO.  *.c. 


ARJSTiDE3.  191 

to  awaken  the  emulation  of  the  generals  and  other  officers  that 
were  about  him,  that  they  might  make  it  a  point  of  honour  volun- 
ranly  to  undertake  the  defence  and  succour  of  the  Megarensians. 
But  they  all  decHned  it,  except  Aristides,  who  made  an  offer  of  his 
Athenians,  and  gave  immediate  orders  to  Olympiodorus,  one  of  the 
most  active  of  his  officers,  to  advance  with  his  select  band  of  three 
hundred  men  and  some  archers  intermixed.  They  were  all  ready 
in  a  moment,  and  ran  to  attack  the  barbarians.  Masistius,  general 
of  the  Persian  horse,  a  man  distinguished  for  his  strength  and 
graceful  mien,  no  sooner  saw  them  advancing,  than  he  spurred  his 
horse  against  them.  The  Athenians  received  him  with  great  firm- 
ness,  and  a  sharp  conffict  ensued ;  for  they  considered  this  as  a 
specimen  of  the  success  of  the  whole  battle.  At  last  Masistius' 
horse  was  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and  threw  his  rider,  who  could 
not  recover  himself  because  of  the  weight  of  his  armour,  nor  yet 
be  easily  slam  by  the  Athenians  that  strove  which  should  do  it  first, 
because  not  only  his  body  and  his  head,  but  his  legs  and  arms,  were 
covered  with  plates  of  gold,  brass,  and  iron.  But  the  vizor  of  his 
helmet  leaving  part  of  his  face  open,  one  of  them  pierced  him  in 
the  eye  with  the  staff  of  his  spear,  and  so  despatched  him.  The 
Persians  then  left  the  body  and  fied. 

The  importance  of  this  achievement  appeared  to  the  Greeks, 
not  by  the  number  of  their  enemies  lying  dead  upon  the  field,  for 
that  was  but  small,  but  by  the  mourning  of  the  barbarians,  who,  m 
their  grief  for  Masistius,  cut  off  their  hair,  and  the  manes  of  their 
horses  and  mules,  and  filled  all  the  plain  with  their  cries  and  groans, 
as  having  lost  the  man  that  was  next  to  Mardonius  in  courage  and 
authority. 

After  this  engagement  with  the  Persian  cavalry,  both  sides  for- 
bore the  combat  a  long  time  ;  for  the  diviners,  from  the  entrails  of 
the  victimsj  equally  assured  the  Persians  and  the  Greeks  of  victory, 
if  they  stood  upon  the  defensive,  and  threatened  a  total  defeat  to 
the  aggressors.  But  at  length  Mardonius,  seeing  but  a  few  days 
provision  lefl,  and  that  the  Grecian  forces  increased  daily  by  the 
arrival  of  fresh  troops,  grew  uneasy  at  the  delay,  and  resolved  to 
pass  the  Asopus  next  morning  by  break  of  day,  and  fall  upon  the 
Greeks,  whom  he  hoped  to  find  unprepared.  For  this  purpose  he 
gave  his  orders  over  night.  But  at  midnight  a  man  on  horseback 
soflly  approached  the  Grecian  camp,  and  addressing  himse'ii  to  the 
sentinels,  bade  them  call  Aristides  the  Athenian  general  to  hr.n. 
Aristides  came  immediately,  and  the  unknown  person  said,  "  I  ara 
Alexander  king  of  Macedon,  who,  for  the  friendship  I  bear  you, 
have  exposeci  myself  to  the  greatest  dangers,  to  prevent  your  fight- 
ing under  the  disadvantage  of  a  surprise.  For  Mardonius  will  givd 
you  battle  to-morrow;  not  that  he  is  induced  to  it  by  any  wejj- 
grounded  hope  or  prospect  of  success,  but  by  the  scarcity  of  pro« 


292  ARISTIDES. 

visions/'  Alexander  having  thus  opened  himseir  to  Arisudes, 
desired  him  to  take  notice  and  avail  himself  of  the  intelligence, 
but  not  to  communicate  it  to  any  other  person.*  Aristtdes,  how- 
ever, thought  It  wrong  to  conceal  it  from  Pausanias,  who  was 
commander  in  chief;  but  he  promised  not  to  mention  the  thing  to 
any  one  besides,  until  aOer  the  battle,  and  assured  him  at  the 
same  time,  that  if  the  Ureeks  proved  victorious,  the  whole  army 
should  he  acquainted  with  this  kindness.  The  king  of  Maccdon 
then  returned  to  the  Persian  camp. 

Aristides  went  immediately  to  the  tent  of  Pausanias,  apd  laid  the 
whole  before  him  :  whereupon  the  other  officers  were  sent  for,  and 
ordered  to  put  ^he  troops  under  arms,  and  have  them  ready  for 
battle.  At  the  same  time,  Pausanias  informed  Aristides  of  his 
design  to  alter  the  disposition  of  the  army,  by  removing  the  Athe- 
nians from  the  left  wmg  to  the  right,  and  setting  them  to  oppose 
the  Persians,  against  whom  they  wonld  act  with  the  more  bravery, 
because  they  had  made  proof  of  their  manner  of  fighting,  and  with 
greater  assurance  of  success,  because  they  had  already  succeeded. 
As  for  the  left  wing,  which  would  have  to  do  with  those  Greeks 
that  had  embraced  the  Median  interest,  he  intended  to  command 
there  himself.y  But  the  Thebans  being  informed  of  this  by  deser- 
ters,  acquainted  Mardonius,  who,  either  out  of  fear  of  the  Athenians, 
or  from  an  ambition  to  try  his  strength  with  the  Lacedeemonians, 
immediately  moved  the  Persians  to  his  right  wing,  and  the  Greeks 
that  were  of  his  party,  to  the  left,  opposite  to  the  Athenians.  This 
change  in  the  disposition  of  the  enemies'  army  being  known,  Pau- 
sanias  made  another  movement,  and  passed  to  the  right ;  which 
Mardonius  perceiving,  returned  to  the  left,  and  so  still  faced  the 
Lacedspmonians.  Thus  the  day  passed  without  any  action  at  all. 
In  the  evening  the  Grecians  held  a  council  of  war,  in  which  they 
determined  to  decamp,  and  take  possession  of  a  place  more  com* 
modious  for  water,  because  the  springs  of  their  present  camp  were 
disturbed  end  spoiled  by  the  enemies'  horse. 

When  night  was  come,J  and  the  officers  began  to  march  at  the 
head  of  their  troops  to  the  place  marked  out  for  a  new  canip,  the 
soldiers  followed  unwillingly,  and  could  not  without  great  difficulty 
be  kept  together ;  for  ihey  were  no  sooner  out  of  their  first  entrench- 
ments, than  many  of  them  made  off  to  the  city  of  Platxea,  and  either 
dispersing  there,  or  pitching  their  tents  without  any  resard  to 
disciphno,  were  in  the  utmost  confusion.     It  happened  that  the 

*  According  to  HerotHirut,  Alrxander  bad  excepted  PMitsniet  mil  of  thin  charftof 
•ecracy;  and  thi«  it  mon  protMblr,  becauie  Pausanias  was  commanHar  in  chief. 

f  Herodotus  sari  tbc  contrary  ;  namely,  thai  all  tbe  Atbeoiao  uArcr*  wtra  ambi* 
t>0*J3  of  lliar  p'lit,  but  did  not  think  proper  to  propose  it,  (or  fear  of  diaoblif ing  tha 
Spitrtans 


j  On  this  ocrasion  Mardonius  did  oot  Aiil  to  intuit  Artitena.  raproMbing  ktai  i 
hif.  'jowardly  prudence,  «nd  the  false  noiiOD  be  had  coneeired  of  ilta  Laeedsnnonl 
who.  Rs  \ttt  pretended,  never  fle<t  before  the  enemr 


ARISTIDES.  193 

LacedsBWionians  alone  were  left  behind,  though  against  their  will. 
For  Amompharetus,  an  intrepid  man,  who  had  long  been  eager  to 
engage,  and  uneasy  to  see  the  battle  so  often  put  off  and  delayed, 
plainly  called  this  decampment  a  disgraceful  flight,  and  declared, 
*'  He  would  not  quit  his  post,  but  remain  there  with  his  troops,  and 
stand  it  out  against  Mardonius."  And  when  Pausanias  represented 
to  him,  that  this  measure  was  taken  in  pursuance  of  the  counsel 
and  determination  of  the  conliederates,  he  took  up  a  large  stone 
with  both  his  hands;  and  throwing  it-  at  Pausanias'  feet,  said, 
"  This  is  my  ballot  for  a  battle :  and  I  despise  the  tihiid  counsels 
and  resolves  of  others."  Pausanias  was  at  a  loss  what  to  do,  but 
at  last  sent  to  the  Athenians,  who  by  this  time  were  advancing, 
and  desired  Jhem  to  halt  a  little,  that  they  might  all  proceed  in  a 
body :  at  the  same  time  he  marched  with  the  rest  of  the  troops 
towards  Plataea,  hoping  by  that  means  to  draw  AmOmpharetus  after 
him.  V 

By  this  time  it  was  day,  and  Mardonius,*  who  w^g  not  ignorant 
that  the  Greeks  had  quitted  their  camp,  put  his  army  in  order  of 
battle,  and  bore  down  upon  the  Spartans ;  the  barbarians  setting  up 
such  shouts,  and  clanking  their  arms  in  such  a  manner,  as  if  they 
expected  to  have  only  the  plundering  of  fugitives,  and  not  a  battle: 
and  indeed  it  was  like  to  have  been  so ;  for  though  Pausanias, 
upon  seeing  this  motion  of  Mardonius,  stopped,  and  ordered  every 
one  to  his  post,  yet,  either  confused  with  his  resentment  against 
Amompharetus,  or  with  the  sudden  attack  of  the  Persians,  he  for- 
got to  give  his  troops  the  word  ;  and  for  that  reason  they  neither 
engaged  readily,  nor  in  a  body,  but  continued  scattered  in  small 
parties,  even  after  the  fight  was  begun. 

Pausanias  in  the  mean  time  offered  sacrifice ;  but  seeing  no 
auspicious  tokens,  he  commanded  the  Lacedajmonians  to  lay  down 
their  shields  at  their  feet,  and  to  stand  still,  and  wait  his  orders, 
without  opposing  the  enemy.  After  this  he  offered  other  sacrifices, 
the  Persian  cavalry  still  advancing.  They  were  now  within  bow- 
shot,  and  some  of  the  Spartans  were  wounded  :  among  whom  was 
CallicraKes,  a  man  who  for  size  find  beauty  exceeded  the  whole 
army.  This  brave  soldier  being  shot  with  an  arrow,  and  ready  to 
expire,  said,  "  He  did  not  lament  his  death,  because  he  came  out 
resolved  to  shed  his  blcod  for  Greece ;  but  he  was  sorry  to  die 
without  having  once  drawn  his  sword  against  the  enemy. 

*  Having  passed  the  Asopus,  he  came  up  with  the  Lacedeemoniatrs  and  Tegeta;, 
Ts-'ho  were  separated  from  the  '»ody  of  the  army,  to  the  number  of  fifty- three  thousand. 
Pausanias,  finding  himself  thus  attacked  by  the  whole  Persian  anny,  despatched  a 
messenger  to  acquaint  the  Athenians,  who  bad  taken  another  route,  with  the  danger 
he  was  in.  The  Athenians  immediately  put  themselves  on  their  jr>arch  to  succour 
their  distressed  allies,  but  were  attacked,  and  to  their  great  regret,  prevented  by  those 
Greeks  who  sided  with  the  Persians.  The  batfle  being  thus  fought  in  two  different 
places,  the  Spartans  were  the  first  who  broke  into  the  cenire  of  the  Persian  army, 
«xk3,  after  a  most  obstinate  resistance,  put  them  to  flight. 
2b  17 


1^  ARISTIDES. 

If  the  terror  of  this  situation  was  great,  the  steadiness  and  pati- 
ence of  the  Spartans  was  wonderful ;  for  they  made  no  defence 
against  the  enemies'  charge,  but  waiting  the  time,  of  heaven  and 
their  general,  suffered  themselves  to  be  wounded  and  slain  in  their 
ranks. 

Pausanias,  extremely  afflicted  at  these  circumstances,  while  the 
priests  otfered  sacrifice  upon  sacrifice,  turning  towards  the  temple 
of  Juno,  and  with  tears  trickling  from  his  eyes  and  uplif\ed  hands, 
prayed  to  that  goddess  the  protectress  of  Citheeron,  and  to  the 
other  tutelar* deities  of  the  Plaiseans,  ♦*  That  if  the  fates  had  not 
decreed  that  the  Grecians  should  conquer,  they  might  at  least  be 
permitted  to  sell  their  lives  dear,  and  show  the  enemy  by  their 
deeds,  that  they  had  brave  men  and  experienced  soldiers  to  deal 
with. 

The  very  moment  that  Pausaniaswas  uttering  this  prayer,  this 
token  so  much  desired  appeared  in  the  victim,  and  the  diviners 
announced  him  victory.  Orders  were  immediately  given  the  whole 
army  to  come  to  action,  and  the  Spartan  phalanx  all  at  once  had 
the  appearance  of  some  fierce  animal,  erecting  his  bristles,  and 
preparing  to  exert  his  strength.  The  barbarians  then  saw  clearly 
that  they  had  to  do  with  men  who  were  ready  to  spill  the  last  drop 
of  their  blood  ;  and  therefore,  covering  themselves  with  their  tar- 
gets, shot  their  arrows  against  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  Lace- 
daemonians moving  forward  in  a  close  and  compact  body,  fell  upon 
the  Persians,  and  forcing  their  targets  from  them,  directed  their 
pikes  against  their  faces  and  breasts,  and  brought  many  of  them  to 
the  ground.  However,  when  they  were  down,  they  continued  to 
give  proofs  of  their  strength  and  courage ;  for  they  laid  hold  on 
the  pikes  with  their  naked  hands  and  broke  them,  and  then 
springing  up,  betook  themselves  td  their  swords  and  battle-axes, 
and  wresting  away  their  enemies'  shields  and  grappling  close  with 
them,  made  a  long  and  obstinate  resistance. 

The  Athenians  all  this  while  stood  still,  expecting  the  Laceds- 
demonians ;  but  when  the  iioise  of  the  battle  reached  them,  and  an 
officer,  as  we  are  told,  despatched  by  Paus&nios,  gave  them  an 
account  that  the  engagement  was  begun,  they  hastened  to  his 
assistance  ;  and  as  they  were  crossing  the  plam  towards  the  place 
where  the  noise  was  heard,  the  Greeks,  who  sided  with  tlie  enemy, 
pushed  against  them.  As  soon  as  Aristides  saw  them,  he  advanced 
a  considerable  way  before  his  troops,  and  calling  out  to  them  with 
all  his  force,  conjured  them  by  the  gods  of  Greece,  "  to  renounce 
this  impious  war,  and  not  oppose  the  Athenians,  who  were  running 
to  the  succour  of  those  that  were  now  the  first  to  hazard  their  lives 
for  the  safety  of  Greece."  put  finding  that,  instead  of  hearkening 
to  him,  they  approached  in  a  hostile  manner,  he  quitted  his  design 
of  going  to  oMJst  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  joined  battle  withtbete 


ARISTIDES.  195 

Greeks,  who  were  about  five  thousand  in  number.  But  the  great- 
est part  soon  gave  way  and  retreated,  especially  when  they  heard 
that  the  barbarians  were  put  to  flight.  The  sharpest  part  of  this 
action  is  said  to.  have  been  with  the  Thebans,  among  whom  the 
first  in  quality  and  power  having  embraced  the  Median  interest, 
by  their  authority  carried  Out  the  common  people  against  their 
inclination. 

The  battle  thus  divided  into  two  parts,  the  Lacedaemonians  first 
broke  and  routed  the  Persians  ;  and  Mardonius*  himself  was  slain 
by  a  Spartan  named  Arimnestus,'|'  who  fractured  his  skull  with  a 
stone.  The  barbarians,  flying  before  the  Spartans,  were  pursued 
to  their  camp,  which  they  had  fortified  with  wooden  walls ;  and 
soon  after  the  Athenians  routed  the  Thebans,  killing  three  hundred 
persons  of  the  first  distinction  on  the  spot.  Just  as  the  Thebans 
began  to  give  way,  news  was  brought  that  the  barbarians  were 
shut  up  and  besieged  m  their  wooden  fortification  ;  the  Athenians, 
therefore,  suffering  the  Greeks  to  escape,  hastened  to  assist  in  the 
siege,  and  finding  that  the  Lacedaemonians,  unskilled  in  the  storm- 
ing of  walls,  made  but  a  slow  progress,  they  attacked  and  took  the 
camp,J  with  a  prodigious  slaughter  of  the  enemy.  For  it  is  said 
that  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  only  forty  thousand  escaped 
with  Artabazus;§  whereas  of  those  that  fought  in  the  cause  of 
Greece,  no  more  were  slain  than  one  thousandHhree  hundred  and 
sixty ;  among  whom  were  fifty -two  Athenians,  all,  according  to 
Clidemus,  of  the  tribe  Aiantis,  which  greatly  distinguished  itself  in 
that  actio'n.  The  Lacedaemonians  lost  ninety. one,  and  the  Tegetse 
sixteen. 

This  victory  went  near  to  the  ruin  of  Greece.  For  the  Athe- 
nians, unwilling  to  allow  the  Spartans  the  honour  of  the  day,  or  to 
consent  that  they  should  erect  the  trophy,  would  have  referred  it 
the  decision  of  the  sword,  had  not  Aristides  taken  great  pains  to 
explain  the  matter,  and  pacify  the  other  generals,  particularly 
Leocrates  and  Mironides,  persuading  them  to  leave  it  to  the  judg. 
ment  of  the  Greeks.  A  council  was  called  accordingly,  in  which 
Theogiton  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  "  that  those  two  states  should 
give  up  the  palm  to  a  third,  if  they  desired  to  prevent  a  civil  war." 
Cleocritus  the  Corinthian  rose  up,  and  it  was  expected  he  would 

*  Mardonius,  moiiftted  on  a  white  horse,  Signalized  himself  greatly  ;  and,  at  the  head 
of  a  thousand  chosen  men,  killed  a  great  number  of  the  enemy,  but  when  he  fell,  the 
whole  Persian  army  was  easily  routed. 

fin  some  copies  he  is  called  Diaranestus.    A  rimnestus  was  general  of  the  Plataeans. 

\  The  spoil  was  immense,  consisting  of  vast  sums  of  money,  of  gold  and  silver  cups, 
vessels,  tables,  bracelets,  rich  beds,  and  all  sorts  of  furniture-  They,  gave  the  tenth  of 
all  to  Pausanias. 

{  Artabazus,  who,  from  Mardonius's  imprudent  conduct,  had  but  too  well  foreseen 
the  misfortune  that  befel  him,  after  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  engagement, 
made  a  timely  retreat  v/iih  the  forty  thousand  men  he  had  commanded,  arrived  safe 
at  Byaantium,'and  from  thence  passed  over  into  Asia.  Besides  these,  only  three  thpii- 
sand  men  escaped. — Herodot  1.  ix.  c.  31 — 69. 


196  ARISTIDES. 

set  forth  the  pretensionB  of  Corinth  to  the  prize  of  valour,  ai  the 
city  next  in  dignity  to  Sparta  and  Athene ;  but  they  were  most 
agreeably  surprised,  when  they  found  that  he  spoke  in  behalf  of 
the  Platseans,  and  proposed,  *'  That  all  disputes  laid  aside,  the  palm 
should  be  adjudged  to  them,  since  neither  of  the  contending  parties 
could  be  jeaiuus  of  them.'*  Aristides  was  the  first  to  give  up  the 
point  for  the  Athenians,  and  then  Pausanias  did  the  same  for  the 
LacedsDmonians."' 

The  confederates  thus  reconciled,  eighty  talents  were  set  apart 
for  the  Plato^ans,  with  which  they  built  a  temple,  and  erected  a 
statue  to  Minerva,  adorning  the  temple  with  paintings.  Both  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians  erected  trophies  separately. 

In  the  first  general  assembly  of  the  Greeks  af\er  this  victory, 
Aristides  proposed  a  decree,  ''  That  deputies  from  all  the  states  of 
Greece  must  meet  annually  at  Platisa,  to  sacrifice  to  Jupiter /Ae 
deliverer^  and  that  every  fifth  year  they  should  celebrate  the  ^ame* 
of  liberty  :  that  a  general  levy  should  be  made  through  Greece  of 
ten  thousand  foot,  a  thousand  horse,  and  an  hundred  s>hips,  for  the 
war  against  the  barbarians ;  and  thai  the  Platseans  should  be  ex. 
empt,  being  set  apart  for  the  service  of  the  god,  to  propitiate  him 
in  behalf  of  Greece,  and  consequently  their  persons  to  be  esteemed 
sacred." 

These  articles^  passing  into  a  law,  the  Plataeans  undertook  to 
celebrate  the  anniversary  of  those  that  were  slain  and  buried  in 
that  place.  When  the  Athenians  returned  home,  Aristides  observing 
that  they  endeavoured  to  make  the  government  entirely  democrati. 
cal,  considered  on  one  side,  that  the  people  deserved  some  atten- 
tion  and  respect,  on  account  of  their  gallant  behaviour,  and  on  the 
other  that,  being  elated  with  their  victories,  it  would  be  diflicult  to 
force  them  to  depart  from  their  purpose ;  and  therefore  he  caused 
a  decree  to  be  made,  that  all  the  citizens  should  have  a  share  in 
the  administration,  and  th^t  the  archons  should  be  chosen  out  of 
the  whole  body  of  them. 

Themistocles  having  one  day  declared  to  the  general  assembly, 
that  he  had  thought  of  an  expedient  which  was  very  salutnr)'  at 
Athens,!  but  ought  to  be  kept  secret,  he  was  ordered  tu  commu> 
nicaie  it  to  Aristides  only,  and  abide  by  his  judgment.  Accordmaly 
he  told  him,  his  project  was  to  burn  the  whole  fleet  of  the  confeae. 
rates,  by  which  means  the  Athenians  would  be  raised  to  the 
sovereignty  of  all  Greece.  Aristides  returned  to  the  assembly, 
and  acquainted  the  Athenians,  '*  That  nothing  could  be  more 

*  At  to  the  individuals,  wh^n  they  cante  to  detprmine  which  had  t>eh«vad  with  moat 
courage,  they  all  gave  judgment  in  fJavcMir  of  ArihttKiemus,  who  was  ih<>  oiilv  on«  ibat 
had  Kaved  hiinftelfat  TberuiopyUB,  and  now  wiped  off  the  hlemiaii  of  hi»  furuiei  coo* 
duct  by  a  glorious  death. 

J  This  wa»  before  the  battle  of  Plstmi,  at  the  liint  wbto  Xtrxtt  wa«  put  to  Olgbt, 
driven  bacl(  into  Alia. 


ARISTIDES.  jg-y 

advantageous  than  the  project  of  Themistocles,  nor  any  thing 
more  unjust :"  And  upon  his  report  of  the  matter,  they  commanded 
Themistocles  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  it.  Such  regard  had  that* 
people  for  justice,  and  so  much  confidence  in  the  integrity  of 
Aristides. 

Some  time  after  this,*  he  was  joined  in  commission  with  Cimon, 
and  sent  against  the  barbarians ;  where,  observing  that  Pausanias 
and  the  other  Spartan  generals  behaved  with  excessive  haughtiness, 
he  chose  a  quite  different  manner,  showing  much  mildness  and 
condescension  in  his  whole  conversation  and  address,  and  prevail- 
ing with  Cimon  to  behave  with  equal  affability  to  the  whole  league 
Thus  he  insensibly  drew  the  chief  command  from  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, not  by  force  of  arms,  but  by  his  gentle  and  obliging  deport, 
ment.  For  the  justice  of  Aristides,  and  the  candour  of  Cimon, 
having  made  the  Athenians  very  agreeable  to  the  confederates, 
their  regard  was  increased  by  the  contrast  they  found  in  Pausanias's 
avarice  and  severity  of  manners. 

The  sea-captains  and  land-officers  of  the  Greeks  therefore, 
pressed  Aristides  to  take  upon  him  the  command  of  the  confederate 
forces,  and  to  receive  them  into  his  protection.  He  answered,  that 
he  saw  the  necessity  and  justice  of  what  they  proposed,  but  that 
the  proposal  ought  first  to  be  confirmed  by  some  act,  which  would 
make  it  impossible  for  the  troops  to  depart  from  their  resolution." 
Hereupon  Uliades  of  Samos,  and  Antagoras  of  Chios,  conspiring 
together,  went  boldly  and  attacked  Pausanias's  galley,  at  the  head 
of  the  fleet. 

On  this  occasion,  the  magnanimity  of  the  Spartan  people  ap. 
peared  with  great  lustre.  For  as  soon  as  they  perceived  their 
generals  were  spoiled  with  too  much  power,  they  sent  no  more, 
but  voluntarily  gave  up  their  pretensions  to  the  chief  command, 
choosing  rather  to  cultivate  in  their  citizens  a  principle  of  modesty 
and  tenaciousness  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  their  country,  than 
to  possess  the  sovereign  command  of  Greece. 

While  the  Lacedaemonians  had  the  command,  the  Greeks  paid 
a  certain  tax  towards  the  war :  and  now  being  desirous  that  every 
city  might  be  equally  rated,  they  begged  of  the  Athenians  that 
Aristides  might  take  it  upon  him,  and  gave  him  instructions  to  in- 
spect their  lands  and  revenues,  in  order  to  proportion  the  burden 
of  each  to  its  abihry. 

Aristides,  invested  with  this  authority,  which  in  a  manner  made 
him  master  of  all  Greece,  did  not  abuse  it.  For  though  he  went 
out  poor,  he  returned  poorer,  having  settled  the  quotas  of  the  seve- 
ral states,  not  only  justly  an^  disinterestedly,  but  with  so  much 
tenderness  and  humanity,  that  his^  assessment  was  agreeable  and 
convenient  to  all.  And  as  the  ancients  praised  the  time  of  Saturn, 
*  Eight  years  after. 

17* 


X96  ARIST1DE8. 

80  the  allies  of  Athens  blessed  the  settlements  of  Aristides,  calling 
it  the  "ihe  happy  fortune  of  Ureece  ;**  a  compliment  which  soon 
tiAer  appeared  still  more  just,  when  the  taiation  was  twice  or  three 
titnes  as  high. 

The  great  and  illustrious  character  which  Aristides  acquired  by 
the  equity  of  this  taxation,  piqued  Themistocles,  and  he  endeavour, 
ed  to  turn  the  praise  bestowed  upon  him  into  ridicule,  by  saying, 
"  It  was  not  the  praise  of  a  man,  but  of  a  money  chest  to  keep 
treasure  without  diminution."  By  this  he  took  but  a  feeble  revenge 
for  the  freedom  of  Aristides.  For  one  day  Themistocles  happen- 
ing  to  say,  **  That  he  looked  upon  it  as  the  principal  excellence  of 
a  general  to  know  and  foresee  the  designs  of  an  enemy."  Aristi. 
des  answered,  *'  That  is  indeed  a  necessary  quaUfication  but  there 
is  another  very  excellent  one,  and  highly  becoming  a  general,  and 
that  is  to  have  clean  hands." 

When  Aristides  had  settled  the  articles  of  alliance,  he  called 
upon  the  confederates  to  confirm  ihem  with  an  oath,  which  he 
himself  took  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians  ;  and,  at  the  same  time 
that  he  uttered  the  execration  on  those  that  should  break  the  arti- 
cles, he  threw  red-hot  pieces  of  iron  into  the  sea.*  However, 
when  the  urgency  of  affairs  afterwards  required  the  Athenians  to 
govern  Greece  with  a  stricter  hand  than  those  conditions  justified, 
he  advised  them  to  let  the  consequences  of  the  perjury  rest  with 
him,  and  pursue  the  path  which  expediency  pointed  out.f  Upon 
the  whole,  Theophrastus  says,  that  in  all  his  own  private  concerns, 
and  in  those  of  his  fellow  citizens,  he  was  inflexibly  just ;  but,  in 
affairs  of  state,  he  did  many  things  according  to  the  exigency  of  the 
case,  to  serve  his  country,  which  seemed  often  to  have  need  of  the 
assistance  of  injustice.  And  he  relates,  that  when  it  was  debated 
in  council,  whether  the  treasure  deposited  at  Delos  should  be 
brought  to  Athens  as  the  Samians  had  advised,  though  contraiy  to 
treaties,  on  its  coming  to  his  turn  to  speak,  he  said,  "It  was  not 
just,  but  it  was  expedieni." 

This  must  be  said,  notwiinstanding,  that  though  he  extended  the 
dominions  of  Athens  over  so  many  people,  he  himself  continued 
poor,  nnd  esteemed  his  poverty  no  less  a  glory  than  all  the  laurels 
l;e  had  won.  The  following  'is  a  clear  proof  of  it.  Callias,  the 
torch-bearer,  who  was  his  near  relative,  waa  prosecuted  in  a  capi. 
tal  cause  by  his  enemies.  When  they  had  alleged  what  they  hnd 
against  him,  which  was  iioihing  very*  flagrant,  they  launched  out 

•  As  much  «•  10  lay.  aa  the  fire  tn  these  two  piecf^n  of  iron  If  extingimhrd  in  ■ 
njomenu  ■«»  may  their  Hay*  l»i>  '><>  break  ihi» covenant 

+  'rtiu«  even  the  just,  the  i  ,.|es.  niwcJe  a  riittmction  t)«t»een  hU  privata 

and  polifirHl  ruimcience      A         vvhirk  h-^ ...   ■» lor  of  foundation  »n  truth 

or  leaton.  «n«l  which,  m  the  end.  wiU  t)«  prodn  i  rather  than  advuntaf*  \ 

ai  ah  tlMMe  naiiont  will  find,  who  avail  i)ieinMi .  i  o  to  lerve  a  ptewnt  oc* 

cavion  For  m  much  reputation  it  ho  much  power ;  and  ftatet  ai  well  as  private 
peraottt,  are  retpectable  on!y  in  their  character. 


ARISTIDES.  jgg 

into  something  foreign  to  their  own  charge,  and  thus  addressed  the 
judges — "  You  know  Aristides,  the  son  of  Lysimachus,  who  is 
justly  the  admiration  of  all  Greece.  When  you  see  with  what  a 
garb  he  appears  in  public,  in  what  manner  do  you  think  he  must 
live  at  home  ?  Must  not  he  who  shivers  here  with  cold  for  want  of 
clothing,  be  almost  famished  there,  and  destitute  of  all  necessaries? 
Yet  this  is  the  man  whom  Callias,  his  cousm-german,  and  the  rich- 
est man  in  Athens,  absolutely  neglects,  and  leaves,  with  his  wife 
and  children,  in  such  wretchedness ;  though  he  has  often  made 
use  of  him,  and  availed  himself  of  his  interest  with  you."  Callias, 
perceiving  that  this  pomt  affected  and  exasperated  his  judges  more 
than  any  thing  else,  called  Aristides  to  testify  before  the  court, 
that  he  had  many  times  offered  him  considerable  sums,  and  strong- 
ly pressed  him  to  accept  them,  but  he  had  always  refused  them  in 
such  terms  as  these-  "  It  better  becomes  Aristides  to  glory  in 
his  poverty,  than  Callias  in  his  riches ;  for  we  see  every  day,  ma- 
ny people  make  a  good  as  A^ell  as  a  bad  use  of  riches,  but  it  is 
hard  to  find  one  who  bears  poverty  with  a  noble  spirit ;  and  they 
only  are  ashamed  of  it  who  are  poor  against  their  will."  When 
Aristides  had  given  in  his  evidence,  there  was  not  a  man  in  the 
court,  who  did  not  leave  it  with  an  inclination  rather  to  be  poor 
with  him,  than  rich  with  Callias. 

We  have  extraordinary  instances  of  the  candour  with  which  he 
behaved  towards  Themistocles.  For  though  he  was  his  constant 
enemy  in  all  affairs  of  government,  and  the  means  of  his  banish, 
ment,  yet  when  Themistocles  was  accused  of  capital  crimes  against 
the  state,  and  he  had  an  opportunity  to  pay  him  in  kind,  he  indul- 
ged  not  the  least  revenge  ;  but,  while  Alcmaeon,  Cimon,  and  many 
others,  were  accusing  him  and  driving  him  into  exile,  Aristides 
alone  neither  did  nor  said  any  thing  to  his  disadvantage  ;  for,  as  he 
had  not  envied  his  prosperity,  so  now  he  did  not  rejoice  in  his 
misfortunes. 

As  to  the  death  of  Aristides,  some  say  it  happened  in  Pontus, 
whither  he  had  sailed  about  some  business  of  the  state  ;  others 
say  he  died  at  Athens,  full  of  days,  honoured  and  admired  by  his 
fellow  citizens.  But  Craterus,  the  Macedonian,  gives  us  another 
account  of  the  death  of  this  great  man.  He  tells  us,  that  after  the 
banishment  of  Themistocles,  the  insolence  of  the  people  gave  en- 
couragement to  a  number  of  villainous  informers,  who,  attacking 
the  greatest  and  best  men,  rendered  them  obnoxious  to  the  popu- 
lace, now  much  elated  with  prosperity  and  power.  Aristides  him- 
self was  not  spared,  but,  on  a  charge  brought  against  him  by  Dia- 
phantus  of  Amphitrope,  was  condemned  for  taking  a  bribe  of  the 
lonians  at  the  time  he  levied  the  tax.  He  adds,  that  being  unable 
to  pay  his  fine,  which  was  fifty  minae,  he  sailed  to  some  part  of 
Ionia,  and  there  died.     But  Craterus  gives  us  no  written  proof  of 


200  ARIST1DE& 

this  aiseraon,  nor  does  he  allege  any  regitter  of  court,  or  decree 
the  people,  thouffb  od  other  occmaione  he  is  full  of  such  proofs,  and 
OooeiDnUy  cites  bis  author.  The  other  historians,  without  excep- 
tioo,  who  have  given  us  an  account  of  the  unjust  behaviour  of  the 
people  of  Athens  to  their  generals,  among  many  other  instances, 
dwell  upon  the  banishment  of  Themntocles,  the  imprisonment  of 
Miltiades,  the  fine  imposed  upon  Pericles,  and  the  death  of  Pa- 
ches,  who,  upon  receiving  sentence,  killed  himself  in  the  judg. 
ment  hall,  at  the  foot  of  the  tribunal.  Nor  do  they  forget  the 
banishment  of  Aristides,  but  they  nay  not  a  word  of  his  condem- 
nation. 

His  monument  at  Phalerum  is  said  to  have  been  erected  at  the 
public  charge, because  he  did  not  leave  enough  tudefray  the  expen- 
ees  of  his  funeral.  The  city  likewise  provided  for  the  marriage  of 
bis  daughters,  and  each  of  them  had  three  thousand  drachms  to  her 
portion  out  of  the  treasury  ;  and  to  his  son  Lysimachus,  the  peo. 
pie  of  Athens  gave  an  hundred  minse'of  silver,  and  a  plantation  of 
as  many  acres  of  land,  with  a  pension  of  four  drachmae  a  day  ;* 
the  whole  being  confirmed  to  him  by  a  decree  drawn  up  by  Aici. 
biades. 

*  Though  this  may  teem  do  extraordinary  matter  to  as,  tMiog  only  about  55  1-2 
cents  of  federal  mooey,  yet  in  those  days  it  was ;  for  an  ambnndor  mma  allotred 
only  two  drachmx  a  day,  as  appears  from  the  Aehamenaa  of  AriMopbanes.  TIm 
poet,  indeed,  speaks  of  one  sent  to  the  king  of  Persia,  at  whose  coiiit  an  aati 

was  pretty  sure  to  be  enriched. 


201 

CATO  THE  CENSOR 
Flourished  640  years  before  Christ, 

IT  is  said  that  Marcus  Cato  was  born  at  Tusculum,  of  which 
place  his  family  originally  was,  and  that  before  he  was  concerned 
in  civil  or  military  affairs,  he  lived  upon  an  estate  which  his  father 
left  him  near  the  country  of  the  Sabines.  Though  his  ancestors 
were  reckoned  to  have  been  persons  of  no  note,  yet  Cato  himself 
boasts  of  his  father  as  a  btave  man  and  an  excellent  soldier,  and 
assures  us,  that  his  grandfather  received  several  military  rewards, 
and  that  having  had  five  horses  killed  under  him,  he  had  the  value 
of  them  paid  out  of  the  treasury,  as  an  acknowledgement  of  his  gal. 
lant  behaviour. 

Inured  to  labour  and  temperance,  and  brought  up  in  camps,  he 
had  an  excellent  constitution  with  respect  to  strength  as  well  as 
health.  Considering  eloquence  not  only  useful  but  necessary  for 
every  man  who  does  not  choose  to  live  obscure  and  inactive,  he 
exercised  and  improved  that  talent  in  the  neighbouring  boroughs 
and  villages,  but  undertaking  the  causes  of  such  as  applied  to  him ; 
so  that  he  was  soon  allowed  to  be  an  able  pleader,  and  afterwards 
a  good  orator. 

From  this  time  all  that  conversed  with  him,  discovered  in  him 
such  a  gravity  of  behaviour,  such  a  dignity  and  depth  of  santiment, 
as  qualified  him  for  the  greatest  affairs  in  the  most  respectable  go- 
vernment in  the  world.  For  he  was  not  only  so  disinterested  as  to 
plead  without  fee  or  reward,*  but  it  appeared  that  the  honour  to  be 
gained  in  that  department  was  not  his  principal  view.  His  ambi- 
tion was  military  glory  :  and  when  yet  but  a  youth,  he  had  fought 
in  so  many  battles,  that  his  breast  was  full  of  scars.  He  himself 
tells  us,  he  made  his  first  campaign  at  seventeen  years  of  age, 
when  Hannibal  was  laying  Italy  waste  with  fire  and  sword.  In 
battle  he  stood  firm,  had  a  sure  and  executing  hand,  a  fierce  coun- 
tenance, and  spoke  to  his  enemy  in  a  threatening  and  dreadful  ac- 
cent :  for  he  rightly  judged,  and  endeavoured  to  convince  others, 
that  such  a  behaviour  often  strikes  an  adversary  with  greater  ter- 
ror  than  the  sword  itself.  He  always  marched  on  foot,  and  car- 
ried his  own  arms,  followed  only  by  one  servant,  who  carried  his 
provisions.  And  it  is  said,  he  never  was  angry  or  found  fault 
with  that  servant,  whatever  he  set  before  him ;  but  when  he  was 
at  leisure  from  military  duty  he  would  assist  him  in  dressing  it. 
All  the  time  he  was  in  the  army,  he  drank  nothing  but  water,  ex- 

2c 


2(^  CATO  TH£  CKNSOR. 

cept  that  when  almost  burnt  up  with  thirst,  he  would  ask  for  a  little 
vioei^r,  or  when  he  found  his  strength  and  spirits  exhausted,  he 
would  take  a  little  wine 

Near  his  country-seat  was  a  cottage  which  formerly  belonged  to 
Manius  Curius,^  who  was  thrice  honoured  with  a  triumph.  Cato 
often  walked  thither,  and  reflecting  on  the  smallness  of  the  &nn 
and  the  meanness  of  the  dwelling,  used  to  think  of  the  peculiar 
virtues  of  Deiitaius,  who,  though  he  was  the  greatest  man  in 
Rome,  had  subdued  the  most  warlike  nations,  and  driven  Pyrrhus 
out  of  Italy,  cultivated  this  little  spot  of  ground  with  his  own  hands, 
and,  afler  tliree  triumphs,  lived  in  this  cottage.  Here  the  ambai> 
sadors  of  the  Samnites  found  him  in  the  chimney  corner  dressing 
turnips,  and  offered  a  large  present  of  gold  ;  but  he  refused  it  and 
gave  them  this  answer :  "  A  man  who  can  be  satisfied  with  such 
a  supper,  has  no  need  of  gold ;  and  I  think  it  more  glorious  to 
conquer  the  owners  of  it,  than  to  have  it  myself."  Full  of  these 
thoughts,  Cato  returned  home,  and  taking  a  view  of  his  own  es- 
tate, his  servants,  and  manner  of  living,  added  to  his  own  labour, 
and  retrenched  his  unnecessary  expenses. 

When  Fabius  Maximus  took  the  city  of  Tarentum,  Cato,  who 
was  theiv  very  young,f  served  under  him.  Happening  at  that  time 
to  lodge  with  a  Pythagorean  philosopher  named  Nearchus,  he  de- 
sired  to  hear  some  of  his  doctrine  ;  and  learning  from  him  the  same 
maxims  that  Plato  advances,  **  That  pleasure  is  the  greatest  incen- 
tive to  evil ;  that  the  greatest  burden  and  calamity  to  the  soul  is 
the  body,  from  which  she  cannot  disengage  herself,  but  by  such  a 
wise  use  of  reason  as  shall  wean  and  separate  her  from  all  corpo- 
real passions,"  he  became  still  more  attached  to  frugality  and 
temperance.  Yet  it  is  said  that  he  learned  Greek  very  late,  and 
was  considerably  advanced  in  years  when  he  began  to  read  the 
Grecian  writers,  uiiioiig  whom  he  improved  his  eloquence,  some- 
what by  Thucydides,  but  by  Demosthenes  very  greatly.  Indeed, 
his  own  writings  are  sufliciently  adorned  with  precepts  and  exam- 
ples borrowed  from  the  Greek,  and  among  his  maxims  and  ten- 
tences  we  find  many  that  are  literally  translated  from  the  stme 
originals. 

\tthat  time  there  flourished  a  Roman  nobleman  of  great  power 
and  eminence,  called  Valerius  Flaccus,  whose  penetration  enabled 
him  to  distinguish  a  rising  genius  and  virtuous  disposition,  and 
whose  benevolence  inclined  him  to  encourage  and  conduct  it  in 

*  Maniut  Cuiiut  tHmtatu*  triumnhmt  twice  in  his  firM  contiiUie.  in  th«  four  bun* 
drad  and  tixiy-third  year  of  Rome,  lirtt  ovrr  ibe  Samnitetand  afterwardaover  Uw  Ss- 
binet.  And  cii^lit  years  aAer  that,  in  hii  third  ronsulaie,  he  inuninbad  ovtr  PyrrlHta. 
After  this,  he  led  up  the  leu  triumph,  called  (hahon,  for  hit  victory  Of«r  lbs  Lo 
caniant. 

♦  Fabiui  Maximus  iwik  Tarenium  in  his  fifth  consulatt,  in  the  jrcar  of  Rorm  S44. 
Cato  was  then  twenty-three  years  old  :  Ittti  he  hmi  i-^ndo  hit  f^m  r«,npaigQ  uatftr  tbs 
•snie  Fatiiirs  five  yean  before. 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  203 

the  path  of  glory.  This  nobleman  had  an  estate  contiguous  to 
Cato's,  where  he  often  beard  his  servants  speak  of  his  neighbour's 
laborious  and  temperate  manner  of  life.  They  told  him  that  he 
used  to  go  early  in  the  morning  to  the  little  towns  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  defend  the  causes  of  such  as  applied  to  him  ;  that 
thence  he  would  return  to  his  own  farm,  where,  in  a  coarse  frock, 
if  it  was  winter,  and  naked  if  it  was  summer,  he  would  labour  with 
his  domestics,  and  afterwards  sit  down  with  them,  and  eat  the  same 
kind  of  bread,  and  drink  the  same  wine.  They  related  also  many 
other  instances  of  his  condescension  and  moderation,  and  mention- 
ed severalof  his  short  sayings  that  were  full  of  wit  and  good  sense. 
Valerius,  charmed  with  his  character,  sent  him  an  invitaion  to 
dinner.  From  that  time,  by  frequent  conversation,  he  found  in 
him  so  niuch  sweetness  of  temper  and  ready  wit,  that  he  consider- 
ed him  as  an  excellent  plant,  which  wanted  only  cultivation,  and 
deserved  to  be  removed  to  a  better  soil.  He  therefore  persuaded 
him  to  go  to  Rome,  and  apply  himself  to  affairs  of  s.ate. 

There  his  pleadmgs  soon  procured  him  friends  and  admirers; 
the  interest  of  Valerius,  too,  greatly  assisted  his  rise  to  prefer- 
ment ;  so  that  he  was  first  made  a  military  tribune,  and  afterwards 
quaestor.  And  having  gained  great  reputation  and  honour  in  those 
employments,  he  was  joined  with  Valerius  himself  m  the  highest 
dignities,  being  his  colleague  both  as  consul  and  as  censor. 

His  excellence  as  a  speaker  awakened  a  general  emulation 
among  the  youth  to  distinguish  themselves  he  same  way  :  but  few 
were  wiUing  to  imitate  him  in  the  ancient  custom  of  tilling  the 
field  with  their  own  hands,  in  eating  a  dinner  prepared  vvithout 
fire,  and  a  spare  frugal  supper  ;  few,  Uke  him,  could  be  satisfied 
with  a  plain  dress  and  a  poor  cottage  ;  or  think  it  more  honourable 
not  to  want  the  superfluities  of  life  than  to  possess  them ;  for  the 
commonwealth  now  no  longer  retained  its  primitive  purity  and  in- 
tegrity. Justly,  therefore,  was  Cato  entitled  to  admiration,  when 
the  other  citizens  were  frightened  at  labour,  and  enervated  by  plea- 
sure, and  he  alone  was  unconquered  by  either,  not  only  while  young 
and  ambitious,  but  when  old  and  grey-haired,  after  his  consulship 
and  triumph  ;  like  a  brave  wrestler,  who,  after  he  has  been  victo- 
rious, observes  the  pommon  rules,  and  continues  his  exercises  to 
the  last. 

He  himself  tells  us  that  he  never  wore  a  garment  that  cost  more 
than  a  hundred  drachmas ;  that  even  when  pnetor  or  consul,  he 
drank  the  same  wine  with  his  slaves  ;  that  a  dinner  never  cost  him 
from  the  market  above  thirty  ases :  and  that  he  was  thus  frugal  for 
the  sake  of  his  country,  that  he  might  be  able  to  endure  the  harder 
service  in  war. 

Some  imputed  these  things  to  a  narrowness  of  spirit,  while  others 
supposed  that  he  betook  himself  to  his  contracted  manner  of  living; 


204  ^ATO  THE  CENSOIt 

in  Older  to  correct  by  his  example  the  growing  luxury  of  the  age. 
For  my  part^  I  cannot  but  charge  his  using  his  servants  like  so 
many  beasts  of  burden,  and  turning  them  ot!',  or  selling  them,  when 
grown  old,  to  the  account  of  a  mean  and  ungenerous  spirit,  which 
thinks  that  the  sole  tie  between  man  and  man  is  interest  or  neces. 
sity.  But  goodness  moves  in  a  larger  sphere  than  justice  :  the  ob- 
ligations of  law  and  equity  reach  only  to  mankind,  but  kiodnets 
aud  beneficence  Hhould  be  extended  to  creatures  of  every  species. 
A  good  man  will  take  care  of  his  horses  and  dogs,  not  only  while 
they  are  young,  but  when  old  and  past  service. 

fcaio  was,  however,  a  man  of  wonderful  temperance.  For, 
when  general  of  the  army,  he  took  no  more  from  the  public,  for 
himself  and  those  about  him,  than  three  Attic  medimni  of  wheat  a 
month  ;  and  less  than  a  midimnus  and  a  half  of  barley  for  his  hor> 
8es.  And  when  he  was  governor  of  Sardinia,  though  his  predeces. 
sors  had  put  the  province  to  a  very  great  expense  for  pavillions, 
bedding,  and  apparel,  and  still  more  by  the  number  of  friends  and 
servants  they  had  about  them,  and  by  the  great  and  sumptuous  en- 
tertainments they  gave  ;  he,  on  the  contrary,  was  as  remarkable 
for  his  frugality.  Indeed,  he  put  the  public  to  no  manner  of 
charge.  Instead  of  making  use  of  a  carriage,  he  walked  from  one 
town  to  another,  attended  by  only  one  officer,  who  carried  his  robe 
and  a  vessel  for  libations.  But  if  in  these  things  he  appeared 
plain  and  easy  to  those  that  were  under  his  command,  he  preserved 
a  gravity  and  severity  in  every  thing  else.  For  he  was  inexorable 
in  every  thing  that  related  to  public  justice,  and  inflexibly  rigid  in 
the  execution  of  his  orders ;  so  that  the  Roman  government 
had  never  before  appeared  to  that  people  cither  so  awful  or  so 
amiable.'" 

Being  persuaded  that  a  man's  disposition  may  be  discovered 
much  better  by  his  speech  than  by  his  looks,  I  shall  set  down  some 
of  Cato*8  remarkable  sayings. 

One  day,  when  the  Romans  clamoured  violently  and  unreason, 
ably  for  a  distribution  of  corn,  to  dissuade  them  from  it  he  thus  be- 
gan his  address :  "  It  is  a  difficult  task,  my  fellow.citizens,  to 
speak  to  the  belly,  because  it  has  no  ears."  Another  time,  com- 
plaining of  the  luxury  of  the  Romans,  he  said,  **  It  was  a  hard 
matter  to  save  that  city  from  ruin,  where  a  fish  was  sold  for  more 
than  an  ox."  On  another  occasion  he  said,  "  The  Roman  people 
were  like  sheep,  for  as  those  con  scarce  be  brought  to  stir  singly, 
but  all  in  a  body  readily  follow  their  leaders,  just  such  are  ye. 
The  men  whose  counsel  you  would  not  take  as  individuals,  lead 
you  with  eaae  in  a  crowd."  Speaking  of  the  power  of  women,  he 
said,  '*  All  men  naturally  govern  the  wfimen,  we  govern  all  men, 

*  Hitonlv  •muwmeni  WM  to  h«r  ih«  inatiuciiofit  of  the  poet  Enniu*.  irod^r 
«rhom  h«  iMfMri  the  (>reek  ncieQcet.  Ii«  brniittied  usurer*  from  bis  provtncs,  and 
r9'tuc«(i  ihe  intarett  upon  loans  •Imntt  to  nnthioK. 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  305 

and  our  wives  govern  us."  Another  of  Cato's  sayings  was,  "  That 
the  Roman  people  fixed  the  value,  not  only  of  the  several  kinds  of 
colours,  but  of  the  arts  and  sciences  :  for,"  added  he,  "as  the  dy- 
ers dye  that  sort  of  purple  which  is  most  agreeable  to  you,  so  our 
youth  only  study  and  strive  to  excel  in  such  things  as  you  esteem 
and  commend."  Exhorting  the  people  to  virtue,  he  said,  "If  it  is 
by  virtue  and  temperance  that  you  are  become  great,  change  not 
for  the  worse ;  but  if  by  intemperance  and  vice,  change  for  the 
better,  for  you  are  already  great  enough  by  such  means  as  these." 
He  found  fault  with  the  people  for  often  choosing  the  same  persons 
consuls.  "  You  either,"  said  he,  "  think  the  consulate  of  little 
worth,  or  that  there  are  but  few  worthy  of  the  consulate."  Con- 
cerning one  of  his  enemies,  who  led  a  very  profligate  and  infa- 
mous hfe,  he  said,  "  His  mother  takes  it  for  a  curse  and  not  a 
prayer,  when  any  one  wishes  this  son  may  survive  her."  Point- 
ing to  a  man  who  had  sold  a  paternal  estate  near  the  sea.side,  he 
pretended  to  admire  him,  as  one  that  was  stronger  than  the  sea  it- 
self:  "For,"  said  he,  "  what  the  sea  could  not  have  swallowed 
without  difficulty,  this  man  has  taken  down  with  all  the  ease  imagi- 
nable." When  king  Eumenes*  came  to  Rome,  the  senate  receiv- 
ed  him  with  extraordinary  respect,  and  the  great  men  strove  which 
should  do  him  the  most  honour,  but  Cato  visibly  neglected  and 
shunned  him.  Upon  which  somebody  said,  "  Why  do  you  shun 
Euraenes,  who  is  so  good  a  man,  and  so  great  a  friend  to  the  Ro- 
mans ?"  "  That  may  be,"  answered  Cato,  "  but  I  look  upon  a 
king  as  a  creature  that  feeds  upon  human  flesh,f  and  of  all  the 
kings  that  have  been  so  much  cried  up,  I  find  not  one  to  be  com- 
pared  with  an  Epaminondas,  a  Themistocles,  a  Manius  Curius,  or 
with  Hamilcar,  surnamed  Barcas. 

He  used  to  say  that  his  enemies  hated  him,  because  he  neglected 
his  own  concerns,  and  rose  before  day.  to  mind  those  of  the  pub- 
lic. But  that  he  had  rather  his  good  actions  should  go  unreward- 
ed, than  his  bad  ones  unpunished  ;  and  that  he  pardoned  every 
body's  faults  sooner  than  his  own."  The  Romans  having  sent 
three  ambassadors  to  the  king  of  Bithynia,  of  whom  one  had  the 
gout,  another  had  his  skull  treps^nned,  and  third  was  reckoned  little 
better  than  a  fool,  Cato  smiled  and  said,  "  They  had  sent  an  em- 
bassy which  had  neither  feet,  head,  nor  heart."  When  Scipio  ap- 
plied to  him,  at  the  request  of  Polybius,  in  behalf  of  the  Achajanij: 

*  Eumenes  went  to  Rome  in  the  year  of  Rome  581.     Cato  was  then  thirty-nine 
years  old. 

f  This  jest  is  taken  from  the  first  book  of  Homer's  Iliad. 

I  The  Achaeans,  in  the  first  year  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  third  Olympiad,  entered 
into  measures  for  delivermg  up  their  country  'o  the  king  of  Persia,  but  being  discov^ 
ered,  a  thousand  of  them  were  seized  and  compelled  to  live  exiles  m  Italy.  There 
they  continued  seventeen  years :  after  which  about  three  nundred,  who  were  still 
living,  were  restored  ny  a  decree  of  the  senate,  which  was  particularly  made  in  favour 
of  Polybius,  who  w^H  one  of  the  number. 
18 


20§  CATO  TJtth  CENSOR. 

exiles,  and  the  matter  was  much  canvassed  in  the  senate,  some 
speaking  for  their  heing  restored,  and  some  aguinst  it,  Cuto  rose 
up  and  said,  **  As  if  we  had  nothing  else  to  do,  we  sit  here  all  day 
debating,  whether  a  few  poor  old  Greeks  shall  be  buried  by  our 
ffravC'digffers,  or  those  of  our  their  country.'*  The  senate  then 
decreed,  tnat  the  exiles  should  return  home  ;  and  Polybius,  some 
days  after,  endeavoured  to  procure  another  meeting  of  that  respec- 
table body,  to  restore  those  exiles  to  their  former  honours  in  Achaia. 
Upon  this  affair  he  sounded  Calo,  who  answered  smiling,  "  This 
is  just  as  if  Ulysses  should  have  wanted  to  enter  the  Cy  clop's  cuve 
again,  for  a  hat  and  belt  which  he  had  left  behind.*'  It  was  a 
saying  of  his,  *'  That  wise  men  learn  more  from  fools,  than  fools 
from  the  wise  :  for  the  wise  avoid  the  error  of  fools,  while  fools  do 
Dot  profit  by  the  examples  of  the  wise."  Another  of  his  sayings 
was,  "  That  he  liked  a  young  man  that  blushed,  more  than  one  that 
turned  pale ;  and  that  he  did  not  Uke  a  soldier  who  moved  his 
hands  in  marching,  and  his  feet  in  fighting,  and  who  snored  louder 
in  bed  than  he  shouted  in  battle."  Jesting  upon  a  very  fat  man, 
he  said,  **  Of  what  service  to  his  country  can  8uch  a  body  be,  which 
is  nothing  but  belly  ?"  When  an  epicure  desired  so  be  admitted 
into  his  friendship,  he  said,  ''  He  could  not  live  with  a  man  whose 
palate  had  quicker  sensations  than  his  heart."  He  used  to  say, 
^'The  soul  of  a  lover  lived  in  the  body  of  another:  and  that  in 
all  his  life  he  never  repented  but  of  three  things ;  the  first  was, 
that  he  had  trusted  a  woman  with  a  secret  ;  the  second,  that  he 
had  gone  by  sea,  when  he  might  have  gone  by  land  ;  and  the  third, 
that  he  passed  one  day  without  having  a  will  by  him."*  To  an 
old  debauchee  he  said,  *'Old  age  has  deformities  enough  of  its 
own  ;  do  not  add  to  it  the  deformity  of  vice."  A  tribune  of  the 
people,  who  had  the  character  of  a  poisoner,  proposing  a  bad  law, 
and  taking  great  pains  to  have  it  passed,  Oato  said  to  him,  *'  Young 
man,  I  know  not  which  is  most  dangerous,  to  drink  what  you  mix, 
or  to  enact  what  you  propose."  Being  scurrilously  treated  by  a 
man  who  led  a  dissolute  and  infamous  life,  he  said,  "  It  is  upon 
very  unequal  terms  that  I  contend  with  you  ;  for  you  are  accustom, 
ed  to  be  spoken  ill  of,  and  can  speak  it  with  pleasure;  but  with 
me  it  is  unusual  to  hear  it,  and  disagreeable  to  speak  it."  Such 
was  the  manner  of  his  repartees  and  short  sayings. 

Being  appointed  consul  along  with  his  friend  Valerius  Flaccus, 
the  government  of  that  part  of  Spain  which  the  Romans  call  Cite- 
rior,  Uitheff  fell  to  his  lot.f  While  he  was  subduing  some  of  the  na- 

•  Thi«  hat  be«n  mitiindcrataod  by  all  the  translaiors,  who  ^ava  a(i«ad  in  render* 
ft,  **  thai  h«  had  \m»wtd  nnr  riay  idly." 

f  Ai  Taro't  troops  coniisied  fur  the  moM  part  of  raw  aelciiert.  h«  took  great  paint 
Ut  riiKiplinn  thfm.  rimaideniiK  that  they  had  to  d«al  wiUi  ilM  Spaniards,  who,  m  tlieit 
wart  wiih  the  Hoinan*  and  (  ariiiaciniao*,  had  learned  ihe  mditary  an.  and  wert 
mCtfralty  brave  and  couraneoui.    Before  be  came  to  notion,  be  lent  away  hit  fleot. 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  ^jgfr 

tidtis  there  by  arms,  and  winning  others  by  kindness,  a  great  army 
of  barbarians  fell  upoh  him,  and  he  was  in  danger  of  being  driven 
out  with  dishonour.  On  this  occasion  he  sent  to  desire  succours  of 
his  neighbours  the  Celtibenans,  who  demanded  two  hundred  talents 
for  that  service.  All  the  officers  of  his  army  thought  it  intolerable, 
that  the  Romans  should  be  obliged  to  purchase  assistance  of  the 
barbarians :  but  Cato  said,  "  It  is  no  such  great  hardship ;  for  if 
we  conquer,  we  shall  pay  them  at  the  enemy's  expense ;  and  if  we 
are  conquered,  there  will  be  no  body  either  to  pay  or  make  the  de- 
mand." He  gained  the  battle,  and  every  thing  afterwards  sue- 
ceeded  to  his  wish. 

While  he  was  settling  the  affairs  of  Spain,  Scipio  the  Great,  who 
was  his  enemy,  and  wished  to  break  the  course  of  his  success,  and 
have  the  finishing  of  the  war  himself,  managed  matters  so  as  to  get 
himself  appointed  his  successor,  after  which  he  made  all  possible 
haste  to  take  the  command  of  the  army  from  him.  But  Cato,  hear- 
ing  of  his  march,  took  five  companies  of  foot,  and  five  hundred 
horse,  as  a  convoy  to  attend  upon  Scipio,  and  as  he  went  to  meet 
him,  defeated  the  Lacetanians,  and  took  among  them  six  hundred 
Roman  deserters,  whom  he  caused  to  be  put  to  death.  And  upon  Sci- 
pio's  expressing  his  displeasure  at  this,  he  answered  ironically, 
"  Rome  would  be  great  indeed,  if  men  of  birth  would  not  yield  the 
palm  of  virtue  to  the  commonalty,  and  if  plebeians,  like  himself, 
would  contend  for  excellence  with  men  of  birth  and  quality."  Be- 
sides, as  the  senate  had  decreed,  that  nothing  should  be  altered 
which  Cato  had  ordered  and  established,  the  post  which  Scipio  had 
made  so  much  interest  for,  rather  tarnished  his  own  glory  than  that 
of  Cato  ;  for  he  continued  inactive  during  that  government. 

In  the  mean  time,  Cato  was  honoured  with  a  triumph.  But  he 
did  not  act  afterwards  like  those  whose  ambition  is  only  for  fame, 
and  not  for  virtue,  and  who  having  reached  the  highest  honours, 
borne  the  office  of  consul,  and  led  up  triumphs,  withdraw  from  bu- 
siness, and  give  up  the  rest  of  their  days  to  ease  and  pleasure.  On 
the  contrary,  like  those  who  are  just  entered  upon  business,  and 
thirst  for  honour  and  renown,  he  exerted  himself  as  if  he  were  be- 
ginning his  race  anew,  his  services  being  always  ready  both  for  his 
friends  in  particular,  and  for  the  citizens  in  general,  either  at  the 
bar  or  in  the  field.  For  he  went  with  the  consul  Tiberius  Sempro- 
nius  to  Thrace  and  the  Danube,*  as  his  lieutenant ;  and  as  a  le- 
gionary tribune,  he  attended  Manius  Acilius  Glabrio  into  Greece, 
in  the  war  against  Antiochus  the  Great,  who,  next  to  Hannibal^  was 
the  most  formidable  enemy  the  Romans  ever  had.    For  having  re- 

that  his  soldiers  might  place  all  their  hopes  in  their  valour.  With  the  same  view, 
when  he  came  near  the  enemy,  he  took  a  compass,  and  posted  his  army  behind  them 
In  the  plain,  so  that  the  Spaniards  were  between  him  and  his  camp. 

*  The  year  after  his  consulship,  and  the  second  year  of  the  hundred  and  foEty^xfh 
Olympiad 


208 


CATO  THE  CEWSQR. 


covered  almost  all  the  provinces  of  Asia  which  Seleucut  Nicmnor 
bad  possessed,  and  reduced  many  warlike  nations  of  barbarians,  he 
was  so  much  elated  as  to  think  the  Romans  the  only  match  for  him 
in  the  field.  Accordmgly  he  crossed  the  sea  with  a  powerful  army, 
colouring  his  design  with  tbe  specious  pretence  of  restoring  liberty 
to  the  Greeks,  of  which,  however,  ihey  stood  in  no  deed,  lor  being 
lately  delivered  by  the  favour  of  the  Romans  from  the  yoke  of  Phi- 
lip  and  the  Macedonians,  they  were  free  already,  and  were  go- 
verned by  their  own  laws. 

At  his  approach,  all  Greece  was  in  great  commotion,  and  unre. 
solved  how  to  act ;  being  corrupted  with  the  splendid  hopes  in. 
flised  by  the  orators  whom  Antiochus  had  gained. 

Antiochus  having  blocked  up  the  narrow  pass  of  Thermopylas 
with  his  troops,  and  added  walls  and  entrenchments  to  the  natural 
fortifications  of  the  place,  sat  down  there  unconcerned,  thinking  the 
war  could  not  touch  him.  And  indeed  the  Romans  despaired  of 
forcing  the  pass.  But  Cato  recollecting  the  circuit  the  Persians 
bad  taken  on  a  like  occasion,  set  out  in  the  night  with  a  proper  de- 
tachment. 

When  they  had  advanced  a  considerable  height,  the  guide,  who 
.vas  one  of  the  prisoners,  missed  his  way,  and  wandering  about, 
among  impracticable  places  and  precipices,  threw  the  soldiers  into 
inexpressible  dread  and  despair.  Cato,  seeing  the  danger,  ordered 
them  to  halt,  while  he  with  one  Lucius  Manlius,  who  was  dexte- 
rous  in  climbing  the  steep  mountains,  went  forward  with  great  dif. 
ficulty  and  at  the  hazard  of  his  hfe,  at  midnight,  without  any  moon ; 
scrambling  among  wild  olive-trees,  and  steep  rocks  that  still  more 
impeded  his  view,  and  added  darkness  to  the  obscurity.  At  last 
they  hit  upon  a'  path  whidi  seemed  to  lead  down  to  the  enemy's 
camp.  They  had  marched  but  a  little  farther,  when  the  path  failed 
tbem,  and  they  saw  notliing  before  them  but  a  precipice,  which 
distressed  them  still  more ;  for  they  could  not  yet  perceive  that 
they  were  near  the  enemy. 

The  day  now  began  to  appear,  when  one  of  them  thought  be 
heard  the  sound  of  human  voices,  and  a  little  aAer,  they  saw  the 
Grecian  camp,  and  the  advanced  guord  at  the  foot  of  the  rock. 
Cato,  therefore,  made  a  halt,  and  sent  to  acquaint  the  Firmians 
that  he  wanted  to  speak  with  them  in  private.*  These  were  troops 
whose  fidelity  and  courage  he  had  experienced  oo  the  most  dan- 
gerous occasions.  They  hastened  into  his  presence,  when  he  thus 
addressed  them  :  '*  I  want  to  take  one  of  the  enemy  alive,  to  learn 
of  him  who,  and  how  many,  compose  this  advanced  guard,  what  is 
the  disposition  and  order  of  the  whole  army,  and  what  preparatioos 
they  have  made  to  receive  us ;  but  the  business  reouires  the  speed 
and  impetuosity  of  lions,  who  rush  into  a  herd  of  timorous  beasts.*' 

«  Firroium  wm»  a  Roman  colony  in  tkt  Ptoooe. 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  209 

When  Cato  had  done  speaking,  the  Firmians,  without  further 
preparation,  poured  down  the  mountain,  surpiised  the  advanced 
guard,  dispersed  them,  took  one  armed  man,  and  brought  him  to 
Cato.  The  prisoner  informed  him,  that  the  main  body  of  the  army 
was  encamped  with  the  king  in  the  narrow  pass,  and  that  the  de- 
tachment which  guarded  the  heights  consisted  of  six  hundred  se- 
lect iEtolians.  Cato,  despising  these  troops,  as  well  on  account  of 
their  small  number,  as  their  negligence,^drew  his  sword,  apd  rushed 
upon  them  with  all  the  alarm  of  voices  and  triynpets.  The  ^Eto- 
lians  no  sooner  saw  him  descend  from  the  mountains,  than  they 
fled  to  the  main  body,  and  put  the  whole  in  the  utmost  confusion. 

At  the  same  time  Manius  forced  the  entrenchments  of  Antiochus 
below,  and  poured  into  the  pass  with  his  army.  Antiochus  him- 
self being  wounded  in  the  mouth  with  a  stone,  and  having  some  of 
his  teeth  struck  out,  the  anguish  obliged  him  to  turn  his  horse  and 
retire.  After  his  retreat,  no  part  of  his  army  could  stand  the  shock 
of  the  Romans. 

Cato,  who  was  never  sparing  in  his  own  praises,  and  thought 
boasting  a  naturjjil  attendant  on  great  actions,  is  very  pompous  in 
his  account  of  this  exploit.  He  says,  "  That  those  who  saw  him 
charging  the  enemy,  routing  and  pursuing  them,  decFared  that  Cato 
owed  less  to  the  people  of  Rome,  than  the  people  of  Rome  owed 
to  Cato  ;  and  that  the  consul  Manius  himself,  coming  hot  from  the 
fight,  took  him  in  his  arms  as  he  too  came  panting  from  the  ac- 
tion, and  embracing  him  a  long  time,  cried  out  in  a  transport  of 
joy,  that  neither  he  nor  the  whole  Roman  people  could  sufficiently 
reward  Cato's  merit." 

Immediately  after  the  battle,  the  consul  sent  him  with  an  ac- 
count of  it  to  Rome,  that  he  might  be  first  to  carry  the  news  of  his 
own  achievements.  With  a  favourable  wind  he  sailed  to  Brundu- 
sium ;  thence  he  reached  Tarentum  in  one  day :  and  having  tra- 
velled four  days  more,  arrived  at  Rome  the  fifth  day  after  he  land- 
ed, and  was  the  first  that  brought  the  news  of  the  victory. 

These  are  the  most  remarkable  of  Cato's  actions :-  and  with  re- 
spect to  civil  affairs,  he  appears  to  have  thought  the  impeaching  of 
offenders  and  bringing  them,  to  justice  a  thing  that  well  deserved 
his  attention.  For  he  prosecuted  several^  and  encouraged  and  as- 
sisted others  in  carrying  on  their  prosecutions. 

Cato,  however,  did  not  escape  such  attacks ;  but  when,  in  the 
business  of  the  state,  he  gave  the  least  handle,  was  prosecuted,  and 
sometimes  in  danger  of  being  condemned.  For  it  is  said  that  near 
fifty  impeachments  were  brought  against  him,  and  the  last,  when 
he  was  eighty-six  years  of  age  :  on  which  occasion  he  made  use 
of  that  memorable  expression,  "  It  is  hard  that  I  wh6  have  lived 
with  men  of  one  generation,  should  be  obliged  to  make  my  defence 
to  those  of  another."  Nor  was  this  the  end  of  his  cor^tests  at  the 
2$  18* 


/ 


ilXO 


CATO  iUK  CLiNSQK. 


htLt ;  for,  ibor  years  afler,  at  the  age  of  nuicty,*  be  impMcbed  Sci. 
viliufl  Galba :  so  that,  like  Nestor,  be  lived  tbree  generaUons,  and, 
like  him,  waa  always  in  action.  After  having  constantly  opposed 
Scipio  in  matters  of  government,  he  lived  until  the  time  of  young 
Scipio,  his  adopted  grandson,  and  son  of  Paulus  i£miliu8}  who  coo* 
quered  Perseus  and  the  Macedonians. 

Ten  years  aller  his  cotisulship,  Cato  stood  for  the  office  of  cen- 
sor, which  was  the  highest  dignity  in  tlie  republic.  For,  beside  the 
other  power  and  authority  that  attended  this  office,  it  gave  the  ma« 
gpstcate  a  right  of  inquiry  into  the  hves  and  manners  of  the  citi- 
zens, and  when  Cato  solicited  it,  the  principal  senators  opposed  him. 

Having  consulted  and  prepared  thoir  measures,  they  put  up  seven 
candidates  in  opposition  to  Cato  ;  and  imagining  that  the  people 
wished  to  be  governed  with  an  easy  hand,  they  soothed  them  with 
hopes  of  a  mild  censorship.  Cato,  on  the  contrary,  without  con. 
descending  to  the  least  flattery  or  complaisance,  in  his  speeches 
from  the  rostrum  professed  his  resolution  to  punish  every  instance 
of  vice :  and  loudly  declaring  that  the  city  wanted  great  reforma- 
tion, conjured  the  people,  if  they  were  wise,  to  choose,  not  the 
mildest,  but  the  severest  physician. 

The  Roman  people,  on  this  occasion,  shewed  themselves  truly 
great,  and  worthy  of  the  best  of  leaders :  for,  far  from  dreading 
the  severity  of  this  inflexible  man,  they  rejected  those  smoother 
candidates  who  seemed  ready  to  consult  their  pleasure  in  every 
thing,  and  chose  Valerius  Flaccus  with  Cato ;  attending  to  the  lat^ 
tsr  not  as  a  man  who  solicited  the  office  of  censor,  but  as  one  who, 
already  possessed  of  it,  gave  out  his  orders  by  virtue  of  his  authority. 

The  first  thing  that  Cato  did,  was  to  name  his  friend  and  col. 
league  Lucius  Valerius  Flaccus  chief  of  the  senate,  and  to  expel 
many  others  the  house;  particularly  Lucius  Quintus,  who  had  been 
consul  seven  years  before,  and,  what  was  still  a  greater  honour, 
was  brother  to  Titus  Flaminiue,f  who  overthrew  king  Philip. 

He  was  censured  as  having  merely  indulged  his  envy,  when  be 
degraded  Lucius,  who  was  brother  to  Scipio  ihe  Great,  and  had 
been  honoured  with  a  triumph  ;  for  he  took  from  him  his  horse ; 
and  it  was  believed  he  did  it  to  insult  the  memory  of  Scipio  Afri- 
oanus.  But  what  rendered  him  more  generally  obnoxious,  was  the 
reformation  he  introduced  in  point  of  luxury.  It  was  impossible 
for  him  to  begin  his  attacks  upon  it  openly,  bocause  tbe  whole 
body  of  the  people  was  infected,  and  therefore  he  took  an  indirect 

•  Plumrch  here  Iff  DM  cooiistent  with  himiel£  Towards  the  begi«iin|  ot  ikie  life, 
m  my,  thmt  Cein  wm  but  ■eeenieeB  yean  old  at  the  line  of  Haaalbare  Mocesi  ia 
iialy ;  and  at  the  conclutioo  he  lelli,  that  Cato  died  just  at  Uie  bsghwiM  of  the  thifd 
Puoic  war.  But  Hannihal  came  into  Italy  in  the  year  of  RoneSM ,  end  the  third 
reale  war  broke  out  aeveotyyeartafker,  hi  Uie  year  of  RssM  604.  Aoootding  lo  tMi 
MpmatkMi,  Cato  ooQld  not  be  more  than  eightyeMreo  yestt  old  when  he  died,  sad 
tmeMccNint  if  confirmed  by  Cicera  ^^ 

*  Polyhlttf,  lAry,  andCtewo,  make  the  tumame of  thlt  family  Flamloiif 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  211 

method.  He  caused  an  estimate  to  be  taken  of  all  apparel,  car- 
riages, female  ornaments,  furniture  and  utensils  ;  and  whatever 
exceeded  fifteen  hundred  drachmas  in  value,  he  rated  at  ten  times 
as  much,  and  imposed  a  tax  according  to  that  valuation/  For  every 
thousand  ases  he  made  them  pay  three ;  that  finding  themselves 
burdened  with  the  tax,  while  the  modest  and  frugal,  with  equal  sub- 
stance, paid  much  less  to  the  public,  they  might  be  induced  to  re- 
trench their  appearance.  This  procured  him  many  enemies,  not 
only  among  those  who,  rather  than  part  with  their  luxury,  submit- 
ted  to  the  tax,  but  among  those  who  lessened  the  expense  of  their 
figure  to  avoid  it.  For  the  generality  of  mankind  think  that  a  pro- 
hibition to  shew  their  wealth  is  the  same  thing  as  taking  it  away, 
and  that  opulence  is  seen  in  the  superfluities,  not  in  the  necessaries 
of  life. 

The  people,  however,  appear  to  have  been  highly  pleased  with 
his  behaviour  in  this  office.  For  when  they  erected  his  statue  in 
the  temple  of  Health,  they  made  no  mention  on  the  pedestal  of  his 
victories  and  his  triumph,  but  the  inscription  was  to  this  effect: 
"  In  honour  of  Cato  the  censor,  who,  when  the  Roman  common- 
wealth was  degenerating  into  licentiousness,  by  good  discipline 
and  wise  institutions  restored  it." 

Before  this,  he  laughed  at  those  who  were  fond  of  such  honours, 
and  said,  "  They  were  not  aware  that  they  plumed  themselves  upon 
the  workmanship  of  founders,  statuaries,  and  painters,  while  the 
Romans  bore  about  a  more  glorious  image  of  him  in  their  hearts." 
And  to  those  who  expressed  their  wonder,  that,  while  many  per- 
sons of  little  note  had  their  statues,  Cato  had  none,  he  said,  "  He 
had  much  rather  it  should  be  asked,  why  he  had  not  a  statue,  than 
why  he  had  one."  In  short,  he  was  of  opinion  that  a  good  citizen 
should  not  even  accept  of  his  due  praise,  unless  it  tended  to  the  ad-' 
vantage  of  the  community.  Yet  of  all  men  he  was  the  most  for- 
ward to  commend  himself:  for  he  tells  us,  that  those  who  were 
guilty  of  misdemeanors,  and  afterwards  reproved  for  them,  used  to 
say,  "  They  are  excusable  ;  they  were  not  Catos  :"  and  that  such 
as  imitated  some  of  his  actions,  but  did  it  awkwardly,  were  called 
left-handed  Catos.  He  added,  "  That  the  senate,  in  difficult  and 
dangerous  times,  used  to  cast  their  eyes  upon  him,  as  passengers 
in  a  ship  do  upon  the  pilot  in  a  storm  :"  and  "  That  when  he  hap- 
pened to  be  absent,  they  frequently  put  oflT  the  consideration  of 
matters  of  importance."  These  particulars,  indeed,  are  confirmed 
by  other  writers ;  for  his  life,  his  eloquenee,  and  his  age,  gave  him 
great  authority  in  Rome. 

He  was  a  good  father,  a  good  husband,  and  an  excellent  econo- 
mist.  He  chose  his  wife  rather  for  her  family  than  her  fortune ; 
persuaded,  that,  though  both  the  rich  and  the  high-born  have  their 
pride,  yet  women  of  good  families  are  more  ashamed  of  any  base 


2^  CATO  THE  CENSOR. 

and  UD worthy  action,  and  more  obedient  to  their  hufibandtf  in  every 
ibing  that  is  good  and  honourable. 

Aa  soon  as  the  dawn  of  understanding  appeared,  Cato  took  upon 
him  the  office  of  schoolmaster  to  his  Hon,  though  he  had  a  slave 
named  Chilo,  who  was  a  good  grammarian^  and  taught  several  other 
children.  But  he  tells  us,  he  did  not  choose  that  his  son  should  be 
reprimanded  by  a  slave,  or  pulled  by  the  «ar8,  if  he  happened  to  be 
slow  in  learning  ;  or  that  he  should  be  indebted  to  so  mean  a  per. 
son  for  his  education.  He  was,  therefore,  himself  bin  |>rcceptor  in 
grammar,  in  law,  and  in  the  necessary  exercises.  For  he  taught 
him  not  only  how  to  throw  a  dart,4o  fight  hand  to  hand,  and  to  ride, 
but  to  box,  to  endure  heat  and  cold,  and  to  swim  the  most  rapid  ri> 
^ers.  He  farther  acquaints  us,  that  he  wrote  histories  for  him  with 
his  own  hand,  m  large  characters,  that  without  stirring  out  of  his 
father's  house,  he  might  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  great  actions  of 
the  ancient  Romans  and  of  the  customs  of  his  country.  He  was 
as  careful  not  to  utter  an  indecent  word  before  his  son,  as  he  would 
have  been  in  the  presence  of  the  Vestal  Virgins;  nor  did  he  ever 
bathe  with  him.  A  regard  to  decency  in  this  respect  was  indeed 
at  that  time  general  among  the  Romans. 

While  Cato  was  taking  such  excellent  measures  for  forming  his 
son  to  virtue,  he  found  him  naturally  ductile  both  in  genius  and  in. 
clination  ;  but  us  his  body  was  too  weak  to  undergo  much  hardship, 
his  father  was  obliged  to  relax  the  severity  of  his  discipline,  and  to 
indulge  him  a  little  in  point  of  diet.  Yet,  with  this  constitution,  ho 
was  an  excellent  soldier,  and  particularly  distinguished  himself  un. 
der-Paulua  i£milius  in  the  battle  against  Perseus.  On  this  occa- 
sion, his  sword  happening  to  be  struck  from  his  hand,  the  moisture 
of  which  prevented  him  from  grasping  it  firmly,  he  turned  to  some 
of  his  companions  with  great  concern,  and  begged  their  assistance 
in  recovering  it.  He  then  rushQ4  with  them  into  the  midst  of  the 
enemy,  and  having,  with  extraordinary  efibrts,  cleared  the  place 
where  the  sword  was  lost,  he  found  it,  with  much  difficulty,  under 
heaps  of  arms,  and  dead  bodies  of  friends,  as  well  as  enemies,  piled 
upon  each  other.  Paulus  iEmilius  admired  this  gallant  action  of 
the  young  man ;  and  tliere  is  a  letter  still  extant,  written  by  Cato 
to  his  son,  in  which  ho  extremely  commends  his  high  sense  of  ho- 
nour expressed  in  the  recovery  of  his  sword.  The  young  man  af- 
terwards married  Tertta,  daughter  to  Paulus  iEmilius,  and  sister  to 
young  Scipio ;  the  honoUr  of  which  alliance  was  as  much  owing  to 
his  own  as  to  his  father's  merit.  Thus  Cato's  care  in  the  educa- 
tion of  his  sun  answered  the  end  proposed. 

When  Cato  was  far  advanced  in  years,  there  arrived  at  Rome 
two  ambassadors  from  Athens,  Carneades  the  Aeademk,  and  Dio- 
genes  the  Stoic.  They  were  sent  to  beg  ofTa  fine  of  five  hundred 
talents  which  had  been  im(>oeed  on  the  Athenians  for  contumacy, 


CATO  THE  CEiNSOK.  213 

by  the  Sic3'0Jiians,  at  the  suit  of  the  people  of  Oropus.*  Upon  the 
arrival  of  these  philosophers,  such  of  the  Roman  youth  as  had  a 
taste  for  learning,  went  to  wait  on  them,  and  heard  them  with  won- 
der  and  delight.  Above  all  they  were  charmed  with  the  graceful 
manners  of  Carneades,  the  force  of  whose  eloquence  being  great, 
and  his  reputation  equal  to  his  eloquence,  had  drawn  an. audience 
of  the  most  considerable  and  polite  persons  in  Rome,. and  the  sound 
of  his  fame,  like  a  mighty  wind,  had  filled  the  whole  city. 

The  Romans  were  delighted  to  behold  their  sons  thus  fondly  re- 
ceive the  Grecian  literature  ;  but  Cato,  from  the  beginning,  was 
alarmed  at  it.  He  was  afraid  that  the  youth  would  turn  their  am- 
bition that  way,  and  prefer  the  glory  of  eloquence  to  that  of  deeds 
of  arras.  But  when  he  found  that  the  reputation  of  these  philoso- 
phers rose  still  higher,  and  their  first  speeches  were  translated  into 
Latin,  by  Caius  Acilius,  a  senator  of  great  distinction,  he  had  no 
longer  patience,  but  resolved  to  dismiss  them  upon  some  decent 
and  specious  pretence. 

He  went  therefore  to  the  senate,  and  complained  of  the  magis- 
trates for  detaining  so  long  such  ambassadors  as  those,  who  could 
persuade  the  people  to  whatever  they  pleased.  "  You  ought,"  said 
he,  "  to  determine  their  affair  as  speedily  as  possible,  thaty  return- 
ing to  their  schools,  they  may  hold  forth  to  the  Grecian  youth,  and 
that  our  young  men  may  give  attention  to  the  law  s  and  the  magis- 
trates." Not  that  Cato  was  induced  ta  this  by  any  particular  pique 
to  Carneades,  which  some  suppose  to  have  been  the  case,  but  by 
his  aversion  to  philosophy,  and  his  making  it  a  point  to  show  his 
contempt  of  the  polite  studies  and  learning  of  the  Greeks.  Nay, 
he  scrupled  not  to  affirm,  "  That  Socrates  himself  was  a  prating 
seditious  fellow,  who  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  tyrannize  over 
his  country,  by  abolishing  its  customs,  and  drawing  the  people  over 
to  opinions  contrary  to  the  laws."  And  to  ridicule  the  slow  me- 
thods  of  Isocrates's  teaching,  he  said,  "  His  scholars  grew  old  in 
learning  their  art,  as  if  they  intended  to  exercise  it  in  the  shades 
below,  and  to  plead  causes  there."  And  .to  dissuade  his  son  from 
those  studies,  he  told  him  in  a  louder  tone  than  could  be  expected 
from  a  man  of  his  age,  and,  as  it  were,  in  an  oracular  and  prophe- 
tic  way,  "  That  when  the  Romans  came  thoroughly  to  imbibe  the 
Grecian  hterature,  they  would  lose  the  empire  of  the  world."  But 
time  has  shewn  the  vanity  of  that  invidious  assertion  ;  for  Rome 
was  never  at  a  higher  pitch  of  greatness,  than  when  she  was  mos? 
perfect  in  the  Grecian  erudition,  and  most  attentive  to  learning.f 

*  The  Athenians  had  phindered  the  city  of  Oropus.  Upon  complaint  made  by  the 
inhabitants,  the  afifair  was  referred  to  the  determination  of  the  Sicyonians ;  and  the 
Athenians  not  appearing  to  justify  themselves,  were  fined  five  hundred  talents. 

f  Rome  had,  indeed,  a  very  extensive  empire  in  the  Augugtan  age,  hut.  at  the  same 
time,  she  lost  her  ancient  constitution  and  her  liberty.  Not  thai  the  iearnmg  of  the 
Romans  contributed  to  that  loss,  but  their  irreligion,  their  luxury,  and  corruption, 
occasioned  it^ 


314  t'ATO  THK  CENSOR. 

In  his  younger  days  he  applied  himself  to  agricnlture,  with  a 
view  to  profit ;  lor  ho  used  to  say,  he  had  only  t>*o  ways  of  increa. 
ing  his  income,  labour  and  parsimony :  but  as  he  grew  old,  he 
regarded  it  only  by  way  of  theory  and  amusement.  He  wrote  a 
book  concerning  country  affairs/  in  which,  among  other  things,  be 
gives  rules  for  making  cakes,  and  preserving  fruit :  for  he  was 
demrous  to  be  thought  curious  and  particular  in  every  thing.  He 
kept  a  better  table  in  the  country  than  in  the  town;  fbr  he  always 
invited  some  of  his  acquaintance  to  sup  with  him. 

With  these  he  passed  the  time  in  cheerful  conversation,  making 
himself  agreeable,  not  only  to  those  of  his  own  age,  but  to  the 
young ;  for  he  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  had 
either  seen  himself  or  heard  from  others  a  variety  of  things  that 
were  curious  and  entertaining.  He  looked  upon  the  table  as  one 
of  the  best  means  of  forming  friendships :  and  at  his,  the  conver- 
sation  generally  turned  upon  the  praises  of  great  and  excellent 
men  among  the  Romans :  as  for  the  bad  and  unworthy,  no  mention 
was  made  of  them,  for  he  would  not  allow  in  his  company  one  word, 
either  good  or  bad,  to  be  said  of  such  men. 

The  last  service  he  is  said  to  have  done  the  public,  was  the 
destruction  of  Carthage.  The  younger  Scipio  indeed  gave  the 
finishing  stroke  to  that  work,  but  it  was  undertaken  chiefly  by  the 
advice  and  at  the  instance  of  Cato.  The  occasion  of  this  war  was 
this :  The  Carthaginians  and  Massinissa  king  of  Numidia,  being 
at  war  with  each  other,  Cato  wblb  sent  into  Africa  to  inquire  into 
the  cause  of  the  quarrel.  Massinissa,  from  the  first  had  been  a 
friend  to  the  Romans,  and  the  Carthaginians  were  admitted  into 
their  alliance  after  the  great  overthrow  they  received  from  Scipio 
the  elder,  but  upon  terms  which  deprived  them  of  great  part  of 
their  dominions,  and  imposed  a  heavy  tribute.f  When  Cato 
arrived  at  Carthage,  he  found  that  city  not  in  the  exhausted  and 
hamble  condition  which  the  Romans  imagined,  but  full  of  men  fit 
to  bear  arms,  abounding  in  money,  in  arms,  and  warlike  stores, 
and  not  a  little  elated  in  the  thought  of  its  being  so  well  provided. 
He  concluded,  therefore,  that  it  was  now  time  for  the  Romans  to 
endeavour  to  settle  the  points  in  dispute  between  the  Numidians 
and  Carthage  ;  and  that,  if  they  did  not  soon  make  themtelTM 
masters  of  that  city,  which  was  their  old  enemy,  and  retained 
strong  resentments  of  the  usage  she  had  lately  received,  and  which 
had  not  wnly  recovered  herself  afier  her  losses,  but  was  prodigi. 
ously  increased  in  wealth  and  power,  they  would  soon  be  •zpoted 

«  Thif  it  tlM  ooly  work  of  hit  that  remaint  entire :  of  lbs  i«l  w«  bsva  oaly  Ah* 
menuL 

f  Scipio  Afrieaousotiliged  tbeCarthiixiniHnt,  at  theeoMokiaion  of  the  imomI  RnUe 
war,  tt>  (Mirer  up  tbeir  fleet  to  the  Romans,  yield  to  Muaialna  pAit  of  Sjpkax** 
dooiinioiM,  sad  pay  the  Rotnaot  ten  tbouHnd  ulents  Thle  psaee  was  nade  w  tkm 
third  year  of  ttte  hundred  and  fbrty.  fourth  Olympiad,  two  btrndivd  ye«rt  bafbra  the 
Cfariarian  er»^ 


CATO  THE  CENSOR.  216 

to  all  their  former  dangers.  For  this  reason  they  returned  in  all 
haste  to  Rome,  where  he  informed  the  senate,  "  That  the  defeats 
and  other  misfortunes  which  had  happened  to  the  Carthaginians, 
had  not  so  much  drained  them  of  their  forces,  as  cured  them  of 
their  folly ;  and,  in  all  probability,  instead  of  weaker,  they  had 
made  them  a  more  skilful  and  warlike  ^nemy  i  that  their  war  with 
the  Numidians  was  only  a  prelude  to  future  combats  with  the  Ro- 
mans; and  that  the  late  peace  was  a  mere  name,  for  they  con- 
sidered it  only  as  a  suspension  of  arms,  which  they  were  willing 
to  avail  themselves  of,  till  they  had  a  favourable  opportunity  to 
renew  the  war. 

It  is  said,  that  at  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  he  shook  the  lap 
of  his  gown,  and  purposely  dropped  some  Lybian  figs ;  and  when 
ho  found  the  senators  admired  them  for  their  size  and  beauty,  ho 
told  them,  "  That  the  country  where  they  grew  was  but  three  days 
sail  from  Rome."  But  what  is  a  stronger  instance  of  his  enmity  to 
Carthage,  he  never  gave  his  opinion  in  the  senate  upon  any  point 
whatever,  without  adding  these  words  :  "  And  my  opinion  is,  that 
Carthage  should  be  destroyed."  Scipio,  surnamed  Nksica,  made 
it  a  point  to  maintain  the  contrary,  and  concluded  all  his  speeches 
thus  :  "And  my  opinion  is,  that  Carthage  should  be  left  standing." 
It  is  very  likely  that  this  great  man,  perceiving  that  the  people 
were  come  to  such  a  pitch  of  insolence,  as  to  be  led  by  it  into  tbo 
greatest  excesses  (so  that  in  the  pride  of  prosperity  they  could  not 
be  restrained  \}y  the  senate,  but  by  their  overgrown  power  were 
able  to  draw  the  government  what  way  they  pleased,)  thought  it 
best  that  Carthage  should  remain  to  keep  them  in  awe,  and  to 
moderate  their  presumption.  For  he  saw  that  the  Carthaginians 
were  not  strong  enough  to  conquer  the  Romans,  and  yet  too  re- 
spectable an  enemy  to  be  despised  by  them.  On  the  other  hand, 
Cato  thought  it  dangerous,  while  the  people  were  thus  inebriated 
and  giddy  with  power,  to  suffer  a  city  which  had  always  been  great, 
and  which  was  now  grown  sober  and  wise  through  its  misfortunes, 
to  lie  watching  every  advantage  against  them.  It  appeared  to  him, 
therefore,  the  wisest  course,  to  have  all  outward  dangers  removed 
from  the  commonwealth,  that  it  might  be  at  leisure  to  guard  against 
internal  corruption. 

Thus  Cato,  they  tell  us,  occasioned  the  third  and  last  war  against 
the  Carthaginians.  But  eis  soon  as  it  began  he  died,  having  first 
prophesied  of  the  person  that  should  put  an  end  to  it ;  who  was  then 
a  young  man,  and  had  only  a  tribune's  command  in  the  army,  but 
was  giving  extraordinary  proofs  of  his  conduct  and  valour.  The 
news  of  his  exploits  being  brought  to  Rome,  Cato  cried  out, 


•He  is  the  soul  of  council ; 


The  rest  are  shadows  vain. 

This  Scipio  soon  confirmed  by  his  actions. 


216 

PYRRHUS. 

Flourished  800  years  before  Christ, 

THE  Molossians  rising  against  iEacides,  the  father  of  Pyrrhos, 
deposed  him,  and  brought  in  the  sons  of  his  cousin  Neoptolemos. 
On  this  occasion  the  friends  of  iEacides  were  taken  and  slain  :  only 
Androclides  and  Angelas  escaped  with  his  infant  son,  though  he 
was  much  sought  after  by  his  enemies;  and  curried  him  off  with 
his  nurses  and  a  few  necessary  attendants.  This  train  rendering 
their  flight  difiicult  and  slow,  they  were  soon  overtaken.  In  this 
extremity  they  put  the  child  in  the  hands  of  Androclcon,  Hippiaa 
and  Neander,  three  active  young  men  whom  they  could  depend 
Upon,  and  ordered  them  to  make  the  best  of  their  way  to  Megars, 
a  town  in  Macedonia :  while  they  themselves,  partly  by  entreaty, 
and  partly  by  force,  stopt  the  course  of  the  puf>uers  till  evening ; 
when,  having  with  much  difficulty  got  clear  of  them,  they  hastened 
to  join  those  who  carried  the  young  prince.  At  sun.set  they  thought 
themselves  near  the  summit  of  their  hopes,  but  they  met  with  a 
sudden  disappointment.  When  they  came  to  the  river  that  runs  by 
the  town,  they  found  it  absolutely  unfordable.  Fpr  the  current 
being  swelled  with  the  late  rains,  was  very  boisterous,  and  dark, 
ness  added  to  the  horror. — ^They  now  despaired  of  getting  the  child 
and  his  nurses  over,  without  some  assistance :  when  perceiving 
some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  on  the  other  side,  they  begged 
of  them  to  assist  their  passage,  and  held  up  Pyrrhus  towards  them. 
But  though  they  called  out  loud  and  entreated  earnestly,  the  stream 
ran  so  rapid  and  made  such  a  roanng,  that  they  could  not  be  hoard. 
Some  time  was  spent,  while  they  were  crying  out  on  one  side,  and 
listening  to  no  purpose  on  the  other.  At  last  one  of  Pyrrfaus's 
company  thought  of  peeling  off  a  piece  of  oak-bark,  and  of  expresm 
iog  upon  it,  with  the  tongue  of  a  buckle,  the  necessities  and  fortunea 
of  the  child.  Accordingly  ho  put  this  in  execution,  and  having 
rolled  the  piece  of  bark  about  a  stone,  he  threw  it  to  the  other 
side.  When  the  people  on  the  other  side  had  read  it,  and  saw  there 
was  not  a  moment  to  lose,  they  cut  down  trees,  and  made  a  raft  of 
them,  and  crossed  the  river  upon  it.  It  happened  that  the  first 
roan  who  reached  the  bank,  was  named  Achilles.  He  took  Pyr. 
rbus  in  his  arms,  and  conveyed  him  over,  while  his  companions 
performed  the  same  ser\'ice  for  his  followers. 

Pyrrhus  and  his  train,  having  thus  got  safe  over,  and  escaped  the 
pursuers,  continued  their  route  till  they  arrived  at  the  court  of 
Ghiucias  king  of  Ulyria.    They  found  the  kiog  sitting  in  his  pall 


PYRRHUS.  217 

with  the  queen  his  consorf,*  and  laid  the  child  at  his  feet  in  the 
posture  of  a  supphant.  The  king,  who  stood  in  fear  of  Cassander, 
the  enemy  of  ^Eacides,  remained  a  long  time  silent,  considering 
what  part  he  should  act.  While  Pyrrhus,  of  his  own  accord,  creep- 
ing closer  to  him,  took  hold  of  his  robe  and  raising  himself  up  to 
his  knees,  by  this  action  first  excited  a  smile,  and  afterwards  com. 
passion  ;  for  he  thought  he  saw  a  petitioner  before  him  begging  his 
protection  with  tears.  For  this  reason  he  put  him  immediately  in 
the  hands  of  the  queen,  and  ordered  her  to  bring  him  up  with  his 
own  children.  His  enemies^  demanding  him  soon  after,  and 
Cassander  offering  two  hundred  talents  to  have  him  delivered  up, 
Glaucias  refused  to  do  it ;  and  when  he  came  to  be  twelve  years 
old,  conducted  him  into  EJpirus  at  the  head  of  an  army,  and  placed 
him  upon  the  throne. 

Pyrrhus  had  an  air  of  majesty  rather  terrihle  than  august.  In- 
stead of  teeth  in  his  upper  jaw  he  had  one  continued  bone,  marked 
with  small  lines  resembling  the  divisions  of  a  row  of  teeth. 

When  he  was  about  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  seenved  to  be 
quite  established  in  his  kingdom,  he  happened  to  be  called  out  of 
his  own  territories  to  attend  the  nuptials  of  one  ofGlaucias's  sons, 
with  whom  he  had  been  educated.  On  this  occasion  the  Molos- 
sians  revolting  again,  drove  out  his  friends,  pillaged  his  treasures, 
and  put  themselves  once  more  under  Neoptolemus.  Pyrrhus  hav- 
ing thus  lost  the  crown,  and  being  in  want  of  every  thing,  applied 
to  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus,  who  had  married  his  sister 
Deidamia.  In  the  great  battle  of  Ipsus,  where  all  the  kings  of  the 
earth  were  engaged, f  Pyrrhus  accompanied  Demetrius;  and, 
though  but  young,  bore  down  all  before  him,  and  highly  distin- 
guished  himself  among  the  combatants.  Nor  did  he  forsake  De- 
metrius, when  unsuccessful,  but  kept  for  him  those  cities  of  Greece 
with  which  he  was  entrusted  :  and  when  the  treaty  was  concluded 
with  Ptolemy,  he  went  to  Egypt  as  an  hostage.  There,  both  in 
hunting  and  other  exercises,  he  gave  Ptolemy  proofs  of  his  strength 
and  abilities.  Observing  that  among  Ptolemy's  wives,  Berenice 
had  the  greatest  power,  and  was  most  eminent  for  virtue  and  un- 
derstanding, he  attached  himself  most  to  her.  For  he  had  a  par- 
ticular art  of  making  his  court  to  the  great,  while  he  overlooked 
those  who  wer^  below  him.  And  as  in  his  whole  conduct  he  paid 
great  attention  to  decency,  temperance  and  prudence,  Antigone, 
who  was  daughter  to  Berenice  by  her  first  husband  Philip,  was 
given  him,  in  preference  to  many  other  young  princes. 

On  this  account  he  was  held  in  greater  honour  than  ever,  and 

*  Justin  calls  this  princess  Beroa,  and  says  she  was  of  the  family  of  the  ^acidae: 
which  must  have  been  the  reason  of  their  seeking  refuge  for  Pyrrhus  in  that  court. 

f  He  says  all  the  kings  of  the  earth  were  engaged,  because  Lysimachus,  Seieucus, 
Ptolemy,  Cassander,  Antigonus,  and  Demetrius,  were  there  in  person.  This  baul« 
was  fought  about  three  hundred  years  before  Christ. 

2e  19 


tU8 


FYRKUi;^. 


Antigone  proving  an  excellent  wife,  procured  bim  men  ami  money, 
which  enabled  him  to  recover  his  kingdom  of  Eptni*.  At  his  ar- 
rival there,  his  subjects  received  him  with  open  arms ;  for  Neop. 
tolemus  was  become  obnoxious  to  the  people,  by  his  arbitrary  and 
tyrannical  government.  Nevertheless,  Vy  rrhus,  apprehending  that 
Neoptolemus  might  have  recourse  to  some  of  the  other  kings,  came 
to  an  agreement  with  him,  and  associated  him  in  the  kingdom,  bat 
in  process  of  time  privately  sowed  dissentions  and  jealousies  be* 
tween  them,  and  Neoptolemus  was  taken  off  by  assassination. . 

In  acknowledgment  of  the  obligations  he  had  to  Berenice  and 
Ptolemy,  he  named  his  son  by  Antigone,  Ptolemy,  and  called  the 
city  which  he  built  in  the  Chersonese  of  Epirus,  Berenicis.  From 
this  time  he  began  to  conceive  many  great  designs,  but  bis  first 
hopes  laid  hold  of  all  that  was  near  home  :  and  he  found  a  plausi. 
ble  pretence  to  concern  himself  m  the  affairs  of  Macedon.  Anti- 
pater,  the  eldest  son  of  Cassander,  had  killed  his  mother  Thessa. 
ionica,  and  expelled  his  brother  Alexander.  Alexander  sent  to 
Demetrius  for  succour,  and  implored  likewise  the  assistance  of 
Pyrrhus.  Demetrius,  having  many  affairs  upon  his  hands,  could 
not  presently  comply  ;  but  Pyrrhus  came  and  demanded,  as  the 
reward  of  his  services,  the  city  of  Nympbsea,*  and  all  the  maritime 
coast  of  Macedonia,  together  with  Ambmcia,  Acamania,  and  Am- 
pbilochia,  which  were  some  of  the  countries  that  did  not  originally 
belong  to  the  kingdom  of  Macedon.  The  young  prince  agreeing 
to  the  conditions,  Pyrrhus  possessed  himself  of  these  countries, 
and  secured  them  with  his  garrisons,  a(\er  which  he  went  on  con. 
quering  the  rest  for  Alexander,  and  driving  Antipater  before  him. 

King  Lysimachus  was  well  inclined  to  give  Antipater  assistance, 
but  he  was  so  much  engaged  with  his  own  affairs,  that  he  could 
not  find  time  for  it.  Recollecting,  however,  that  Pyrrhus  would 
refuse  nothing  to  his  friend  Ptolemy,  he  forged  letters  in  Ptolemy'a 
name,  enjoining  him  to  evacuate  Macedonia,  and  to  be  satiaMd 
with  three  hundred  talents  from  Antipater.  But  Pyrrhiis  no  aoooer 
opened  the  letters,  than  he  perceived  the  forgery.  For,  instead 
of  the  customary  salutation,  "The  father  to  his  son,  greeting,"  they 
began  with,  "  King  Ptolemy  to  king  Pyrrhus,  greeting."  He  in- 
veighed against  Lysimachus  for  the  fraud,  but  listened,  notwith- 
standing,  to  proposals  of  peace ;  and  the  three  princes  met  to  offer 
■acrifices  on  the  occasion,  and  to  swear  upon  the  altar  to  the  ar- 
tides.  A  boar,  a  bull,  and  a  ram,  being  led  up  as  victims,  the 
ram  dropt  down  dead  of  himself.  The  rest  of  the  company  laugh- 
ed at  the  accident ;  but  Theonotus  the  diviner  advised  Pyrrhus  not 
to  swear,  declaring  that  the  deity  presignified  the  death  of  one  of 
the  kings ;  upon  which  he  refiaeed  to  ratify  the  peace. 

\  Dftcier  Uitnks  ApoUonia  roiglii  be  called  Nymptos,  fton  Nymphcuro,  a  otl»- 

ay«fa»waiat>eespafte.    TheiawasaeitycdMlfy^umfai tbtSff 
'^"'  bm  ttatconid  not  tw  meant  here. 


PYRRHUS.  2J9 

Alexander's  affairs  were  thus  advantageously  settled  ;*  neverthe- 
less Demetrius  came.  But  it  soon  appeared  that  he  came  now  un- 
requested,  and  that  his  presence  excited  rather  fear  than  gratitude. 
When  they  had  been  a  few  days  together,  in  mutual  distrust  thev 
laid  snares  for  each  other ;  but  Demetrius  finding  the  first  oppor- 
tunity,  was  beforehand  with  Alexander,  killed  him,  and  got  him- 
self proclaimed  king  of  Macedon. 

He  had  for  a  long  time  had  subjects  of  complaint  against  Pyr- 
rhus,  on  account  of  the  inroads  which  he  had  made  into  Thessaly. 
Besides,  that  ambition  to  extend  their  dominions,  which  is  a  dis- 
temper natural  to  kings,  rendered  their  neighbourhood  mutually 
alarming.  These  jealousies  increased  after  the  death  of  Deida- 
mia.  At  last  each  having  possessed  himself  of  part  of  Macedonia, 
and  having  one  object  in  view,  the  gaining  of  the  whole,  this  pro- 
duced of  course  new  causes  of  contention.  Demetrius  marched 
against  the  :^tolians  and  reduced  them.  After  which  he  left 
Pantauchus  among  them  with  a  considerable  force,  and  went  him- 
self to  seek  Pyrrhus.  Pyrrhus,  as  soon  as  he  was  apprised  of  his 
design,  went  to  meet  him ;  but  taking  a  wrong  route,  they  inad- 
vertently passed  each  other.  Demetrius  entered  Epirus,  and  com- 
mitted great  ravages ;  and  Pyrrhus,  falling  in  ,with  Pantauchus, 
gave  him  battle.  The  dispute  was  warm  and  obstinate  on  both 
sides,  especially  where  the  generals  fought.  For  Pantauchus,  who 
in  dexterity,  courage,  and  strength,  stood  foremost  among  the 
officers  of  Demetrius,  and  was  a  man  of  a  high  and  ambitious  spi- 
rit, challenged  Pyrrhus  to  the  cojmbat.  And  Pyrrhus,  who  was 
behind  none  of  the  princes  of  his  time  in  valour,  and  who  was  de- 
sirous to  appropriate  to  himself  the  honours  of  Achilles,  rather  by 
his  sword  than  by  kindred,  advanced  through  the  first  lines  against 
Pantauchus.  They  began  with  the  javelin  ;  and  then  coming  to 
the  sword,  exhausted  all  that  art  or  strength  could  supply.  Pyr- 
rhus received  one  wound,  and  gave  his  adversary  two,  one  in  the 
thigh,  and  the  other  in  the  neck  ;  by  which  he  overpowered  him, 
and  brought  him  to  the  ground  ;  but  before  he  could  kill  him,  he 
was  rescued  by  his  friends.  The  Epirots,  elated  with  their  prince's 
victory,  and  admiring  his  valour,  broke  into  and  dispersed  the  Ma- 
cedonian  phalanx,  and  pursuing  the  fugitives  killed  great  numbers 
of  them,  and  took  five  thousand  prisoners. 

This  battle  did  not  so  much  excite  the  resentment  and  hatred 
of  the  Macedonians  against  Pyrrhus  for  what  they  suffered,  as  it 
inspired  them  with  an  esteem  of  his  abilities  and  admiration  of  his 
valour.  This  furnished  subject  of  discourse  to  all  who  were  wit. 
nesses  of  his  exploits,  or  were  engaged  against  him  in  the  action. 
For  he  recalled  to  their  minds  the  countenance,  the  swiftness,  and 
motion  of  Alexander  the  Great :  in  Pyrrhus  they  thought  they 
»  Alexander  wai  murdered  soon  after. 


^W^ 


230  PVRRHUS. 

saw  tho  very  image  of  hi&  force  and  impetuosity.  An^  whil«  the 
other  kings  represented  that  hero  only  in  their  \n\     "  •<,  in  tho 

number  of  guards,  the  bend  of  the  neck,  and  lli!  iiner  of 

speaking,  the  king  of  Epirus  represented  him  m  dced^  of  arms  and 
personal  achievements.  And  of  his  great  skill  in  ordering  and 
drawing  up  an  army,  we  have  proof:)  in  the  writings  he  left  behind 
him.  It  is  also  said,  that  Antigontis,  being  oRked,  who  was  the 
greatest  general  ?  answered,  Pyrrhus  would  be,  if  he  lived  to  be  old. 

In  the  intercourse  of  life  he  was  mild  and  not  easily  provoked, 
but  ardent  and  quick  to  repay  a  kindness.  For  this  reason  he  was 
greatly  afflicted  at  the  death  of  ittropus.  "His  friend,"  he  said, 
"  had  only  paid  the  tribute  to  nature,  but  he  blamed  and  reproach, 
ed  himself  for  putting  off  his  acknowledgments,  till,  by  these  de. 
lays,  he  had  lost  the  opportunity  of  making  any  return.  For  those 
that  owe  money,  can  pay  it  to  the  heirs  of  the  deceased,  but  when 
a  return  of  kindness  is  not  made  to  a  person'  in  his  life  time,  it 
grieves  the  heart  that  has  any  goodness  and  honour  in  it."  When 
some  advised  him  to  banish  a  certain  ill.tongued  Ambracian,  who 
abused  him  behind  his  back — "  Let  the  fellow  stay  here,"  said  he, 
"and  speak  against  me  to  a  few,  rather  than  ramble  about,  and 
give  me  a  bad  character  to  all  the  world."  And  some  young  men 
having  taken  great  liberties  with  his  character  in  their  cups,  and 
being  afterwards  brought  to  answer  for  it,  he  asked  them — "Whe- 
ther they  really  had  said  such  things  ?" — "  We  did,  sir,"  answer- 
ed one  of  them,  "  and  should  have  said  a  great  deal  more,  if  wc 
had  had  more  wine."    Upon  which  he  laughed  and  dismissed  i))em. 

After  the  death  of  Antigone,  he  married  several  wives  for  the 
purpose  of  interest  and  power  :  namely,  the  daughter  of  Autoleon, 
king  of  the  Pasonians  ;  Bircenna,  the  daughter  of  Bardyllis,  king 
of  the  lilyrians;  and  Lanassa,  the  daughter  of  Agathocles  of  Sy. 
racuse,  v/ho  brought  him  in  dowry  the  isle  of  Corcyra,  which  her 
father  had  taken.  By  Antigone  he  had  a  son  named  Ptolemy  ; 
by  Lanassa  he  had  Alexander ;  and  by  Bircenna,  his  youngest 
•on  Helenas.  All  these  princes  had  naturally  a  turn  for  war,  and 
he  quickened  their  martial  ardour  by  giving  them  a  suitable  educa- 
tion  from  their  infancy.  It  is  said,  when  he  was  asked  by  one  of 
them,  who  was  yet  a  child,  "To  which  of  them  he  would  leave  his 
kingdom  ?"  he  said,  "  to  him  who  has  the  sharpest  sword." 

After  the  battle  Pyrrhus  returned  home  distinffuished  with  glory, 
and  still  more  elevated  in  his  sentiments.  The  EpiroU  having 
given  him  on  this  occasion  the  name  of  Eagle,  be  said,  "  If  I  am 
an  Eagle,  you  have  made  me  one ;  for  it  is  upon  your  arms,  upon 
your  wings,  that  1  have  risen  so  high." 

Soon  after,  having  intelligence  that  Demetrius  lay  dangerously 

ill,  ho  suddenly  entered  Macedonia,*^  intending  only  an  inroad  to 

•  Id  the  third  year  of  the  hundred  and  twenty-third  Olroipiad,  t»o  hundrect  ■nd 
stgliiy-foar  yeart  liefore  ChrUi  , 


a 


PYRRHUS.  2^1 

pillage  the  country.  But  he  was  very  near  seizing  the  whole,  and 
taking  the  kingdom  without  a  blow.  For  he>pushed  forward  as  far 
as  Edessa  without  nieeting  with  any  resistance :  on  the  contrary, 
many  of  the  inhabitants  repaired  to  his  camp  and  joined  him.  The 
danger  roused  Demetrius,  and  made  him  act  above  his  strength. 
His  friends  too,  and  officers,  quickly  assembled  a-considerabie  body 
of  troops,  and  moved  forward  with  great  spirit  and  vigour  against 
Pyrrhus.  But  as  he  came  only  with  a  design  to  plunder,  he  did 
not  stand  to  receive  them.  He  lost  however  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  men  in  his  retreat,  for  the  Macedonians  harrassed  his  rear 
all  the  way. 

Demetrius,  though  he  had  driven  out  Pyrrhus  with  so  much 
ease,  was  far  from  slighting  and  despising  him  afterwards.  But, 
as  he  meditated  great  things,  and  had  determined  to  attempt  the 
recovery  of  his  paternal  kingdom,  he  concluded  a  peace,  that  he 
might  turn  his  arms  with  more  security  against  the  other  kings.* 
The  designs  of  Demetrius  were  soon  discovered  by  this  peace,  and 
by  the  greatness  of  his  preparations.  The  kings  were  alarmed, 
and  sent  ambassadors  to  Pyrrhus,  with  letters,  expressmg  their  as- 
tonishment  that  he  neglected  this  opportunity  to  make  war  upon 
Demetrius.  They  represented  with  how  much  ease  he  might 
drive  him  out  of  Macedonia,  thus  engaged  as  he  was  in  many  trou- 
blesome enterprises  ;  instead  of  which  he  waited  till  Demetrius  had 
despatched  all  his  other  affairs,  and  was  grown  so  much  more  pow- 
erful as  to  be  able  to  bring  the  war  to  his  own  doors,  and  to  put 
him  under  the  necessity  of  fighting  for  the  altars  of  his  gods,  and 
and  the  sepulchres  of  his  ancestors,  in  Molossia  itself;  and  this, 
too,  when  he  had  just  been  deprived  by  Demetrius  of  the  isle  of 
Corcyra,  together  with  his  wife. 

The  kings,  at  the  same  time  that  they  wrote  these  letters, 
took  the  field  themselves.  Pyrrhus  advanced  with  the  great- 
est  expedition,  to  attack  Beroea.  There  he  fixed  his  head- 
quarters, and  reduced  the  other  cities  by  his  generals,  and,  hav- 
ing gained  over  the  soldiers  of  Demetrius,  became  master  of  his 
camp  with  out  striking  a  blow,  and  was  proclaimed  king  of  Mace- 
donia. 

Lysimachus  made  his  appearance  soon  after,  and  pretending 
that  he  had  contributed  equally  to  the  flight  of  Demetrius,  deman- 
ded his  share  of  the  kingdom.  Pyrrhus,  as  he  thought  himself  not 
sufficiently  established  among  the  Macedonians,  but  rather  in  a 
dubious  situation,  accepted  the  proposal,  and  they  divided  the  cities 
and  provinces  between  them.  This  partition  seemed  to  be  of  ser- 
vice for  the  present,  and  prevented  their  going  directly  to  war  ; 
but,  soon  after,  they  found  it  the  beginning  of  perpetual  com- 
plaints and  quarrels,  instead  of  a  perfect  reconciliation.  For,  how 
*  Seleucus,  Ptolemy,  and  Lysiraachus. 
19* 


222  PYRRHUS. 

is  it  possible  that  they  whose  ambition  is  not  to  be  terminated  by 
seas  and  mountains  and  uninhabitable  deserts,  whose  thimt  lor  do- 
minion  is  not  to  be  confined  by  the  bounds  that  part  Europe  and 
Asia,  should,  when  so  near  each  other,  and  joined  in  one  lot,  sit 
down  contented,  and  abstain  from  mutual  injuries  ?  Undoubtedly, 
they  are  always  at  war  in  their  hearts,  having  the  seeds  of  perfidy 
and  envy  there. 

Soon  after  this,  he  concluded  a  peace  with  Demetrius  ;  and  yet 
Demetrius  was  no  sooner  passed  into  Asia,  than  Pyrrbus,  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Lysimachus,  drew  off  Tbessaly  from  its  allegiance, 
und  attacked  his  garrisons  in  Greece.  He  found,  indeed,  the  Ma- 
cedonians better  subjects  in  time  of  war  than  in  peace,  besides 
that  he  himself  was  more  fit  for  action  than  repose.  At  last,  De. 
metrius  being  entirely  defeated  in  Syria,  Lysimachus,  who  bad 
nothing  to  fear  from  that  quarter,  nor  any  other  affairs  to  engage 
him,  immediately  turned  his  forces  against  Pyrrbus,  who  lay  in 
quarters  at  Eklessa.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  fell  upon  one  of  the 
king's  convoys,  and  took  it,  by  which  he  greatly  distressed  his 
troops  for  want  of  provisions.  Besides  this,  he  corrupted  the 
pnncipal  Macedonians  by  his  letters  and  emissaries,  reproaching 
them  for  choosing  fur  their  sovereign  a  stranger,  whose  ancestors 
had  always  been  subject  to  the  Macedonians,  while  they  expelled 
the  friends  and  companions  of  Alexander.  As  the  majority  listen- 
ed to  these  suggestions,  Pyrrbus,  fearing  the  event,  withdrew  with 
his  Epirots  and  auxiliary  forces,  and  so  lost  Macedonia  in  the  same 
manner  he  had  gained  it. 

When  Pyrrbus  had  thus  retired  into  Epinis,  he  had  a  fair  occa- 
sion given  him  by  fortune  to  enjoy  himself  in  quiet,  and  to  go- 
vern his  own  kingdom  in  peace.  But  ho  was  persuaded  that 
neither  to  annoy  others,  nor  to  be  annoyed  by  them,  was  a  life 
most  insufferably  tedious.  Like  Achilles,  he  could  not  endure  in- 
action : 

He  pin'd  in  Hull  repose ;  bis  heart  indignant 

Bade  the  scene  change  to  war,  to  wounds,  and  death. 

His  anxiety  for  fresh  employment  was  relieved  as  follows : — 
The  Romans  were  'then  at  war  with  the  Tarentines  ;  the  lat- 
ter were  not  able  to  support  the  contest,  and  yet  the  bold  and 
turbulent  harangues  of  their  leading  men  would  not  8ufi*e/  them  to 
put  an  end  to  it.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  call  in  Pyrrbus,  and 
put  their  forces  under  his  command,  there  being  no  other  prince 
who  had  then  so  much  leisure,  or  was  so  able  a  general.  The  most 
sensible  of  the  citizens  opposed  this  measure,  but  were  overborira 
by  the  noise  and  violence  of  the  multitude ;  and  when  they  saw 
this,  they  no  longer  attended  the  asseroblieis. 

There  was  then  at  the  court  of  Pyrrbus,  a  Thessalian  namtd 
(^neas,  a  man  of  sound  sense,  and  who  having  been  a  disciple  of 


PVRRHU^. 


2^3 


Demosthenes,  was  the  only  orator  of  his  time  that  ]>resented  his 
hearers  with  a  lively  image  of  the  force  and  spirit  of  that  great 
master.  This  man  had  devoted  himself  to  Pyrrhus,  and  in  all 
the  embassies  he  was  employed  in,  confirmed/that  saying  of  Eu- 
ripides :  ' 

The  gates  that  steel  exclude,  resistless  eloquence  shall  enter. 

This  made  Pyrrhus  say,  "  That  Cineas  had  gained  him  more 
cities  by  his  address,  than  he  had  won  by  his  arms ;"  and  he  contin- 
ued to  heap  honours  and  employments  upon  him.  Cineas  now 
seeing  Pyrrhus  intent  upon  his  preparations  for  Italy,  took  an  op- 
portunity, when  he  saw  him  at  leisure,  to  draw  him  into  the  follow- 
mg  conversation : 

"  The  Romans  have  the  reputation  of  being  excellent  soldiers, 
and  have  the  command  of  a  great  many  warlike  nations ;  if  it 
please  heaven  that  we  conquer  them,  what  use  shall  we  make  of 
our  victory." 

"  Cineas,"  replied  the  king,  "  your  question  answers  itself. 
When  the  Romans  are  subdued,  there  is  no  town  whether  Greek 
or  barbarian,  that  will  dare  oppose  us ;  but  we  shall  immediately 
be  masters  of  all  Italy,  whose  greatness,  power,  and  importance,  no 
man  knows  better  than  you." 

Cineas,  after  a  short  pause,  continued — "  But  after  we  have  con- 
quered Italy,  what  shall  we  do  next  ?" 

Pyrrhus,  not  yet  perceiving  his  drift,  replied — "  There  is  Sicily 
very  near,  and  stretches  out  her  arms  to  receive  us — a  fruitful  and 
populous  island,  and  easy  to  be  taken." 

"  What  you  say,  my  prince,"  said  Cineas,  "  is  indeed  very 
probable ;  but  is  the  taking  of  Sicily  to  conclude  our  expedi- 
tions ?"• 

"  Far  from  it,"  answered  Pyrrhus ;  "  for  if  heaven  gmats  us 
success  in  this,  that  success  shall  only  be  the  prelude  to  greater 
things.  Who  can  forbear  Libya  and  Carthage  then  within  reach  ? 
And  when  we  have  made  such  conquests,  who  can  pretend  to  say 
that  any  of  our  enemies,  who  are  now  so  insolent,  will  think  of  re- 
sisting us  ?'* 

"  To  be  sure,"  said  Cineas,  **  they  will  not ;  for  so  much  pow- 
er  will  enable  you  to  recover  Macedonia,  and  establish  yourself 
uncontested  sovereign  of  Greece.  But  when  we  have  conquered 
all,  what  are  we  to  do  then  ?" 

"  Why,  then,  my  friend,"  said  Pyrrhus,  laughing,  "  we  will  take 
our  ease,  and  drink  and  be  merry." 

Cineas,  having  brought  him  thus  far,  replied — "And  what  hinders 
us  from  drinking  and  taking  our  ease  now,  when  we  have  already 
those  things  in  our  hands,  at  which  we  propose  to  arrive  through 
seas  of  blood,  through  infinite  toils  and  clangers,  and  through  innu. 
inemble  calamities  which  we  must  both  cause  and  suifer  7" 


5^  PVRKHtS. 

This  discourse  of  Cineas  gave  Pyrrbus  pain,  but  produced  no 
reformation.  He  saw  the  crrt  'ipiness  which  he  gave  up, 
but  was  not  able  to  forego  the  h  <  flattered  bis  desires.     In 

In  the  first  place,  therefore,  he  seni  c meas  to  Tarentuni  with  three 
thousand  foot :  from  whence  there  arrived,  soon  aAer,  a  great  num- 
ber of  gnlleys,  transports,  and  flat  .bottomed  .boats,  on  board  of 
which  he  put  twenty  elephants,  three  thousand  horse,  twenty  thou- 
sand  foot,  two  thousand  archers,  and  five  hundred  slingers.  When 
all  was  ready,  he  set  sail,  but  as  soon  as  he  was  got  into  the  midst 
of  the  Ionian,  he  was  attacked  by  a  violent  wind  at  north,  which 
was  unusual  at  that  season.  The  storm  raged  terribly,  but  by  the 
skill  and  extraordinary  efiforts  of  his  pilots  and  mariners,  his  ship 
made  the  Italian  shore.  The  rest  of  the  fleet  could  not  hold  their 
course,  but  were  dispersed  far  and  wide.  The  king's  ship,  indeed, 
by  its  size  and  strength,  resisted  the  force  of  the  waves,  whde  the 
wind  blew  from  the  sea ;  but  that  coming  about,  and  blowmg  di- 
rectly from  the  shore,  the  ship,  as  she  stood  with  her  head  against 
it,  was  in  danger  of  opening  by  th^  shocks  she  received.  And  yet 
to  be  driven  off  again  into  a  tempestuous  sea,  while  the  wind  con- 
tinually shifled  from  point  to  point,  seemed  the  most  dreadful  case 
of  all.  In  this  extremity  Pyrrhus  threw  himself  overboard,  and  was 
immediately  followed  by  his  friends  and  guards.  But  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  and  the  roaring  and  resistance  of  the  waves,  which 
beat  upon  the  shore,  and  were  driven  back  with  equal  violence,  ren- 
dered it  extremely  difficult  to  save  him.  At  last,  by  day-break, 
the  wind  being  considerably  fallen,  with  much  trouble  he  got  ashore, 
greatly  weakened  in  body,  but  with  a  strength  and  firmness  of  mind 
which  bravely  combated  the  distress. 

At  the  same  time  the  Messapians,  on  whose  coast  he  wjis  cast, 
ran  down  to  give  them  all  the  succour  in  their  power.  They 
also  met  with  some  other  of  his  vessels  that  had  weathered  the 
storm,  in  which  were  a  small  number  of  horse,  not  quite  two  thou, 
sand  foot,  and  two  elephants.  Witli  these  Pyrrhus  marched  to 
Tarentura. 

When  Cineas  was  informed  of  this,  he  drew  out  his  forces,  and 
went  to  meet  him  Pyrrhus,  upon  his  arrival  at  Tarentum,  did  not 
have  recourse  to  compulsion  at  first,  nor  to  do  any  thing  againat 
the  inclination  of  the  inhabitants,  till  his  ships  were  safe  arrived, 
and  the  greatest  part  of  his  forces  collected.  But,  afler  thi«,  tee- 
ing the  Tarentines,  so  far  from  being  in  n  <•<>"'<••  t'm  to  defend  others, 
that  they  would  not  defend  themselves,  <  ry  were  driven  to 

it  by  necessity,  and  that  they  sat  stiU  at  iidinr,  uud  spent  their  time 
about  the  baths  or  in  feasting  and  idle  talk,  expecting  that  he  would 
fight  for  them ;  he  shut  up  the  places  of  exercise,  and  the  walks, 
where  they  used,  as  they  sauntered  along,  to  conduct  the  war  with 
words,  fle  also  put  a  stop  to  their  unseasonable  entertainmeoCa, 


PYRRHUS  225 

revels,  and  diversions.  Instead  of  these  he  called  them  to  arms, 
and  in  his  musters  and  reviews  was  severe  and  inexorable  :  so  that 
many  of  them  quitted  the  place  ;  for  being  unaccustomed  to  be  un- 
der command,  they  called  that  slavery  which  was  not  a  life  of  plea- 
sure. 

He  now  received  intelligence  that  Laevinus,  the  Roman  consul, 
was  coming  against  him  with  a  great  army,  and  ravaging  Lucania 
by  the  way  :,  and  though  the  confederates  were  not  come,  yet  look- 
ing upon  it  as  a  disgrace  (o  sit  still  and  see  the  enemy  approach 
still  nearer,  he  took  the  field  with  the  troops  he  had.  But  first  he 
sent  a  herald  to  the  Romans,  with  proposals,  before  they  came  to 
extremities,  to  terminate  their  differences  amicably  with  the  Greeks 
in  Italy,  by  taking  him'  for  mediator  and  umpire.  Laevinus  an- 
swered, *'  That  the  Romans  neither  accepted  Pyrrhus  as  mediator, 
nor  feared  him  as  an  enemy."  Whereupon,  he  marched  forward, 
and  encamped  upon  the  plain  between  the  cities  of  Pandosia  and 
Heraclea  ;  and  having  notice  that  the  Romans  were  near  and  lay 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river  Siris,  he  rode  up  to  the  river  to  take 
a  view  of  them.  When  he  saw  the  order  of  their  troops,  the  ap- 
pointment of  their  watches,  and  the  regularity  of  their  whole  en- 
campment, he  was  struck  with  admiration,  and  said  to  a  friend  who 
was  by,  *'  Megacles,  the  disposition  of  these  barbarians  has  no- 
thing of  the  barbarian  in  it :  we  shall  see  whether  the  rest  will  an- 
swer to  it."  He  now  became  solicitous  for  the  event,  and,  deter- 
mined to  wait  for  the  allies,  feet  a  guard  upon  the  river  to  oppose 
the  Romans,  if  they  should  endeavour  to  pass  it.  The  Romans,  on 
their  part,  hastening  to  prevent  the  coming  up  of  those  force's, 
which  he  had  resolved  to  wait  for,  attempted  the  passage.  The  in- 
fantry took  to  the  fords,  and  the  cavalry  got  over  wherever  they 
could  :  so  that  the  Greeks  were  afraid  of  being  surrounded,  and  re- 
treated to  their  main  body. 

Pyrrhus,  greatlv  concerned  at  this,  ordered  his  foot  oflicers  to 
draw  up  the  forces,  and  to  stand  to  their  arms  ;  while  he  advanced 
with  the  horse,  who  were  about  three  thousand,  in  hopes  of  finding 
the  Romans  yet  busied  in  the  passage,  and  dispersed  without  any 
order.  But  when  he  saw  a  j^reat  number  of  shields  glittering  above 
the  water,  and  the  horse  preserving  their  ranks  as  they  passed,  he 
closed  his  own  ranks  and  began  the  attack.  Beside  his  being  dis- 
tinguished by  the  beauty  and  lustre  of  his  arms,  which  were  of  very- 
curious  fabric,  he  performed  acts  of  valour  worthy  the  great  repu- 
tation he  had  acquired.  For,  though  he  exposed  his  person  in  the 
hottest  of  the  engagement,  and  charged  with  the  greatest  vig;our, 
he  was  never  in  the  least  disturbed,  nor  lost  his  presence  of  mind  ; 
but  gave  his  orders  as  coolly  as  if  he  had  been  out  of  the  action, 
and  moved  to  this  side  or  that  as  occasion  required,  to  support  his 
ipen  where  he  saw  them  maintaining  an  unequal  fight. 


2*26  PYBRHUS. 

Leonatus  ofMacedon  observed  an  Italian  horseman  very  inteot 
upon  Pyrrhus,  changing  his  post  as  he  did,  and  regulating  all  his 
motions  by  his.  Whereupon  he  rode  up,  and  said  to  him,  "Do 
you  see,  sir,  that  barbarian  upon  the  black  horse  witli  white  feet  ? 
he  seems  to  meditate  some  great  and  dreadful  design.  He  keeps 
you  in  his  eye  :  full  of  fire  and  spirit  he  singles  you  out,  and  tikes 
no  notice  of  any  body  else ;  therefore  be  on  your  guard  against 
him."  Pyrrhua  answered,  "  It  is  impossible,  Leonatus,  to  avoid 
our  destiny.  But  neither  this  nor  any  other  Italian  shall  have  much 
satisfaction  in  engaging  with  me."  While  they  were  yet  speaking, 
the  Italian  levelled  his  spear,  and  spurred  his  horse  against  Pyrr* 
bus.  He  missed  the  king,  but  ran  his  horse  through,  as  Lconatoa 
did  the  Italiairs  the  same  moment,  so  that  both  horses  fell  together. 
Pyrrhus  was  carried  otT  by  his  friends,  who  gathered  round  him, 
and  killed  the  Italian,  who  fought  to  the  very  last.  This  brave  man 
bad  the  command  of  a  troop  of  horse.  Ferentum  was  the  place  of 
bis  birth,  and  his  name  Opiacus. 

This  made  Pyrrhus  more  cautious :  and  now  seeing  his  cavalry 
give  way,  he  sent  his  infantry  orders  to  advance,  and  formed  them 
as  soon  as  they  came  up.  Then  giving  his  robe  and  his  arms  to 
Megacles,  one  of  his  friends,  he  disguised  himself  in  his,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  charge.  The  Romans  received  him  with  great  firm- 
ness, and  the  success  of  the  battle  remained  long  undecided  ;  it  it 
even  said,  that  each  army  was  broken  ^eVen  times,  and  rallied  as 
often.  He  changed  his  arms  very  seasonably,  for  that  saved  his 
life,  but  had  nearly  lost  him  the  victory.  Many  aimed  at  Megacles, 
but  the  man  who  first  wounded  him  and  brought  him  to  the  ground 
was  named  Dexous.  Dcxuus  seized  his  helmet  and  his  robe,  and 
rode  up  to  Lcevinus,  showing  the  spoils,  apd  crying  out  that  he  had 
slain  Pyrrhus.  The  spoils  being  passed  from  rank  to  rank  as  it 
were  in  triumph,  the  Roman  army  shouted  for  joy,  while  tliat  of  tho 
Greeks  was  struck  with  grief  and  consternation,  tilt  Pyrrhus,  ap 
prised  of  what  had  happened,  rode  about  uncovered,  stretching  out 
his  band  to  his  soldiers,  and  giving  them  to  know  him  by  his  voico 
At  last  the  Romans  were  worsted,  chiefly  by  means  of  the  elephants. 
Pionysius  writes,  that  near  fifteen  thousand  Romans  fell  in  this  bat- 
tle ;  but  Hieronymus  makes  the  number  only  seven  thousand.  On 
Pyrrhus's  side,  Dionysius  says,  there  were  thirteen  thousand  killed  : 
Hieronymus,  not  quite  four  thousand.  Among  these,  however, 
were  the  most  valuable  of  his  friends  and  officers,  whose  services 
he  had  made  great  use  of,  and  in  whom  he  placed  the  highest  con. 
fidence. 

Pyrrhus  immediately  entered  the  Roman  camp,  which  he  found 
deserted.  He  gained  over  many  cities  w  hich  had  been  in  alliance 
with  Rome,  and  laid  waste  the  territorien  of  others.  Nay,  he  ad- 
r«rKv»d  rt»  within  thirtv.seven  miles  of  Rome  itself.  The  Liicaniaiis 


PYRRHUS.  227 

and  the  Samnites  joined  him  after  the  battle,  and  were  reproved 
for  their  delay;  but  it  was  plain  that  he  was  greatly  elevated  and 
delighted,  with  having  defeated  so  powerful  an  army  of  Romans 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Tarentines  only. 

The  Romans  on  this  occasion,  did  not  take  the  command  from 
Laevinus,  though  Caius  Fabricius  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  That 
the  Romans  were  not  overcome  by  the  Epirots,  but  Laevinus  by 
Pyrrhus :"  intimating,  that  the  defeat  was  owing  to  the  inferiority 
of  the  genferal,  not  of  his  troops.  Then  raising  new  levies,  filling- 
up  their  legions,  and  talkiiig  in  a  lofty  and  menacing  tone  about  the 
war,  they  struck  Pyrrhus  with  amazement.  He  thought  proper, 
therefore,  to  send  an  embassy  to  them  first,  to  try  whether  they 
were  disposed  to  peace ;  being  satisfied  that  to  take  the  city,  and 
make  an  absolute  conquest,  was  aii  undertaking  of  too  much  diffi- 
culty to  be  effected  by  such  an  army  as  his  was  at  that  time  ;  where- 
as if  he  could  bring  them  to  terms  of  accommodation,  and  conclude 
a  peace  with  them,  it  would  be  very  glorious  for  him  after  such  a 
victory. 

Cineas,  who  was  sent  with  this  commission,  applied  to  the  great 
men,  and  sent  them  and  their  wives  presents  m  his  master's  name. 
But  they  all  refused  them  ;  the  women  as  well  as  the  men,  decla- 
ring, "  That  when  Rome  had  publicly  ratified  a  treaty  with  the 
king,  they  should  be  ready  to  give  him  every  mark  of  their  friend- 
ship and  respect."  And  though  Cineas  made  a  vety  engaging 
speech  to  the  senate,  yet  they  lent  not  a  willing  ear  to  his  proposi- 
tions, although  Pyrrhus  offered  to  restore,  without  ransom,  the  pri- 
soners he  had  made  in  the  battle,  and  promised  to  assist  them  in 
the  conquest  of  Italy,  desiring  nothing  in  return  but  their  friend- 
ship for  himself,  and  security  for  the  Tarentines. 

They  voted,  however,  unanimously  for  the  war,  and  dismissed 
Cineas  with  this  answer,  *'  That  when  Pyrrhus  had  quitted  Italy, 
they  would  enter  upon  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  with  him, 
if  he  desired  it :  but  while  he  continued  there  in  a  hostile  manner, 
they  would  prosecute  the  war  against  him  with  all  their  force,  though 
he  should  have  defeated  a  thousand  Laevinuses." 

It  is  said,  that  Cineas,  while  he  was  upon  this  business,  took  great 
pains  to  observe  the  manners  of  the  Romans,  and  to  examine  into 
the  nature  of  their  government;  and  when' he  had  learned  what  he 
desired  by  conversing  with  their  great  men,  he  made  a  faithful  re- 
port of  all  to  Pyrrhus,  among  the  rest,  "  That  the  senate  appeared 
to  him  an  assembly  of  kings ;  and  as  to  the  people,  they  were  so 
numerous,  that  he  was  afraid  he  had  to  do  with  a  Lernsean  hydra.^' 
For  the  consul  had  already  an  army  on  foot  twice  as  large  as  the 
former,  and  had  left  multitudes  behind  in  Rome  of  a  proper  age 
for  enlisting,  and  sufficient  to  form  many  such  armies. 

After  this,  Fabricius  came  ambassador  to  Pyrrhus  to  treat  aboiit 


i^il^  r'VRRaUS. 

the  ransom  and  exchange  of  prisonera.  Fabrictus,  as  Cineas  in- 
formed PyrrhuB,  was  highly  valued  by  the  Romans  for  his  probity 
and  martiul  abilitius,  but  he  was  extremely  poor.  Pyrrhus  received 
him  with  particular  distinction^  and  privately  offered  him  gold,  not 
for  any  base  purpose  ;  but  ho  begged  him  to  accept  of  it  as  a  pledge 
of  friendship  and  hospitality.  Fabricius  refusing  the  present,  P\r> 
rhus  pressed  him  no  farther ;  but  the  next  day  wanting  to  surprise 
him,  and  knowing  that  he  had  never  seen  an  elephant,  he  ordered 
the  biggest  he  had  to  be  urined  and  placed  behmd  a  curtain  in  the 
room  where  they  were  to  be  in  C(»nference.  Accordingly  this  was 
done,  and  upon  a  sign  given,  the  curtain  drawn  ;  and  the  elephant 
raising  his  trunk  over  the  head  of  Fabricius,  made  a  horrid  and 
frightful  noise.  Fabricius  turned  about,  without  being  m  the  least 
discomposed,  and  said  to  Pyrrhus,  smiling,  "Neither  your  gold 
yesterday,  nor  your  beast  to-day,  has  made  any  impression  upon 
ine." 

,  After  this,  Fabricius  being  consul,''^  an  unknown  person  came  to 
his  camp  with  a  letter  from  the  king's  physician,  who  offered  to 
take  off  Pyrrhus  by  poison,  and  so  end  the  war  without  any  far- 
ther  hazard  to  the  Romans,  provided  they  gave  him  a  proper  c<md. 
pensation  for  his  services.  Fabricius  detested  the  man's  villaoy  ; 
and  having  brought  his  colleagues  into  the  same  sentiments,  sent 
despatches  to  Pyrrhus  without  losing  a  moment's  time,  to  caution 
him  against  the  treason. 

Pyrrhus  punished  the  physician  ;  and,  to  show  his  gratitude  to 
Fabricius  and  the  Romans,  delivered  up  the  prisoners  without  ran- 
som, and  sent  Cineas  again  to  negotiate  a  peace.  The  Romans, 
unwilling  to  receive  a  favour  from  nn  enemy ,  or  reward  for  not  con> 
Renting  to  an  ill  thing,  did  indeed  receive  the  prisoners  at  his  hands, 
but  sent  him  an  equal  number  of  Tarentines  and  Samnites.  As  to 
peace  nnd  friendship,  they  would  not  hear  any  proposals  about  it, 
till  Pyrrhus  should  have  laid  down  his  arms,  drawn  his  forces  out 
of  Italy,  and  returned  to  Epirus  in  the  same  ships  in  which  he  came. 

His  affairs  now  requiring  another  battle,  he  assembled  his  army, 
and  mnrched  and  attacked  the  Romans  near  Asculum.  The  ground 
was  very  rough  and  uneven,  and  marshy  also  towards  the  river,  so 
that  it  was  extremely  inconvenient  for  the  cavalry,  and  quite  pre- 
vented the  elephants  from  acting  with  the  infantry.  Fur  this  rea. 
son  he  had  a  greut  number  of  men  killed  and  wounded,  and  might 
have  been  entirely  defeated,  had  not  night  put  an  end  to  the  battle. 
Next  day,  contriving,  by  an  act  of  generalship,  to  engug«*  upon 
even  ground,  where  his  elephants  might  come  at  the  enemy,  he 
seized  in  time  the  difficult  post  where  they  fought  the  day  before. 
Then  he  planted  a  number  of  archers  and  slingers  among  his  ele- 
phants, thickened  his  other  ranks,  and  moved  forward  in  good  or- 

*  Two  hundred  and  MTeniy>tev«n  jrcara  tMfortChriit. 


PyRRBUS.  ^CJ 

der,  though  with  great  force  and  impetuosity,  against  the  Romms. 
The  Romans,  who  had  not  now  the  advantage  of  ground  for  at- 
tacking and  retreating  as  they  pleased,  were  obliged  to  fight  upon 
the  pidm,  man  to  man.  They  hastened  to  break  the  enemy's  m- 
fantry,  before  the  elephants  came  up,  and  made  prodigious  efforts 
with  their  swords  against  their  pikes,  not  regarding  themselves  or 
the  wounds  they  received,  but  orily  looking  where  they  might  strike 
and  slay.  After  a  long  dispute,  however,  the  Romans  were  forced 
to  give  way,  which  they  did  first  where  Pyrrhus  fought  in  person : 
for  they  could  not  resist  the  fury  of  his  attack.  Indeed,  it  was  the 
force  and  weight  of  the  elephants  which  put  them  quite  to  the  rout. 
When  they  had  all  quitted  the  field,  and  Pyrrhus  was  congratulated 
on  the  victory,  he  said,  "  Such  another  victory,  and  we  are  un- 
done !"  For  he  had  lost  great  part  of  the  forces  which  he  had 
brought  with  him,  and  almost  all  his  friends  and  officers.  He  had 
no  others  to  send  for  to  supply  their  place,  and  he  found  his  con- 
federates here  very  cold  and  spiritless.  Whereas  the  Romans  filled 
up  their  legions  with  ease  and  despatch,  from  an  inexhaustible 
fountain  which  they  had  at  home ;  and  their  defeats  were  so  far 
from  discouraging  them,  that  indignation  gave  them  fresh  strength 
and  ardour  for  the  war. 

Amidst  these  difficulties,  new  hopes,  as  vain  as  the  former,  of- 
fered themselves  to  Pyrrhus,  and  enterprises  which  distracted  him 
in  the  choice.  On  one  side,  ambassadors  came  from  Sicily,  who 
proposed  to  put  Syracuse,  Agrigenium,  and  the  city  of  the  Leon- 
tines  into  his  hands,  and  desired  him  to  drive  the  Carthaginians  out 
of  the  island,  and  free  it  from  tyrants  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  news 
was  brought  him  from  Greece,  that  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  was  slam  in 
battle  by  the  Gauls,  and  that  this  would  be  a  seasonable  juncture 
for  him  to  offer  himself  to  the  Macedonians,  who  wanted  a  king.* 
On  this  occasion  he  complained  greatly  of  fortune,  for  offering  him 
two  such  glorious  opportunities  of  action  at  once,  and,  afflicted  to 
think  that  in  embracing  one,  he  must  necessarily  give  up  the  other, 
he  was  a  long  time  perplexed  and  doubtful  which  to  fix  upon.  At 
last  the  expedition  to  Sicily  appearing  to  him  the  more  important, 
by  reason  of  its  nearness  to  Africa,  he  determined  to  go  thither,  and 
immediately  despatched  Cineas  before  him,  according  to  custom, 
to  treat  with  the  cities  in  his  behalf.  He  placed,  however,  a  strong 
garrison  in  Tarentum,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  of  the 
people,  who  insisted  that  he  should  either  fulfil  the  purpose  he 
came  fbr,  by  staying  to  assist  them  effectually  m  the  Roman  war, 
or,  if  he  would  be  gone,  to  leave  their  city  as  he  found  it.  But  he  gave 
them  a  severe  answer,  ordered  them  to  wait  his  time,  and  so  set  sail. 

t  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  was  slain  three  years  before,  during  the  consulate  of  Laevinus. 
After  him  "the  Macedonians  had  several  kings  m  quick  succession.  Ail,  therefore, 
that  the  letters  could  import,  must  be.  that  the  Macedonians  would  prefer  Pyrrhus  to 
Aiitigonus,  who  at  present  was  in  possession. 

20       , 


230  pyRRHtS. 

When  lie  arrived  in  Sicily,  he  found  every  thing  disposed  tgree. 
ably  to  his  hopes.  The  cities  rendily  put  themselves  in  his  hands: 
and  wherever  force  was  necessary,  nothing  at  first  made  any  con- 
siderable resistance  to  his  arms.  Rut  with  thirty  thousand  foot, 
two  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  and  two  hundred  sail  of  ships,  he 
advanced  against  the  Carthaginians,  drove  iheni  before  him,  and 
ruined  their  province.  Eryx  was  the  strongest  city  in  those  parts, 
and  the  best  provided  with  men  for  its  defence,  yet  he  resolved  to 
take  it  by  storm.  As  soon  as  his  army  was  in  readiness  to  give  the 
assault,  he  armed  himself  at  all  points,  and  advancing  towards  the 
walls,  made  a  vow  to  Hercules,  of  games  and  sacrifices  in  acknow. 
ledgment  of  the  victory,  if  in  that  dt^'s  action  he  should  distinguish 
himself  before  the  Greeks  in  Sicily,  in  a  manner  that  hecame  his 
great  descent  and  his  fortune.  Then  he  ordered  the  Signal  to  be 
given  by  sound  of  trumpet ;  and  having  driven  the  barbarians  from 
the  walls  with  his  missive  weapons,  he  planted  the  scaling  ladders, 
and  was  himself  the  first  that  mounted. 

There  he  was  attacked  by  a  crowd  of  enemies,  some  of  whom 
he  drove  back,  others  he  pushed  down  IVom  the  wall  on  both  sides; 
but  the  greatest  part  he  slew  with  his  sword,  so  that  there  was  quite 
a  rampart  of  dead  bodies  around  him.  In  the  mean  time  he  him- 
self received  not  the  least  harm,  but  appeared  to  his  enemies  in  the 
awful  character  of  some  superior  being.  When  the  city  was  taken, 
he  offered  a  mognifficent  sacrifice  to  Hercules,  and  exhibited  a 
variety  of  shows  and  games. 

The  Carthaginians  were  now  inclined  to  peace,  and  offered  him 
both  money  and  ships,  on  condition  that  he  granted  them  his  friend- 
ship. But,  having  farther  prospects,  he  made  answer  that  there 
was  only  one  way  to  peace  and  friendship,  which  was,  for  the  Car- 
thaginians to  evacuate  Sicily,  and  make  the  Libyan  sea  the  boun- 
dary between  them  and  the  Greeks.  Elated  with  pro.<tperity  and 
his  present  strength,  he  thought  of  nothing  but  pursuing  the  hopes 
which  first  drew  him  into  Sicily. 

His  first  object  now  was  Africa.  He  had  vessels  enough  for  his 
purpose,  but  he  wanted  mariners.  And  in  the  collecting  of  them, 
he  was  far  from  proceeding  with  lenity  and  moderation.  This  was 
not  the  conduct  which  he  had  observed  at  first ;  for  then  he  was 
gracious  and  affable  to  an  extreme,  placed  an  entire  confidence  in 
the  people,  and  avoided  giving  them  the  least  uneasinr.os.  By  these' 
means  he  had  gained  their  hearts.  But  now  turning  from  a  popular 
prince  into  a  tyrant,  his  austerity  drew  upon  him  the  imputation 
both  of  infrntitude  and  perfidiousness.  Necessity,  however,  obliged 
them  to  furnish  him  with  what  he  demanded,  thoug^h  they  were 
little  disposed  to  it.  But  what  chiefiy  alienated  their  affections, 
wras  his  behaviour  to  'I'hoiion  and  Soatratus,  two  pentons  of  the 
greatest  authority  in  Syracuse.     These  were  the  men  who  first 


invited  him  into  Sicily,  who  upon  his  arrival  immediately  put  their 
city  m  his  hands,  and  who  had  been  the  principal  instruments  of 
the  great  things  he  had  done  in  the  island.  Yet  his  suspicions 
would  neither  let  him  take  them  with  him,  nor  leave  them  behind 
him.  Sostratus  took  th^  alarm  and  fled  Whereupon  Thonon  was 
seized  by  Pyrrhus,  who  alleged  that  he  was  an  accomplice  with 
Sostratus,  and  put  mm  to  death.  Then  his  affairs  ran  to  ruin,  not 
gradually,  and  by  little  and  little,  but  all  at  once ;  and  the  violent 
hatred  which  the  cities  conceived  for  him,  led  some  5f  them  to  join 
the  Carthaginians,  and  others  the  Mamertines.  While  he  thus  saw 
nothing  around  him  but  cabals,  seditions,  and  insurrections,  he 
received  letters  from  the  Samnites  and  Tarentines,  who  being  quite 
driven  out  of  the  field,  and  with  difficulty  defending  themselves 
within  their  walls,  begged  his  assistance.  This  afforded  a  hand- 
some  pretence  for  his  departure,  without  its  being  called  a  flight 
and  an  absolute  giving  up  his  affairs  in  Sicily,  But  the  truth  was, 
that  no  longer  being  able  to  hold  the  island,  he  quitted  it  like  a 
shattered  ship,  and  threw  himself  again  into  Italy.  It  is  reported, 
that,  as  he  sailed  away,  he  looked  back  upon  the  isle,  and  said  to 
those  about  him,  "  What  a  field  we  leave  the  Carthaginians  and 
Romans  to  exercise  their  arms  in!"  and  his  conjecture  was  soon 
after  verified. 

The  barbarians  rose  against  him  as  he  set  sail ;  and  being 
attacked  by  the  Carthaginians  on  his  passage,  he  lost  many  of  his 
ships — with  the  remainder  he  gained  the  Italian  shore.  The  Ma- 
mertines, to  the  number  of  ten  thousand,  had  got  thither  before 
him ;  and,  though  they  were  afraid  to  come  to  a  pitched  battle, 
they  attacked  and  harassed  him  in  the  difficult  passes,  and  put  his 
whole  army  in  disorder.  He  lost  two  elephants,  and  a  considerable 
part  of  his  rear  was  cut  in  pieces.  But  he  immediately  pushed  from 
the  van  to  their  assistance,  and  risked  his  person  in  the  boldest 
manner,  against  men  trained  by  long  practice  to  war,  who  fought 
with  a  spirit  of  resentment.  In  this  dispute  h,e  received  a  wound 
in  the  head,  whi'^.h  forced  him  to  retire  a  little,  and  animated  the 
enemy  still  more.  One  of  them,  therefore,  who  was  distinguished 
both  by  his  size  and  arms,  advanced  before  the  lines,  and  with  a 
loud  voice  called  upon  hirn  to  come  forth  if  he  was  alive.  Pyrrhus, 
incensed  at  this,  returned  with  his  guards,  and,  a  visage  so  fierce 
with  anger,  and  so  besmeared  with  blood,  that  it  was  dreadful  to 
look  Upon,  made  his  way  through  his  battalions  notwithstanding 
their  remonstrances.  Thus  rushing  upon  the  barbarian,  he  pre- 
vented his  blow,  and  gave  him  such  a  stroke  on  the  head  with  his 
sword,  that  he  cleaved  him  quite  down,  and  in  one  moment  the 
parts  fell  asunder.  This  achievement  stopped  the  course  of  the 
barbarians,  who  were  struck  with  admiration  and  amazement  at 
Pyrrhus,  as  at  a  superior  being.     He  made  the  rest  of  hi«  march, 


22U  PYRRHUS. 

therefore,  wiihout  disturbance,  and  arrived  at  Tarentum  with  twenty 
thousand  foot  and  three  thousand  horse.  Then  taking  with  him  the 
best  troops  that  he  fuund  there,  he  advanced  immediately  agaimit 
the  Romans,  who  were  encamped  in  ihe  country  of  the  Samniies. 

The  aifuirs  of  the  Samnites  were  run  to  ruin;  and  their  spirits 
sunk,  because  they  had  been  beaten  in  several  battles  by  the  Ro- 
mans. There  remained  also  in  their  hearts  some  resentment  against 
Pyrrhus  on  account  of  his  leaving  them  to  go  to  Sicily,  so  that  few 
of  them  repaired  to  his  standard.  The  forces  that  he  had,  he 
divided  into  two  bodies,  one  of  which  he  detached  into  Lucania,  to 
keep  one  of  the  consuls'^  employed,  and  hinder  him  from  assisting 
his  colleague ;  with  the  other  corps  he  marched  in  person  against 
the  other  consul,  Manius  Curius,  who  lay  safely  intrenched  near 
the  city  of  Bencventum,  and  dccUned  fighting,  as  well  in  ezpecta. 
tion  of  the  succours  from  Lucania,  as  on  account  of  his  being 
deterred  from  action  by  the  augurs  and  sootlisay^rs. 

Pyrrhus  hastening  to  attack  him  before  he  could  bo  joined  by 
bis  colleague,  took  the  choicest  of  his  troops  and  the  most  warlike 
of  his  elephants,  and  pushed  forward  in  the  night  to  surprise  his 
camp.  But  as  he  had  a  long  circuit  to  take,  and  the  roads  were 
entangled  with  trees  and  bushes,  his  lights  failed,  and  numbers  of 
his  men  lost  their  way.  At  day-break  he  was  discovered  by  the 
enemy  descending  from  the  heights,  which  caused  no  small  disorder 
in  their  camp.  Mauius,  however,  finding  the  sacrifices  auspicious, 
and  the  time  pressing,  issued  out  of  his  trenches,  attacked  the  van- 
guard of  the  enemy,  and  put  them  to  flight.  This  spread  a  con- 
sternarion  through  their  whole  army,  so  that  many  of  them  were 
killed,  and  some  of  the  elephants  taken.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
success  led  Manius  to  try  a  pitched  battle.  Engaging,  therefore, 
in  the  open  field,  one  of  his  wings  defeated  that  of  the  enemy  ;  but 
the  other  was  borne  down  by  the  elephants,  and  driven  back  to  the 
trenches.  In  this  exigency  he  called  for  those  troops  that  were 
lofl  to  guard  the  camp,  who  were  all  fresh  men  and  well  armed. 
These,  as  they  descended  from  their  advantageous 'situation, 
pierced  the  elephants  with  their  javelins,  and  forced  them  to  turn 
their  backs  ;  and  those  creatures,  rushing  upon  their  own  battalions, 
threw  them  into  the  greatest  confusion  and  disorder.  This  put  the 
victory  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  and  empire  together  with  the 
victory.  For  by  the  courage  exerted,  and  the  great  actions  per- 
formed  this  day,  they  acquired  a  lofliness  of  sentiment,  an  enlarge- 
ment  of  power,  with  the  reputation  of  being  invincible,  which  soon 
goined  them  all  Italy,  and  Sicily  a  little  after. 

Thus  Pyrrhus  fell  from  his  hopes  of  Italy  and  Sicily,  after  he  had 
wasted  six  years  in  these  expeditions.  It  is  true,  he  was  not 
■uccessful ;  but  amidst  all  his  defeats  he  preserved  his  coura^^ 

*  Aulut  Cornelius  L«nlalii% 


PYRRHUS.  233 

unconquerable,  and  was  reputed  to  excel,  in  military  experience 
and  personal  prowess,  all  the  princess  of  his  time.  But  what  he 
gained  by  his  achievements,  he  lost  by  tain  hopes :  his  desire  of 
something  absent,  never  suffered  him  effectually  to  persevere  in  a 
present  pursuit.  Hence  it  was  that  Antigonus  compared  him  to  a 
gamester,  who  makes  many  good  throw^  at  dice,  but  knows  not  how 
to  make  the  best  of  his  game. 

He  returned  to  Epirus  with  eight  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred 
horse  ;  but  not  having  funds  to  maintain  them,  he  sought  for  a  war 
which  might  answer  that  end  ;  and  being  joined  by  a  body  of  Gauls, 
he  threw  himself  into  Macedonia,  where  Antigonus  the  son  of  De- 
metrius reigned  at  that  time.  His  design  was  only  to  pillage  and 
carry  off  booty  :  but  having  taken  many  cities,  and  drawn  over  two 
thousand  of  Antigonus's  men,  he  enlarged  his  views,  and  marched 
against  the  king.  Coming  up  with  him  in  a  narrow  pass,  he  put 
his  whole  army  in  disorder.  The  Gauls,  however,  who  composed 
Antigonus's  rear,  being  a  numerous  body,  made  a  gallant  resistance. 
The  dispute  was  sharp,  but  at  last  most  of  them  were  cut  in  pieces : 
and  they  who  had  the  charge  of  the  elephants,  being  surrounded, 
delivered  up  both  themselves  and  the  beasts.  After  so  great  an 
advantage,  Pyrrhus  following  his  fortune  rather  than  any  rational 
plan,  pushed  against  the  Macedonian  phalanx,  now  struck  with 
terror  and  confusion  at  their  loss  ;  and  perceiving  that  they  refused 
to  engage  with  him,  he  stretched  out  his  hand  to  the  commanders 
and  other  officers,  at  the  same  time  calling  them  all  by  their  names, 
by  which  means  he  drew  over  the  enemies'  infantry.  Antigonus, 
therefore,  was  forced  to  fly :  he  persuaded,  however,  some  of  the 
maritime  towns  to  remain  under  his  government. 

About  this  time,  Cleonymus  the  Spartan,  came  to  entreat  him 
that  he  would  march  to  Lacedssmon,  and  he  lent  a  willing  ear  to 
his  request.  Cleonymus  was  of  the  blood  royal ;  but  being  of  a 
violent  temper  and  inclined  to  arbitrary  power,  he  was  neither 
loved  nor  trusted  by  the  Spartans,  and  Arcus  was  appointed  to  the 
throne.  This  was  an  old  complaint  which  he  had  against  the  citi- 
zens in  general.  But  to  this  we  must  add,  that  when  advanced  in 
years,  he  had  married  a  young  woman  of  great  beauty,  named 
Chelidonis,  who  was  of  the  royal  family,  and  daughter  to  Leoty- 
chides.  Chelidonis  entertaining  a  violent  passion  for  Acrotatus, 
the  sen  of  Areus,  who  was  both  young  and  handsome,  rendered  the 
match  not  only  uneasy  but  disgraceful  to  Cleonymus.  These  do- 
mestic misfortunes  added  to  his  public  ones,  provoked  him  to  apply 
to  Pyrrhus,  who  marched  to  Sparta  with  twenty-five  thousand  foot, 
two  thousand  horse,  and  twenty -four  elephants. 

Cleonymus  advised  him  to  give  the  assault  immediately  upon 
his  arrival ;  but  Pyrrhus,  fearing  that  his  soldiers  would  plunder 
th€  city  if  they  took  it  by  night,  put  him  off,  and  said  they  would 
g3  20* 


284  FYRRHU& 

proceed  to  the  assault  the  next  day.  For  he  knew  there  were  but 
few  men  within  the  city,  and  those  unprepared ;  and  that  Areus 
the  kins  was  absent,  being  gone  to  Crete  to  succour  the  Gortyoi- 
ans.  '1  he  contemptible  idea  which  Pyrrhus  conceived  of  its  weak- 
ness and  want  of  men,  was  the  pnncipal  thing  that  saved  the  city. 
For  supposing  that  he  should  not  find  the  least, resistance,  he  or* 
dered  his  tents  to  be  pitched,  and  sat  quietly  down,  while  the  friends 
of  Cleonymus  busied  themselves  in  adorning  and  preparing  his 
house,  in  expectation  that  Pyrrhus  would  sup  with  him  there  that 
evening. 

Night  being  come,  the  Lacedsemonians  resolved  to  send  off  their 
women  to  Crete,  but  they  strongly  opposed  it ;  and  Archidamia 
entering  the  senate  with  a  sword  in  her  hand,  complained  of  the 
mean  opinion  they  entertained  of  the  women,  if  they  imagined  they 
would  survive  the  destruction  of  Sparta.  In  the  next  place  they 
determined  to  draw  a  trench  parallel  to  the  enemy's  camp,  and  at 
each  end  of  it  to  sink  waggons  into  the  ground  as  deep  as  the  naves 
of  the  wheels,  that  so  being  firmly  fixed,  they  might  stop  the 
course  of  the  elephants.  As  soon  as  the  work  was  begun,  both 
matrons  and  maids  came  and  joined  them ;  the  fo>-fTier  with  their 
robes  tucked  up,  and  the  latter  in  their  under  garments  only,  to 
assist  the  older  sort  of  nven.  They  advised  those  that  were  in- 
tended for  the  fight,  to  repose  themselves,  and  in  the  mean  time 
they  undertook  to  finish  a  third  part  of  the  trench,  which  they  ef- 
fected before  morning. 

At  day  .break  the  enemy  was  in  motion,  whereupon  the  women 
armed  the  youth  with  their  own  hands,  and  gave  them  the  trench 
in  charge,  exhorting  them  to  guard  it  well,  and  reprvsentmg,  *'  How 
delightful  it  would  be  to  conquer  in  the  view  of  their  country,  or 
how  glorious  to  expire  in  the  arms  of  their  mothers  and  their 
wives,  when  they  had  met  their  death  as  became  Spartans."  Af 
for  Chelidonis,  she  retired  into  her  own  apartment  with  a  rope 
about  her  neck,  determined  to  end  her  days  by  it,  rather  than  fall 
into  the  hands  of  Cleonymus,  if  the  city  was  taken. 

Pyrrhus  now  pressed  forward  with  his  infantry  against  the  Spar- 
tans, who  waited  for  him  under  a  rampart  of  shields.  But,  beside 
that  the  ditch  was  scarcely  passable,  he  found  that  there  was  no 
firm  footing  on  the  sides  of  it  for  his  soldiers,  because  of  the  loose* 
ncss  of  the  fresh  earth.  His  son  Ptolemy,  seeing  this,  fetched  a 
compass  about  the  trench  with  two  thousand  Gauls  and  a  select 
body  of  Chaonians,  and  endeavoured  to  open  a  passage  on  the 
quarter  of  the  waggons.  But  these  were  so  deep  fixed  and  close 
locked,  that  they  not  only  obstructed  their  passage,  but  made  it 
difiicult  for  the  "Spartans  to  come  up  and  make  a  close  defence. — 
The  Gauls  were  now  beginning  to  drag  out  the  wheels  and  draw 
the  waggons  into  the  river,  when  young  Acrotatus,  perceiving  the 


PYRRHUS.  235 

danger,  traversed  the  city  with  three  hundred  men,  and  by  the  ad- 
vantage  of  some  hollow  ways,  surrounded  Ptolemy,  not  being  seen 
till  he  began  the  attack  upon  his  re^r,  Ptolemy  was  now  forced 
to  face  about,  and  stand  upon  the  defensive.  In  the  cdnfusion 
many  of  his  soldiers  runnmg  foul  upon  each  other,  either  tumbled 
into  the  ditch,  or  fell  under  the  waggons.  At  last,  after  a  long 
dispute  and  great  effusion  of  blood,  they  were  entirely  routed. — 
The  old  men  and  the  women  saw  this  exploit  of  Acrotatus  ;  and 
as  he  returned  through  the  city  to  his  post,  covered  with  blood, 
bold  and  elated  with  his  victory,  he  appeared  to  the  Spartan  women 
taller  and  more  graceful  than  ever,  and  they  could  not  help  envy- 
ing Chelidonis  such  a  lover. 

Night  parted  the  combatants  ;  and  Pyrrhus,  as  he  lay  in  his  tent, 
had  this  dream — he  thought  he  darted  lightning  upon  Lacedasmon, 
which  set  all  the  city  on  fire,  and  that  the  sight  filled  him  with  joy. 
The  transport  awaking  him,  he  ordered  his  officers  to  put  their 
men  under  arms;  and  to  some  of  his  friends  he  related  hi^  vision, 
from  which  he  assured  himself  that  he  should  take  the  city  by 
storm.  The  thing  was  received  with  admiration  and  a  general 
assent,  but  it  did  not  please  Lysimachus.  He  said,  that  as  no  foot* 
IS  to  tread  on  places  that  are  struck  by  lightning,  so  the  Deity  by 
this  might  presignify  to  Pyrrhus,  that  the  city  should  remain  inac- 
cessiible  to  him.  Pyrrhus  answered:  "These  visions  may  serve 
as  amusements  for  the  vulgar,  but  there  is  not  any  thing  more  un- 
certain and  obscure.  While,  then,  you  have  your  weapons  in  tour 
hands,  remember,  my  friends. 

The  best  of  omens  is  the  cause  of  Pyrrhus." 
So  saying,  he  arose,  and,  as  Soon  as  it  was  light,  renewed  the  at- 
tack The  Lacedaemonians  stood  upon  their  defence  with  an 
alacrity  and  spirit  above  their  strength  ;  and  the  women  attended, 
supplying  them  with  arms,  giving  bread  and  drink  to  such  as 
wanted  it,  and  taking  care  of  the  wounded.  The  Macedonians 
then  attempted  to  fill  up  the  ditch,  bringing  great  quantities  of  ma- 
terials, and  throwing  them  upon  the  arms  and  bodies  of  the  dead. 
The  Lacedaemonians  on  their  part  redoubled  their  efforts  against 
them.  But,  all  on  a  sudden,  Pyrrhus  appeared  on  the  side  of  the" 
trench  where  the  waggons  had  been  planted  to  stop  the  passage, 
advancing  at  full  speed  towards  the  city.  The  soldiers  who  had 
the  charge  of  that  post  cried  out,  and  the  women  fled  with  loud 
shrieks  and  wailings.  In  the  mean  time  Pyrrhus  was  pushing  on, 
and  overthrowing  all  that  opposed  him ;  but  his  horse  received  a 
wound  in  the  belly  from  a  Cretan  arrow,  ran  away,  and  threw  i»im 
upon  steep  and  slippery  ground.  As  his  friends  pressed  towards 
him  in  great  confusion,  the  Spartans  came  boldly  up,  and  making 
good  use  of  their  arrows,  drove  them  all  back.  Hereupon  Pyrrhus 
put  an  entire  stop  to  the  action,  thinking  the  Spartans  would  aj^ale 


286  PVRRHUS. 

their  vigour,  now  they  were  almost  all  wounded,  and  sucn  great 
numbers  killed.  Just  us  the  hopes  uf  the  Spartans  were  begin- 
ning to  expire,  Aminius  the  Phocean,  one  of  Antigonua*s  ofKccrs, 
came  to  their  reht'tMroni  Corinth  with  an  anny  of  strangers;  and 
they  had  no  sooner  entered  the  town,  hot  Arcus  their  king  arrived 
from  Crete  with  two  thousand  men  more.  'I'be  w«*nien  now  re- 
tired immediately  to  their  houses  ;  thinking  it  needless  to  concern 
themselves  any  farther  in  the  war ;  the  ofd  men  too,  who,  not. 
withstanding  their  age,  had  been  forced  to  bear  arms,  were  dis- 
missed, und  the  new  supplies  put  in  their  place. 

These  two  reinforcements  to  Sparta  served  only  to  animate  the 
courage  of  Pyrrhus,  and  make  him  more  ambitious  to  take  the  town. 
Finding,  however,  that  he  could  effect  nothing,  after  a  series  of 
losses  and  ill  success,  he  quitted  the  siege,  and  began  to  collect 
booty  from  the  country,  intending  to  pass  the  winter  there.  But 
fate  is  unavoidable.  ThtTe  happened  at  that  time  a  strong  conten- 
tion  at  \rgos  between  the, parties  of  Aristcas  and  Aristippus;  and 
OS  Aristippus  appeared  to  have  a  connexion  with  Antigonus,  Arie- 
teas,  to  prevent  him,  called  in  Pyrrhus.  Pyrrhus,  whose  hopes 
grew  as  fast  as  they  were  cut  olT,  who,  if  he  met  with  success,  only 
considered  it  as  a  step  to  greater  things ;  and  if  with  disappoint, 
roent,  endeavoured  to  compensate  it  by  some  new  advantage,  would 
neither  let  his  victories  nor  losses  put  a  period  to  his  disturbing 
both  the  world  and  himself.  He  began  his  march  therefore  imme- 
diately for  Argos.  Areus,  by  frequent  ambushes,  and  by  possess, 
ing  himself  of  the  difficult  passes,  cut  off  many  of  the  Gauls  and 
Molossians  who  brought  up  his  rear.  In  the  sacrifice  which  Pyrr. 
bus  had  offered,  the  liver  was  found  without  a  head,  and  the  diviner 
had  thence  forewarned  him,  that  he  was  in  danger  of  losing  some 
person  that  was  dear  to  him  ;  but  in  the  hurry  and  disorder  of  this 
unexpected  attack,  he  forgot  the  menace  from  the  victim,  and  or- 
dered his  son  Ptolemy  with  some  of  his  guards  to  the  assistance  of 
the  rear,  whilst  ho  himself  pui<hed  on,  and  disengaged  his  main 
body  from  those  dangerous  passages.  In  the  mean  time  Ptolemy 
met  with  a  very  warm  reception  :  for  he  was  engaged  by  a  select 
party  of  Lacedaemonians,  under  the  command  of  Evalcus.  In  the 
heat  of  action,  a  Cretan  of  Aptera,  named  OrcDsus,  a  man  of  re. 
markable  strength  and  swiftness,  came  up  with  the  young  prince, 
OS  he  was  fighting  with  great  gallantry,  and  with  a  blow  on  the  side, 
laid  him  dead  upon  the  spot.  As  soon  as  he  fell,  his  party  turned 
their  backs  and  fled.  The  Lacedaemonians  pursued  them,  and  in 
the  ardour  of  victory,  inscnsibls  advancing  into  the  open  plain,  got 
at  a  great  distance  from  their  infantry.  P\rrhus,  who  by  this  time 
had  heard  of  the  death  of  his  son,  and  was  greatly  afflictt^d  at  it, 
drew  out  his  Molossiaii  horse,  and  charging  at  the  head  of  them^ 
satiated  himself  with  the  blood  of  the  Lacedsmonians. 


PYRRHUS. 


237 


Pyrrhus  having  thus  sacrificed  to  the  manes  of  his  son,  found 
that  he  had  vented  much  of  his  grief  in  the  fury  of  hiscombat,  and 
marched  more  composed  to  Argos.  Finding  that  Anugonus  kept 
the  high  grounds  adjoining  to  the  plain,  he  encamped  near  the  town 
of  NaupHa.  Next  day  he  sent  a  herald  to  Antigonus,  vVith  a  chal- 
lenge  in  abusive  terms  to  come  down  into  the  field,  and  fight  with 
him  for  the  kingdom.  Antigonus  said,  *'  Time  is  the  weapon  that 
I  use,  as  much  as  the  sword ;  and  if  Pyrrhus  is  weary  of  his  life, 
there  are  many  ways  to  end  it."  To  both  the  kings  there  came  am- 
bassadors  from  Argos,  entreating  them  to  retire,  and  so  prevent 
that  city  from  being  subjected  to  either,  which  had  a  friendship  for 
them  both.  Antigonus  agreed  to'  the  overture,  and  sent  his  son  to 
the  Argives  as  a  hostage.  Pyrrhus  at  the  same  time  promised  to 
retire,  but,  sending  no  hostage,  he  was  much  suspected. 

In  the  dead  of  night  Pyrrhus  approached  the  walls,  and  finding 
one  of  the  gates  opened  to  him  by  Aristeas,  he  was  not  discovered 
till  his  Gauls  had  entered  and  seized  the  market-place.  But  the 
gate  not  being  high  enough  to  receive  the  elephants,  they  were 
forced  to  take  off*  their  towers ;  and  having  afterwards  put  them  on 
again  in  the  dark,  it  could  not  be  done  without  noise  and  loss  of 
time,  by  which  they  were  discovered.  The  Argives  ran  into  the 
citadel  called  Aspis*  and  other  places  of  defence,  and  sent  to  call 
in  Antigonus.  But  he  only  advanced  towards  the  walls,  to  watch 
his  opportunity,  and  contented  himself  with  sending  in  some  of  his 
principal  officers  and  his  son  with  considerable  succours. 

At  the  same  time  Areus  arrived  in  the  town  with  a  thousand  Cre- 
tans and  the  most  active  of  his  Spartans.  All  these  troops  being 
joined,  fell  at  once  upon  the  Gauls,  and  put  them  in  great  disorder. 
Pyrrhus  entered  at  a  place  called  Cylarabis,  with  great  noise  and 
loud  shouts,  which  were  echoed  by  the  Guuls  ;  but  he  thought  their 
shouts  were  neither  full  nor  bold,  but  rather  expressive  of  terror 
and  distress.  He  therefore  advanced  in  great  haste,  pushing  for- 
ward his  cavalry,  though  they  marched  in  danger  from  drains  and 
sewers,  of  which  the  city  was  full.  Besides,  in  this  nocturnal  com- 
bat,  it  was  impossible  either  to  see  what  was  done,  or  to  hear  the 
orders  that  were  given.  The  soldiers  were  scattered  about,  and 
lost  their  way  among  the  narrow  streets  ;  nor  could  the  officers 
rally  them  in  that  darkness,  amidst  such  a  variety  of  noises,  and 

*  There  was  an  annual  feast  at  Argos,  in  honour  of  Juno,  called  Junonia,  and  also 
Hecatombia,  from  the  hecatomb  of  oxen  then  offered.  Among  other  games,  this  prize 
was  proposed  for  the  youth.  In  a  place  of  considerable  strength  above  the  theatre,  a 
brazen  buckler  wae  nailed  to  the  waH.  and  they  were  to  try  their  strength  in  plucking 
it  off.  The  victor  was  crowned  with  a  myrtle  garland,  and  had  the  buckler  [in  Greek 
Aspis]  for  his  pams  Hence  the  name  of  the  fort  Not  onlv  the  youjh  of  Argos,  but 
strangers,  were  admitted  to  the  contest,  as  appears  from  Pindar,  for,  speak mg  of  Dia- 
goras  of  Rhodes,  he  says, — 

The  Argive  buckler  knew  him.  Olymp  Ode  7. 


238  PYRRHUS. 

# 
in  such  strait  passages ;  so  that  both  sides  continued  without  da> 
ing  any  thing,  And  wailed  for  daV-Hght. 

At  the  first  dawn  Pyrrhus  was  concerned  to  see  the  Aspis  full  of 
armed  men  ;  but  his  concern  was  changed  into  consternation,  when 
among  the  man\  figures  in  ihe  market-place  he  beheld  a  wolf  and 
a  bull  in  brass  represented  in  the  act  of  fighting.  For  he  recoU 
lected  an  oracle  which  had  foretold,  "  That  it  was  his  destiny  to 
die  when  he  should  see  a  wolf  encountering  a  bull." 

Pyrrhus  quite  dispirited  at  the  sight,  and  perceiving  at  the  same 
time  that  nothing  succeeded  according  to  his  hopes,  thought  it  best 
to  retreat.  Fearing  that  the  gates  were  too  narrow,  he  sent  orders 
to  his  son  Helenus,  who  was  left  with  the  main  body  without  the 
town,  to  demolish  part  of  the  wall  and  assist  the  retreat,  if  the  ene* 
my  tried  to  obstruct  it.  But  the  person  whom  he  sent,  mistaking 
the  order  in  the  hurry  and  tumult,  and  delivering  it  quite  in  a  con. 
trary  sense,  the  young  prince  entered  the  gates  with  the  rest  of  the 
elephants  and  the  best  of  his  troops,  and  marched  to  assist  his  fa- 
ther. Pyrrhus  was  now  retiring  ;  and  while  the  market-place  af- 
forded room  both  to  retreat  and  fight,  he  often  faced  about  and  re- 
pulsed the  assailants.  But  when  from  that  broad  place  he  came  to 
crowd  into  the  narrow  street  leading  to  the  gate,  he  fell  in  with 
those  who  were  advancing  to  his  assistance.  It  was  in  vain  to  call 
out  to  them  to  fall  back.  Few  could  hear  him ;  and  such  as  did 
near,  ana  were  most  disposed  to  obey  his  orders,  were  pushed  back 
by  those  who  came  pouring  in  behind.  Besides,  the  largest  of  the 
elephants  was  fallen  in  the  gate-way  on  his  side,  and  lying  there 
and  braying  in  a  horrible  manner,  he  stopped  those  who  would  have 
got  out.  And  among  the  elephants  already  in  the  town,  one  naiaed 
Nicon,  striving  to  take  up  his  master  who  was  fallen  oflfwounded, 
rushed  against  the  party  that  was  retreating,  and  overturned  both 
friends  and  enemies  promiscuously,  till  he  found  the  body.  Then 
he  took  it  up  with  his  trunk,  and  carrying  it  on  his  two  teeth  re- 
turned in  great  fury,  and  trod  down  all  before  him.  When  they 
were  thus  pressed  and  crowded  together,  not  a  man  could  do  any 
thing  singly,  but  the  whole  multitude,  like  one  close  compacted 
body,  rolled  this  way  and  that  altogether.  They  exchanged  but 
{ew  blows  with  the  enemy,  either  in  front  or  rear,  and  the  greatest 
harm  they  did  was  to  themselves. 

Pyrrhus,  seeing  tl>e  tempeHt  rolling  about  him,  took  off  the  plume 
with  which  his  helmet  was  distinguished,  and  gave  it  to  one  of  his 
friends.  Then  trusting  to  the  goodness  of  his  horse,  he  rode  in 
amongst  the  enemy  who  were  harrassing  his  rear,  and  it  happened 
that  he  was  wounded  through  the  brcast-plate  with  a  javelin.  The 
wound  was  rather  slight  than  dangerous,  but  he  turned  against  the 
man  that  gave  it.  who  was  an  Argiveof  no  note,  the  son  of  a  poor 
old  woman.     This  woman,  among  others,  looking  upon  the  fight 


PYRRHUS.  23d 

from  the  roef  of  a  house,  beheld  her  son  thus  engaged.  Seized 
with  terror  at  the  sight,  she  took  up  a  large  tile  with  both  hands, 
and  threw  it  at  Pyrrhus.  The  tile  fell  upon  his  head,  and  notwith- 
standing his  helmet,  crushed  the  lower  vertebr<B  of  his  neck.  Dark- 
ness in  a  moment  covered  his  eyes,  his  hands  let  go  the  reins,  and 
he  fell  from  his  horse  by  the  tomb  of  Licymnius.  The  crowd  that 
was  about  him  did  not  know  him,  but  one  Zopyrus  who  served  un- 
der  Antigonua  and  two  or  three  others,  coming  up,  knew  him,  and 
dragged  him  into  a  porch  that  was  at  hand,  just  as  he  was  begin- . 
ning  to  recover  from  the  blow.  Zopyrus  had  drawn  his  Illyrian 
blade  to  cut  off  his  head,  when  Pyrrhus  opened  his  eyes,  and  gave 
him  so  fierce  a  look,  that  he  was  struck  with  terror :  his  hands  trem- 
bled, and  between  his  desire  io  give  the  stroke,  and  the  confusion 
he  was  in,  he  missed  his  neck,  but  wounded  him  in  the  mouth  and 
chin,  so  that  it  was  a  long  time  before  he  could  separate  the  head 
from  the  body. 

By  this  time  his  death  was  generally  known,  and  Alcyoneus,  the 
son  of  Antigonus,  came  hastily  up,  and  asked  for  the  head,  as  if  he 
wanted  only  to  look  at  it.  But  as  soon  as  he  had  got  it,  he  rode  off 
with  it  to  his  father,  and  cast  it  at  his  feet,  as  he  was  sitting  with  his 
friends.  Antigonus,  looking  upon  the  head,  and  knowing  it,  thrust 
his  son  from  hini :  and  struck  him  with  his  staff,  calling  him  an  im- 
pious and  barbarous  wretch.  Then  putting  his  robe  before  his  eyes, 
he  wept  in  remembrance  of  the  fate  of  his  grandfather  Antigonus,* 
and  that  of* his  father  Demetrius,  two  instances  in  his  own  house  of 
the  mutability  of  fortune.  As  for  the  head  and  body  of  Pyrrhus, 
he  ordered  them  to  be  laid  in  magnificent  attire  on  the  funeral  pile 
and  burnt.  Afler  this,  Alcyoneus  having  met  with  Helenus  m  great 
distress  and  a  mean  garb,  addressed  him  in  a  courteous  maunei; 
and  conducted  him  to  his  father,  who  thus  expressed  himself  on 
this  occasion  : — "  In  this,  my  son,  you  have  acted  much  better  than 
before ;  but  still  you  are  deficient :  for  you  should  have  taken  off 
that  mean  habit,  which  is  a  greater  disgrace  to  us  who  are  victo- 
rious, that  it  is  to  be  vanquished." 

Then  he  paid  his  respects  to  Helenus  in  a  very  obliging  manner, 
and  sent  him  to  Epirus  with  a  proper  equipage.  He  gave  also  the 
same  kind  of  reception  to  the  friends  of  Pyrrhus,  after  he  had  made 
himself  master  of  his  whole  camp  and  army. 

*  Antigonus  the  First  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  and  Demetrius  tfae  First  loDg 
kept  a  prisoner  by  his  son- in- law  Seleucus. 


240 
EUMENES. 

Flourished  818  years  before  Christ. 

DURIS  the  historian  writes,  that  Eumeoes  the  Cardion  was  tim 
•on  of  a  waggoner  in  the  Chersonesus,  and  yet  that  he  had  a  libe^ 
ral  education  both  as  to  learning  and  the  exercises  then  in  vogue.* 
He  says  that  while  he  was  but  a  lad,  Philip  happening  to  be  in  Car. 
dia,  went  to  spend  an  hour  of  leisure  in  seeing  how  the  young  men 
acquitted  themselves  in  the  pancration,\  and  the  boys  wrestling. 
Among  these  Eumenes  succeeded  so  well,  and  shewed  so  much 
activity  and  address,  that  Philip  was  pleased  with  him,  and  took 
him  into  his  train.  But  others  assert,  with  a  greater  appearance 
of  probability,  that  Philip  preferred  him  on  account  of  the  ties  of 
friendship  and  hospitality  there  were  between  him  and  the  father  of 
Eumenea. 

After  tne  death  of  Philip,  he  maintained  the  reputation  of  being 
equal  to  any  of  Alexander's  officers  in  capacity,  and  in  the  honour 
with  which  he  discharged  his  commissions ;  and  though  he  had 
only  the  title  of  principal  secretary,  he  was  looked  upon  in  tm 
honourable  a  light  as  the  king's  most  intimate  friends  and  coonsel- 
lors,  insomuch  that  he  had  the  sole  direction  of  an  Indian  expedition, 
and  upon  the  death  of  Hephsestion,  when  Perdiccas  had  the  post  of 
that  favourite,  he  succeeded  Perdiccas.  Therefore,  when  Neop. 
tolemus,  who  had  been  the  principal  armour-bearer,  took  upon  him 
to  say,  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  "  That  he  had  borne  the  shield 
and  spear  of  the  monarch,  and  that  Eumenes  had  only  followed 
with  his  escritoir,"  the  Macedonians  only  laughed  at  his  vanity, 
knowing  that,  besides  other  marks  of  honour,  Alexander  had  thought 
Eumenes  not  unworthy  his  alliance. 

Upon  the  death  of  Alexander  a  great  quarrel  broke  out  between 
the  phal/nuc  and  the  late  king's  friends  and  generals.  Eumenes,  in 
his  heart  sided  with  the  phalanXj  but  in  appearance,  stood  neuter, 
as  a  per.ion  perfectly  indifferent,  saying,  it  did  not  become  him, 
as  a  stranger,  to  interfere  in  the  disputes  of  the  Macedonians  ;  and 
when  the  other  great  officers  retired  from  Babylon,  he  staid  there, 
endeavouring  to  appease  that  body  of  infantry,  and  to  dispose  them 
to  a  reconciliation. 

After  these  troubles  were  past  and  the  generals  mot  to  consult 
about  the  dividing  the  provinces  and  armies  among  them,  the  coun- 

■  Tb«re  were  public  tchooli,  where  cbildren  of  all  coodhkNit  were  taught,  wllhOi't 
diuinction.  • 

f  The  jMmcrafion  was  a  composition  of  wrettling  and  boxing 


KUMENES.  241 

tries  assigned  Eumenes,  were  Cappadocia  and  Paphlagonia,  and 
the  coast  of  the  sea  of  Pontus,  as  far  as  Trapezus.  These  countries 
were  not  then  subject  to  the  Macedonians,  for  Ariarathes  was  king 
of  them  ;  but  Leonatus  and  Antigonus  were  to  go  wrth  a  great  army, 
and  put  £umenes  in  possession.  Antigonus,  now  elated  with  power, 
and  despising  all  the  world,  gave  no  attention  to  the  letters  of  Per- 
diccas.  But  Leonatus  marched  down  from  the  upper  provinces  in 
Phrygia,  and  promised  to  undertake  the  expedition  for  Eumenes. 
Immediately  after  this,  Hecataeus,  a  petty  tyrant  in  Cardia,  applied 
to  Leonatus,  and  desired  him  rather  to  go  to  the  relief  of  Antipater 
and  the  Macedonians,  who' were  besieged  in  Lamia.  Leonatus 
being  inclined  to  go,  called  Eumenes,  and  attempted  to  reconcile 
him  to  Hecataeus.  They  had  long  had  suspicions  of  each  other  on 
account  of  a  family  difference  in  point  of  politics,  in  consequence  of 
which  Eumenes  had  accused  Hecataeus  of  setting  himself  up  tyrant 
in  Cardia,  and  had  entreated  Alexander  to  restore  that  people  to  their 
liberty.  He  now  desired  to  be  excused  taking  a  share  in  the  Gre- 
cian expedition,  alleging,  he  was  afraid  Antipater,  who  had  long 
hated  him,  to  gratify  himself  as  well  as  Hecataeus,  would  make 
some  attempt  upon  his  life.  Upon  which  Leonatus,  placing  an 
entire  confidence  in  him,  opened  to  him  all  his  heart.  He  told  him 
the  assisting  Antipater  was  nothing  but  a  pretext,  and  that  he 
designed,  as  soon  as  he  landed  in  Greece,  to  assert  his  claim  to 
Macedonia.  At  the  same  time  he  showed  him  letters  from  Cleo- 
patra,* in  which  she  invited  him  to  Pella,  and  promised  to  give  him 
her  hand. 

Whether  Eumenes  was  really  afraid  of  Antipater,  or  whether 
he  despaired  of  any  service  from  Leonatus,  who  was  extremely 
obstinate  in  his  temper,  and  followed  every  impulse  of  a  precipitate 
ambition,  he  withdrew  from  him  in  the  night  with  all  his  equipage, 
which  consisted  of  three  hundred  horse,  two  hundred  of  his  domes- 
tics, well  armed,  and  all  his  treasure,  amounting  to  five  thousand 
talents.  With  this  he  fled  to  Perdiccas  ;  and  as  he  acquainted  that 
general  with  the  secret  designs  of  Leonatus,  he  was  immediately 
taken  into  a  high  degree  of  favour,  and  admitted  to  a  share  in  his 
councils.  In  a  little  rime,  too,  Perdiccas  in  person  conducted  him 
into  Cappadocia,  with  a  great  army,  took  Ariarathes  prisoner,  sub- 
dued all  the  country,  and  established  Eumenes  in  that  government ; 
in  consequence  of  which,  Eumenes  put  the  cities  under  the  direc- 
tion of  his  friends,  placed  guards  and  garrisons,  with  proper  officers 
at  their  heads,  and  appointed  judges  and  superintendents  of  the 
revenue ;  Perdiccas  leaving  the  entire  disposition  of  those  things 
to  him.  After  this,  he  departed  with  Perdiccas,  choosing  to  give 
him  that  testimony  of  respect,  and  not  thinking  it  consistent  with 
his  interest  to  be  absent  from  his  court.  But  Perdiccas,  satisfied 
*  The  sister  of  Alexander, 

b2  21 


iM2 


Li^MKNE^t. 


that  he  could  himself  execute  the  designs  he  was  meditating, 
and  perceiving  that  those  provinces  he  had  IcA  hehind  re<{uired  an 
able  and  ruithlul  guardian,  sent  back  Eumenes  when  he  had  reached 
Cilicia.  The  pretence  was,  that  he  might  attend  to  the  concerns 
of  his  own  government ;  but  the  real  intention,  that  he  should  secure 
llie  adjoining  province  of  Armenia,  which  was  disturbed  by  the 
practices  of  Neopiolcmus. 

Neoptoleinus  was  a  man  of  sanguine  pursuits  and  unbounded 
vanity.  Eumenes,  however,  endeavoured  to  keep  him  to  his  duty, 
by  soothing  appUcations ;  and  as  he  saw  the  Macedonian  infantry 
were  become  extremely  insolent  and  audacious,  he  applied  himseU 
to  raising  a  body  of  cavalry,  which  might  be  a  counterpoise  agaiosi 
them.  For  this  purpose  he  remitted  ttie  taxes,  and  gave  other  im 
munities  to  those  of  his  province  who  were  good  horsemen. 

About  this  time,  Craterus  and  Antipater,  having  reduced  Greece, 
passed  into  Asia  to  overthrow  the  power  of  Perdiccas,  and  news 
was  brought  that  their  first  intention  was  to  enter  Cappadocia. 
Perdiccas  himself  was  engaged  in  war  ^ith  Ptolemy  :  he,  therefore, 
appointed  Eumenes  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  in  Armenia 
and  Cappadocia,  and  wrote  to  Alcetas  and  Neoptolerous  to  obey 
the  orders  of  that  general,  whom  he  had  invested  witH  discretionary 
powers.  Alcetas  refused  to  submit  to  that  injunction,  allei^ng  that 
the  Macedonians  would  be  ashamed  to  fight  Antipater ;  and,  as  for 
Craterus,  their  affection  to  him  was  such,  that  they  would  receive 
him  with  open  arms.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  visible  that  Neop. 
tolemus  was  forming  some  treacherous  scheme  against  Eumenes ; 
for,  when  called  upon,  he  refused  to  join  him,  and,  instead  of  that, 
prepared  to  give  him  battle. 

This  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  Eumenes  reaped  the  fruits 
of  his  foresight  and  timely  preparations ;  for,  though  his  infantry 
were  beaten,  with  his  cavalry  he  put  Neoptolemus  to  flight,  and 
took  his  baggage  ;  and  while  the  phalanx  were  dispersed  upon  the 
pursuit,  he  fell  upon  him  in  such  good  order  with  his  horse,  that 
they  were  forced  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  take  an  oath  to  serve 
him.  Neoptolemus  collected  some  of  the  fugitives,  and  retired  with 
them  to  Craterus  and  Antipater.  They  had  already  sent  ambassa* 
dors  to  Eumenes,  to  desire  him  to  adopt  their  interests,  in  reward 
of  which  they  would  confirm  to  him  the  provinces  he  had,  and  give 
him  others,  with  an  additional  number  of  troops ;  in  which  case  he 
would  find  Antipater  a  friend  instead  of  an  enemy,  and  continue  in 
friendship  with  Craterus,  instead  of  turning  bis  arms  against  him. 

Eumenes  made  answer  to  these  proposals—**  That  having  long 
been  on  a  footing  of  enmity  with  Antipater,  he  did  not  choose  lo  be 
his  friend  at  a  time  when  he  saw  him  treating  his  friends  at  so 
many  enemies.  As  for  Craterus,  he  was  ready  to  reconcile  him 
to  Pcrdirras.  and  to  compromise  matters  between  them  upon  just 


EUMEiNES.  243 

and  reasonable  terms.  But  if  he  should  begin  hostilities,  he  would 
support  his  injured  friend  while  he  had  an  hour  to  live,  and  rather 
racnfice  life  itself  than  his  honour." 

When  this  answer  was  reported  to  Antipater  and  Craterus,  they 
took  some  time  to  deliberate  upon  the  measures  they  should  pur- 
sue Meanwhile  Neoptomelus  amvmg,  gave  them  an  account  of 
the  battle  he  had  lost,  and  requested  assistance  of  them  both,  but 
particularly  of  Craterus.  He  said — "  The  Macedonians  had  so  ex- 
traordinary  an  attachment  to  him,  that  if  they  saw  but  his  hat,  or 
heard  but  one  accent  of  his  tongue,  they  would  immediately  run  to 
him  with  their  swords  in  their  hands."  Indeed,  the  reputation  of 
Craterus  was  very  great  among  them,  and,  after  the  death  of  Alex- 
ander, most  of  them  wished  to  be  under  his  command.  They  re. 
membered  the  risks  he  had  run  of  embroihng  himself  with  Alexan- 
der  for  their  sakes :  how  he  had  combated  the  inclination  for  Per- 
sian fashions  which  insensibly  grew  upon  him,  and  supported  the 
customs  of  his  country  against  the  insults  of  barbaric  pomp  £ind 
luxury. 

Craterus  now  sent  Antipater  into  Cilicia,  and  taking  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  forces  himself,  marched  along  with  Neoptolemus 
against  Eumenes.  If  Eumenes  foresaw  his  coming  and  was  pre- 
pared for  it,  we  may  impute  it  to  the  vigilance  necessary  in  a  ge- 
neral. But  when,  besides  his  concealing  from  the  enemy  what 
they  ought  not  to  discover,  he  brought  his  own  troops  to  action, 
without  knowing  who  was  their  adversary,  and  made  them  serve 
against  Craterus,  without  finding  out  that  he  was  the  officer  they 
had  to  contend  with  ;  in  this  we  see  charactenstical  proofs  of  su- 
perior genius.  For  he  propagated  a  report,  that  Neoptolemus,  as- 
sisted  by  Pigris,  was  advancing  again  with  some  Cappadocian  and 
Paphlagonian  horse. 

When  he  came  to  give  battle,  he  would  not  set  any  Macedonians 
to  engage  Craterus,  but  appointed  to  that  charge  two  bodies  of  fo- 
reign horse,  commanded  by  Pharnabazus,  the  son  of  Artabazus,  and 
Phoenix  of  Tenedos.  They  had  orders  to  advance  on  the  first  sight 
of  the  enemy,  and  come  to  close  fighting  without  giving  them  time 
to  retire  ,  and  if  they  attempted  to  speak  or  send  any  herald,  they 
were  not  to  regard  it.  For  he  had  strong  apprehensions  that  the 
Macedonians  would  go  over  to  Craterus  if  they  happened  to  know 
him. 

Eumenes  himself,  with  a  troop  of  three  hundred  select  horse, 
posted  himself  in  the  right  wing,  where  he  should  have  to  act 
against  Neoptolemus.  When  they  had  passed  a  little  hill  that  se- 
parated the  two  armies,  and  came  in  view,  they  charged  with  such 
impetuosity,  that  Craterus  was  extremely  surprised,  and  expressed 
his  resentment  in  strong  terms  against  Neoptolemus,  who,  he 
thought,  had  deceived  him  with  a  pretence  that  the  Macedonians 


244  KUMENES. 

would  change  sides.  However,  he  exhorted  his  officers  to  behave 
like  brave  men,  and  stood  forward  to  the  encounter.  In  the  first 
shock,  which  was  very  violent,  the  spears  were  soon  broke,  and 
thoy  were  then  to  decide  the  dispute  with  the  sword. 

The  behaviour  of  Craterus  did  no  dishonour  to  Alexander.  He 
killed  numbers  with  his  own  hand,  and  overthrew  many  oth«»rs  who 
assailed  him  in  front.  But  at  last  he  received  a  side  blow  from  a 
Thracian,  which  brought  him  to  the  ground.  Many  passed  over 
him  without  knowing  him;  but  Georgias,  one  of  Eumenes*s  offi. 
ccrs,  took  notice  of  him,  and  being  well  acquainted  with  his  per' 
son,  leaped  from  his  horse,  and  guarded  the  body.  It  was  then, 
liowever,  too  late ;  he  was  at  the  last  extremity,  and  in  the  ago. 
Dies  of  death. 

In  the  mean  time,  Neoptolemus  engaged  Eumenes :  The  most 
violent  hatred  had  long  subsisted  between  them,  and  this  day  ad. 
ded  stings  to  it.  They  knew  not  one  another  in  the  two  first  en- 
counters, but  in  the  third  they  did ;  and  then  they  rushed  forward 
impetuously  with  swords  drawn  and  loud  shouts.  The  shock  their 
horses  met  with  was  so  violent,  that  it  resembled  that  of  two  gal- 
lies.  The  fierce  antagonists  quitted  the  bridles,  and  laid  hold  on 
each  other ;  each  endeavouring  to  tear  off  the  helmet  or  the  breast- 
plate of  his  enemy.  While  their  hands  were  thus  engaged,  their 
horses  went  from  under  them,  and  as  they  fell  to  the  ground  with- 
out  Quitting  their  hold,  they  wrestled  for  the  advantage.  Neopto- 
lemus was  beginning  to  rise  first,  when  Eumenes  wounded  him  in 
the  ham,  and  by  that  means  got  upon  his  feet  before  him.  Neop- 
tolemus being  wounded  in  one  knee,  supported  himself  upon  the 
other,  and  fought  with  great  courage  underneath,  but  was  not  able  to 
reach  his  adversary  a  mortal  blow.  At  last  receiving  a  wound  in 
the  neck,  he  grew  faint,  and  stretched  himself  upon  the  ground.  Eu- 
menes, with  all  the  eagerness  of  inveterate  hatred,  nastening  to 
strip  him  of  his  arms,  and  loading  him  with  reproaches,  did  not  ob. 
serve  that  his  sword  was  still  in  his  hand ;  so  that  Neoptolemus 
wounded  him  under  the  cuirass,  where  it  touches  upon  the  groin. 
However,  us  the  stroke  was  but  feeble,  the  apprehensions  it  gave 
him  were  greater  than  the  real  hurt. 

When  he  had  despoiled  his  adversary,  weak  as  he  was  wiib  the 
wounds  he  had  received  in  his  legs  and  arms,  he  mounted  his  horse 
and  made  up  to  his  lefr  wing.  There,  being  informed  of  the  fate 
of  Craterus,  ho  hastened  to  him,  and  finding  his  breath  and  his 
■enses  not  quite  gone,  he  alighted  from  his  horse,  wept  over  him, 
and  gave  him  his  hand.  One  while  he  vented  hit  execrations  upon 
Neoptolemus,  and  another  while  lamented  his  own  ill  fortune,  and 
the  cruel  necessity  he  was  under  of  coming  to  extremities  with  hit 
most  intimate  friend,  and  either  giving  or  receiving  the  fatal  blow. 

Eumenes  won  this  battle  about  ten  davs  aAer  the  former ;  and  it 


E.UMENES.  *^45 

raised  him  to  a  high  rank  of  honour,  because  it  brought  him  the 
palm  both  of  capacity  and  courage,  but  at  the  same  time  it  exposed 
him  to  the  envy  and  haired  both  of  his  aUies  and  his  enemies.  It 
seemed  hard  to  them,  that  a  stranger,  a  foreign  adventurer,  should 
have  destroyed  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  illustrious  of  the  Ma- 
cedonians, with  the  arms  of  those  very  Macedonians.  Had  the 
news  of  the  death  of  Craterus  been  brought  sooner  to  Perdiccas, 
none  but  he  would  have  swayed  the  Macedonian  sceptre ;  but  he 
was  slain  in  a  mutiny  in  Egypt,  two  days  before  the  news  arrived. 
The  Macedonians  were  so  much  exasperated  against  Eumenes 
upon  the  late  event,  that  they  immediately  decreed  his  death.  An. 
tigonus  and  Antipater  were  to  fake  the  direction  of  the  war  which 
was  to  carry  that  decree  into  execution.  Meantime  Eumenes  went 
to  the  king's  horses  which  were  pasturing  upon  Mount  Ida,  and 
took  such  as  he  had  occasion  for,  but  gave  the  keepers  a  discharge 
for  them.  When  Antipater  was  apprised  of  it,  he  laughed,  and 
said — "  He  could  not  enough  ?idmire  the  caution  of  Eumenes,  who 
must  certainly  expect  to  see  the  account  of  the  king's  goods  and 
chattels  stated  either  on  one  side  or  other. 

Eumenes  intended  to  give  battle  upon  the  plains  of  Lydia,  near 
Sardis,  both  because  he  was  strong  in  cavalry,  and  because  he  was 
ambitious  to  show  Cleopatra  what  a  respectable  force  he  had  : 
however,  at  the  request  of  that  princess,  who  was  afraid  to  give 
Antipater  any  cause  of  complaint,  he  marched  to  Upper  Phrygia, 
and  wintered  in  Celffina.  There  Alcetas,  Polemon,  and  Docimus, 
contended  with  him  for  the  command  ;  upon  which  he  said — **  This 
makes  good  the  observation,  every  one  thinks  of  advancing  him- 
self, but  no  one  thinks  of  the  danger  that  may  accrue  to  the  public 
weal." 

He  had  promised  to  pay  his  army  within  three  days,  and  as  he 
had  not  money  to  do  it,  he  sold  them  all  the  farms  and  castles  in 
the  country,  together  with  the  people  and  cattle  that  were  upon 
them.  Every  captain  of  a  Macedonian  company,  or  officer  who 
had  a  command  in  the  foreign  troops,  received  battering  engines 
from  Eumenes ;  and  when  he  had  taken  the  castle,  he  divided  the 
spoil  among  his  company,  according  to  the  arrears  due  to  each 
particular  man.  This  restored  him  the  affection  of  the  soldiers, 
insomuch  that  when  papers  were  found  in  his  camp,  dispersed  by 
the  enemy,  in  which  their  generals  promised  a  hundred  talents  and 
great  honours  to  the  man  who  should  kill  Eumenes,  the  Macedo- 
nians were  highly  incensed,  and  gave  orders  that  from  that  time  he 
should  have  a  body-guard  of  a  thousand  officer-like  men  always 
about  him,  who  should  keep  watch  by  tumsi  and  be  in  waiting  day 
and  night. 

Prosperity  gives  some  appearance  of  higher  sentiments  even  to 
persons  of  mean  spirit,  and  wc  see  something  of  grandeur  and  im- 
2P 


240  bUMENtlS. 

portance  about  them  in  the  elevatior>  where  Fortune  has  placed 
them.  Bui  he  who  is  mspired  by  real  fortitude  and  magoanimity, 
will  show  It  most  by  the  dignity  of  his  behaviour  under  lones,  and 
in  the  most  adverse  fortune.  So  did  Eumencs.  Having  beeo  de- 
feated  by  Antigonus,  and  in  the  territory  of  ihe  Orcynians  in  Cap. 
pad<»oia,  through  the  treachery  of  one  of  his  officers,  though  he  was 
forced  to  fly  himself,  he  did  not  snffer  the  traitor  to  escape  to  the 
enemy,  but  hanged  him  upon  ihe  spot.  In  his  flight  be  took  a  dif. 
ferent  way  from  the  pursuers,  and  privately  lurned  round  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  regain  the  held  of  battle.  There  he  encamped,  in 
order  to  bury  the  dead ;  whom  he  collected,  and  burnt  with  the 
door.posts  of  the  neighbouring  villages.  The  bodies  of  the  officers 
and  common  soldiers  were  burnt  upon  separate  piles,  af  d  when  he 
had  raised  great  monuments  of  earth  over  them,  he  decamped.  So 
that  Antigonus  coming  that  way  afterwards,  was  astonished  at  his 
firmness  and  intrepidity. 

Another  time  he  tell  in  with  the  baggage  of  Antigonus,  and  could 
easily  have  taken  it,  together  with  many  persons  of  free  condition, 
a  great  number  of  slaves,  and  all  the  wealth  which  had  been  arnas* 
sed  in  so  many  wars,  and  the  plunder  of  so  many  countries.  But 
he  was  afraid  that  his  men,  when  possessed  of  such  riches,  would 
think  themselves  too  heavy  for  flight,  and  be  too  effeminate  to  bear 
the  haniship  of  long  wandering  fnrm  place  to  place  ;  and  yet  time, 
he  knew,  was  his  principal  resource  for  getting  clear  of  Antigonus. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  was  sensible  it  would  be  extremely  difficul. 
to  keep  the  Macedonians  from  flying  upon  the  spoil,  when  it  was 
so  much  within  reach  :  he  therefore  ordered  them  to  refresh  them< 
selves,  and  feed  their  horses,  before  they  attacked  the  enemy.  In 
the  mean  time  he  privately  sent  a  messenger  to  Menander,  who  es. 
corted  the  baggage,  to  acquaint  him,  "  That  Eumnnes,  in  consi> 
deration  of  the  friendship  which  had  subsisted  between  them,  ad- 
vised him  to  provide  for  his  safety,  and  to  retire  as  fast  as  possible 
from  the  plain,  where  he  might  easily  be  surrounded,  to  the  foot  of 
the  neighbouring  mountain,  where  the  cavalry  could  not  ect,  nor 
any  troops  fall  upon  his  rear." 

Menander  soon  perceived  his  danger,  and  retired.  After  which, 
Eumenes  sent  out  his  scouts  in  the  presence  of  all  the  soldiers, 
and  commanded  the  latter  to  arm  and  bridle  their  horses,  in  order 
for  the  attack.  The  scouts  brought  back  an  account  that  Menan. 
der  had  gained  a  situation  where  he  could  not  be  taken :  hereupon 
Eunaenes  pretended  great  concern,  and  drew  off  his  forces.  Wc 
are  told,  that  upon  the  report  Menander  made  of  this  affair  to  An. 
tigoiius,  the  Macedonians  launched  out  in  the  praises  of  Eumenes, 
and  began  to  regard  him  with  an  eye  of  kindness,  for  acting  so  ge- 
nerous a  part,  when  it  was  in  his  power  to  enslave  their  children 
and  dishonour  their  wives.    The  answer  Antigonus  gave  them  was* 


EUMENES.  247 

this — "  Think  not,  my  good  friends,  it  was  for  your  sake  he  let 
them  go  ;  it  was  for  his  own.  He  did  not  choose  to  have  so  manv 
shackles  upon  him,  when  he  designed  to  fly." 

After  this,  Eumenes,  being  forced  to  wander  from  place  to  place, 
spoke  to  many  of  his  soldiers  to  leave  him ;  either  out  of  care  for 
their  safety,  or  because  he  did  not  choose  to  have  a  body  of  men 
after  him,  who  were  but  too  few  to  stand  a  battle,  and  too  many  to 
liy  in  privacy ;  and  when  he  retired  to  the  castle  of  Nora,*  on  the 
confines  of  Lycaonia  and  Cappadocia,  with  only  five  hundred  horse, 
and  two  hundred  foot,  there  again  he  gave  all  such  of  his  friends 
free  leave  to  depart,  as  did  not  like  the  inconveniences  of  the  place, 
and  the  meanness  of  diet,f  and  dismissed  them  with  great  marks 
of  kindness. 

In  a  little  time  Antigonus  came  up,  and,  before  he  formed  the 
siege,  invited  him  to  a  conference.  Eumenes  answered,  "  Antigo- 
nus  had  many  friends  and  generals  to  take  his  place,  in  case  of  ac- 
cidents to  himself;  but  the  troops  he  had  the  care  of,  had  none  to 
command  or  protect  them  after  him."  He  therefore  insisted  that 
Antigonus  should  send  hostages,  if  he  wished  to  treat  with  him  in 
person :  and  when  Antigonus  wanted  him  to  make  his  application 
CO  him  first,  he  said,  "  While  I  am  master  of  my  sword,  I  shall  never 
think  any  man  greater  than  myself."  At  last  Antigonus  sent  his 
nephew  Ptolemy  into  the  fort  as  a  hostage,  and  then  Eumenes  came 
out  to  him.  They  embraced  with  great  tokens  of  cordiality,  hav- 
ing formerly  been  intimate  friends  and  companions. 

In  the  conference,  which  lasted  a  considerable  time,  Eumenes 
made  no  mention  of  security  for  his  own  life,  or  of  an  amnesty  for 
what  was  past.  Instead  of  that,  he  insisted  on  having  the  gov- 
ernment of  his  provinces  confirmed  to  him,  and  considerable  re- 
wards for  his  services  ;  insomuch  that  all  who  attended  on  the  oc- 
casion, admired  his  firmness,  and  were  astonished  at  his  greatness 
of  mind. 

During  the  interview,  numbers  of  the  Macedonians  ran  to  see 
Eumenes ;  for,  after  the  death  of  Craterus,  no  man  was  so  much 
talked  of  in  the  army  But  Antigonus,  fearing  they  should 
offer  him  some  violence,  called  to  them  at  a  distance  ;  and,  on 
their  still  crowding  in,  ordered  them  to  be  driven  off  with  stones. 
At  last  he  took  him  in  his  arms,  and  keeping  off  the  multitude 
with  his  guards,  with  some  difficulty  got  him  safe  again  into  the 
castle. 

As  the  treaty  ended  in  nothing,  Antigonus  drew  a  line  of  circum- 
vallation  round  the  place,  and  having  left  a  sufiicient  number  of 
troops  to  carry  on  the  siege,  he  retired.  The  fort  was  abundantly 
supplied  with  corn,  water  and  salt,  but  in  want  of  every  thmg  else 

*  It  was  only  two  hundred  and  fifty  paQ^s  in  circumference. 
■f  A  hibdred  left  him  upon  this  offer. 


248 


EUMENfiS. 


requisite  for  the  table.  Yet  with  this  mean  provision,  Eumenei 
furnished  out  a  cheerlul  entertainmeni  for  his  friends,  whom  he 
invited  in  their  turns ;  for  he  took  care  to  season  his  provtiioDfl 
with  agreeable  discourse  and  the  utmost  cordiality :  his  appear- 
ance was,  indeed,  very  engaging  :  his  countenance  had  nothing  of 
a  ferocious  or  war*worn  turn,  but  was  smooth  and  elegant — and  the 
the  proportion  of  his  limbs  >vas  so  excellent,  that  they  might 
seem  to  have  come  from  the  chissel  of  the  statuar} .  And  though 
he  was  not  very  eloquent,  he  had  a  soft  and  persuasive  way  of 
speaking. 

He  observed,  that  the  greatest  inconvenience  to  the  garrison  was 
the  narrowness  of  the  space  in  which  they  were  confined,  enclosed 
as  it  was  with  small  houses,  and  the  whole  of  it  not  more  than  two  fur- 
longs in  circuit :  so  that  they  were  forced  to  take  their  food  without 
exercise,  and  their  horses  to  do  the  same.  To  remove  the  languor 
which  is  the  consequence  of  that  want,  as  well  as  to  prepare  him 
for  flight,  if  occasion  should  offer,  he  assigned  a  room  fourteen 
cubits  long,  the  largest  in  the  fort,  for  the  men  to  walk  in,  and  gave 
them  orders  gradually  to  mend  their  pace.  As  for  the  horses,  he 
tied  them  to  the  roof  of  the  stable  with  strong  halters ;  then  he 
raised  their  heads  and  fore  parts  by  a  pulley,  till  they  could  scarce 
touch  the  ground  with  their  fore  feet,  but  at  the  same  time,  they 
stood  firm  upon  their  hind  feet.  In  this  posture  the  groomd  plied 
them  with  the  whip  and  the  voice,  and  the  horses,  thus  irritated, 
bounded  furiously  on  their  hind  feet,  or  strained  to  set  their  fore 
feet  on  the  ground,  by  which  efforts  their  whole  body  was  exerci- 
sed, till  they  were  out  of  breath  and  in  a  foam.  After  this  exercise 
they  had  their  barley  given  them  boiled,  that  they  might  sooner 
despatch  and  better  digest  it. 

As  the  siege  was  drawn  out  to  a  considerable  length,  Antigonus 
received  information  of  the  death  of  Antipater  in  Macedonia,  and  of 
the  troubles  that  prevailed  there  through  the  animosities  between 
Cassander  and  Polyperchon.  He  now  bade  adieu  to  all  inferior 
prospects,  and  grasped  the  whole  empire  in  his  schemes,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  wished  to  make  Eumenes  his  friend,  and  bring 
him  to  co-operate  in  the  execution  of  his  plan.  For  this  purpose, 
he  sent  to  him  Hieronymus,'*'  with  proposals  for  peace,  on  condi- 
tion he  took  the  oath  that  was  offered  to  him.  Eumenes  made  a 
correction  in  the  oath,  and  left  it  to  the  Macedonians  before  the 
place,  to  judge  which  was  the  most  reasonable.  Indeed,  Antigonus, 
to  save  appearances,  had  slightly  mentioned  the  royal  family  in  the 
beginning,  and  all  the  rest  ran  in  his  own  name.  Eumenes,  there- 
fore, put  Olympias  and  the  princes  of  the  blood  first ;  •od  be  proi 

•  Hi«rnnyniuf  was  of  Cardia,  and  therefor*  a  countrymao  of  Einnenca  Ha  wrota 
ilM  hifiory  of  thofe  princai  who  divided  Alannder*!  dominioni  amonK  them,  and  of 
(heir  luccenQra. 


KUMENES.  249 

posed  to  engage  himself  by  oath  of  fealty  not  to  Antigonus  only^ 
but  to  Olympias,  and  the  princes  her  children.  This  appearing  to 
the  Macedonians  much  more  consistent  with  jusiice  than  the  other 
they  permitted  Eumenes  to  take  it,  and  then  raised  the  siege. 
They  likewise  seqt  this  oath  to  Anagonus,  requiring  him  to  take  it 
on  the  other  part.  ,  ^, 

Meantime  Eumenes  restored  to  the  Cappadocians  all  the  hosta- 
ges he  had  in  Nora, and  in  return  they  furnished  him  with  horses, 
beasts  of  burden,  and  lents.  He  also  collected  ^reat  part  of  hts  sol- 
diers.  who  had  dispersed*  themselves  after  his  defeat,  and  were 
stratrgiing  about  the  country.  By  this  means  he  assembled  near  a 
thousand  horse,*  with  which  he  marched  off  as  fis  as  possible, 
^*g^*'y  judging  he  had  much  to  fear  from  Antigonus.  For  that  gen- 
era]  not  only  ordered  him  to  be  besieged  ag^iu,  and  shut  up 
within  a  circular  wall,  but,  in  his  le  ters,  expressed  great  re- 
sentment against  the  Macedonians  for  admitting  th^  correction  of 
the  oath. 

While  Eumenes  was  flying  from  place  to  place,  he  received 
letters  from  Macedonia,  in  which  the  people  declared  their  appre- 
hensions of  the  growing  power  of  Antigonus;  and  others  t>om 
Olympias,  wherein  she  invited  him  lo  come  and  take  upon  him  the 
tuition  and  care  of  Alexander's  son,  whose  life  she  conceived  to  be 
in  danger.  At  the  same  time,  Polyperchon  and  King  Philip  sent  him 
orders  to  carry  on  the  war  against  Antigonus  with  the  forces  m 
Cappadocia.  They  empowered  him  also  to  take  five  hundred 
talents  out  of  the  royal  treasure  ai  Quinda  for  the  re-establishment 
of  his  own  affairs,  and  as  much  as  he  should  judge  necessary  for 
the  purposes  of  the  war.  Antigenes  and  Teutamus,  too,  who  com- 
manded the  Argyraspides,  had  directions  to  support  him. 

These  officers,  in  appearance,  gave  Eumenes  a  kind  reception 
but  it  was  not  difficult  to  discover  the  envy  and  jealousy  they  had 
in  their  hearts,  and  how  much  they  disdained  to  act  under  him. 
Their  envv  he  endeavoured  to  remove  by  not  taking  the  money, 
which  he  told  them  he  did  not  want.  To  remove  their  obstinacy 
and  ambition  for  the  first  place,  was  not  so  easy  an  affair;  for, 
though  they  knew  not  how  to  command,  they  were  resolved  noi  to 
obey.  In  this  case  he  called  in  the  assistance  of  superstition  :  he 
said,  \lexander  had  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and  showed  him 
a  pavilion  with  roval  furniture,  and  a  throne  in  the  middle  of  it,^ 
after  which  that  prince  declare  — "  If  they  would  hold  their 
councils,  and  despatch  business  there,  he  would  be  with  them,  and 
prosper  every  measure  and  action  which  commenced  under  his 
auspices. •]• 

•  Dionorus  *^iculus  savs  two  thousan<l. 

•{■  In  c  on-^eqiience  of  tnis.  accornine;  to  Diodorus.  Eumenes  proposed  to  take  a  sum 
out  of  the  treasuiv.  sufficient  for  making  a  throne  of  gold  :  to  place  «ipon  hat  throne 
the  diadem,  the  <ceptre  and  crown,  and  all  the  other  ensigns  of  royalty  tielongiog  to 

2i 


• 


aSO  EUMENES. 

He  easily  persuaded  Antigenes  and  Teutarous  to  believe  he  had 
this  vision.  Thcv  were  not  willing  to  wait  upon  him,  nor  tiid  he 
choo8e  to  dishonour  his  coniniission  by  going  lo  iheni.  Th(*>  pre. 
pared,  therefore,  a  royal  pavilion,  and  a  throne  in  it,  which  they 
called  the  throne  of  Alexander,  and  thither  tbe>  repaired  to  consult 
upon  the  moiit  important  affairs. 

From  thence  they  marched  to  the  higher  provinces,  and,  upon 
the  way,  were  joined  by  Peucestas,  a  friend  of  Kumenes,  and  other 
governors  ot  provinces.  Thus  the  Macedonians  uere  greatly 
strengthened,  both  in  point  of  numbers,  and  in  the  most  mugniticent 
provision  of  all  the  requisites  of  war.  But  power  and  attluenre  had 
rendered  these  governors  so  untractable  in  bociety,  and  so  dissolute 
in  their  way  jof  living,  since  the  death  of  Alexander,  and  thev  came 
together  with  a  spirit  of  despotism,  so  nurised  by  barbaric  pride, 
that  they  9000  became  obnoxious  to  each  other,  and  no  sort  of 
harmony  could  subsist  between  them.  Besides,  the\  flattered  the 
Macedonians  without  any  regard  to  decorum,  and  supplied  them 
with  money  in  such  a  manner,  for  their  entertainmenis  and  sacri- 
fices, that  in  a  little  time  their  camp  looked  like  a  place  of  public 
reception  for  every  scene  of  infempernnce  :  and  ih"se  *'**i#*ran9 
were  to  be  courted  lor  mditar>  appointments  as  the  people  are  for 
their  votes  in  a  republic. 

Eumenes  soon  perceived  that  ttn  ne^. arrived  grandees  despised 
each  other,  but  were  afraid  of  hini,  and  watched  an  opportunity  to 
kill  him.  He  therefore  pretended  he  was  iii  want  of  nione\,  and 
borrowed  large  sums  of  those  that  hared  hini  most,*  in  iirtler  uuu 
they  might  place  some  confidence  in  him,  or  at  least  might  give  uo 
their  designs  upwn  his  life,  out  of  regard  to  the  money  lent  mm 
Thus  he  found  guards  for  himself,  in  the  opulence  of  oth^rx ;  and 
though  men  in  general  seek  to  save  their  lives  by  giving,  he  pro- 
vided  for  his  safety  by  receiving. 

While  no  danger  was  near,  the  Macedonians  took  bribes  of  all 
who  wanted  to  corruot  them,  and,  like  a  kind  of  guards,  diiilv 
attended  the^ates  of  those  that  aspired  to  the  command.  Bui  nheii 
Antigonus  came  and  encamped  over  against  them,  and  affairs  railed 
for  a  real  jfeneral,  Eumenes  was  applied  to,  not  only  by  the  soldier?, 
but  the  "ery  grandees  who  bed  taken  so  much  state  upon  them  in 
time  of  peace  iind  pleasure  freely  gave  place  to  him,  and  took  the 
place  he  assigned  them  without  murmuring.  Indeed,  when  Anti 
gonus  attempted  to  pass  the  river  Panitigris,  not  one  of  thr  other 
officers  who  were  appointed  to  guard  it,  got  any  inul!  1  his 

motions:  Eumenes  alone  was  at  hand  to  oppose  him,  ;i       1  -_  aid  it 

that  prince :  tliat  every  mofnin(  a  Mcrifice  sbould  tM  oflercd  bim  bv  ell  Uie  oifeen  • 
•nd  thHt  all  orders  »houl<l  lie  iMueH  in  bit  name.     A  Mfoke  of  policy  ttiiied  «>  Ibe 

gentut  of  Kiiinenet. 

•  Fmir  hundred  thoiiiand  crowm. 


\ 


EUMENES.  T  25J 

550  effectually,  that  he  filled  the  channel  with  dead  bodies,  and  made 
four  thousand  prisoners. 

The  behaviour  of  the  Macedonians,  when  Eumenes  happened  to 
be  sick,  still  more  particularly  showed,  that  they  thought  others 
fit  to  direct  m  magnificent  entertainments,  and  the  soleinnnies  of 
peace,  but  that  he  was  the  only  person  among  them  qualified  to 
lead  an  armv.  For  Peucestas  having  feasted  them  in  a  sumptuous 
manner  in  Persia,  and  given  each  man  a  sheep  lor  sacrifice,  hoped 
to  be  indulged  with  the  command.  A  few  days  after,  as  they  were 
marching  against  the  enemy,  Eumenes  was  so  dangerously  ill,  that 
he  was  forced  to  be  carried  in  a  litter  at  some  distance  from  the 
ranks,  lest  his  rest  should  be  disturbed  with  the  noise.  They  had 
not  gone  far  before  the  enemy  suddenly  made  their  appearance  ; 
for  they  had  passed  the  intermediate  hills,  and  were  now  descend, 
ing  into  the  plain.  The  lustre  of  their  golden  armour  glittering  in 
the  sun,  ihe  elephants  with  their  towers  on  their  backs,  and  the 
purple  vests  which  tlie  cavalry  used  Ut  wear  when  they  were  ad- 
vancing to  the  combat,  struck  the  troops  that  were  to  oppose  them 
with  such  surprise,  that  the  front  halted,  and  called  out  for  Eume- 
nes,  declaring  that  they  woijld  not  move  a  step  farther,  if  he  had 
not  the  direction  of  them. 

Eumenes  no  sooner  heard  this,  than  he  advanced  with  the  utmost 
expedition,  hastening  the  slaves  that  carried  the  Inter.  He  like- 
wise opened  the  curtains,  and  stretched  out  his  hand,  in  token  of 
hi,«  joy.  On  the  first  sight  o  the  general  of  their  heart,  the  troops 
saluted  him  in  the  Macedonian  language^  clanked  their  arms,  and, 
with  loud  shouts,  challenged  the  enemy  to  advance,  thinking  them. 
selves  invincible  while  he  was  at  their  head.   - 

Antigonus  having  learned  from  some  prisoners,  that  Eumenes 
was  so  extremely  ill,  that  he  was  forced  to  be  carried  in  a  litter, 
concluded  he  should  find  no  great  difficulty  in  beating  the  other 
generals,  and  therefore,  hastened  to  the  attack.  But  when  he  came 
to  reconnoitre  the  enemies'  army,  and  saw  in  what  excellent  order 
it  was  drawn  up,  he  stood  still  some  time  in  silent  admiration.  At 
last,  spying  the  litter  carried  about,  from  one  wing  to  the  other,  he 
laughed  out  aloud,  as  his  manner  was,  and  said  to  his  friends — 
"  Yon  litter  is  the  thing  that  pitches  the  battle  against  us." — After 
this  he  immediately  retreated  to  his  entrenchments.* 

*  There  are  some  particulars  in  Diodorus.  which  deserve  to  be  inserted  here.  After 
the  two  armies  were  separated  without  conning  to  .action,  they  encamped  about  three 
furlongs  distance  from  each  other  ;  and  Antigonus  soon  findmg  the  countrv  where  he 
Iriv  so  much  exhausted,  tnat  it  would  be  very  difficult  for  hicn  to  subsist,  sent  deputies 
!o  the  confederate  armv,  to  solicit  them,  especialiv  the  governors  of  provinces,  and  the 
old  Macedonian  corps,  to  ries.ert  Eumenes,  and  to  join  him  ;  which  at  this  time,  they 
rejected  with  the  highest  inrlignation.  After  the  deputies  were  dismissed.  Eumenes 
came  into  the  assemblv.  and  delivered  himself  in  the  following  fable: — "  A  lion  once 
frtlliii"  in  love  with  a  young  damsel  demanded  her  in  marriage  of  her  father.  The 
tether  made  answer,  That  he  looked  0:1  stich  an  alliance  as  a  great  honour  to  his 


252 

The  Macedonians  had  hardly  recovered  themselves  from  their 
feari),  before  ibey  began  to  behave  again  in  a  diHorderU  and  mu- 
tinous manner  lo  their  officers,  and  spread  themselves  over  almost 
all  the  provinces  ol'  Gabene  tor  winter  quarters :  mAOinuch,  that 
the  tirsi  was  at  a  distance  «if  a  ihousumi  furlongs  from  the  la^t. 
Aniigonus  being  informed  of  this  circumstance,  iiioved  buck  Mgatnst 
them,  without  losing  a  moment's  time.  He  took  a  rugged  road  that 
afiordtd  no  water  because  ii  was  the  shortest,  hoping,  if  he  fell 
upon  them  while  thus  dispersed,  that  it  would  be  inip<i8iiible  fur 
their  otficers  to  assemble  them. 

However,  as  soon  as  he  had  entered  that  desolate  country,  his 
troops  were  attacked  with  such  violent  winds  and  severe  frosts, 
that  It  Was  dithcult  for  them  to  proceed,  and  they  found  it  necessary 
to  light  many  fires.  Tor  this  reas(»n  their  march  could  noi  be  con- 
cealed.  The  barbarians  who  inhabited  the  mooniains  tha«  over- 
lookt  d  the  desert,  wondering  what  such  a  number  of  fires  c^uld 
meun,  sent  some  persons  upon  dromedaries -to  Peucestas  with  an 
account  of  them. 

Peucestas,  distracted  with  terror  at  this  news,  prepared  for  flight, 
intending  to  take  with  him  such  tro«>ps  as  he  rotild  collect  on  the 
way.  But  Eumenes  soon  dispelled  iheir  fears  and  uneasiness,  by 
promising  so  to  impede  the  enetnies*  march,  that  ihey  would  arrive 
three  days  later  than  they  were  expected.  Finding  that  ihey  lis- 
tened  lo  him,  he  sent  orders  to  the  officers  to  draw  all  the  troops 
from  their  quarters,  and  assemble  them  with  speed.  \t  the  same 
time  he  t<»ok  his  horse,  and  went  with  his  colleagues  to  seek  out  a 
lofty  piece  of  ground,  which  miyht  attract  the  attention  ol  the  troops 
marching  below.  Having  found  one  that  answered  his  purpose, 
he  measured  it,  and  ttaused  a  number  of  fires  to  be  lighted  at  pro- 
per  intervals,  so  as  to  resemble  a  camp. 

family  bui  stood  in  fear  of  his  claws  and  teetn.  lest,  upon  any  trifling  dispute  iliat 

iiilKhl  haptien  brtwiten  them  after  narriiige.  he  •night  exercise  tneui  a  liii<e  'OoiiM'»tilj 

lutoii  tiis  daui^hier       I'o  remove  this  objection,  the  amnroiis  lion  cuuaao  tHSh  ••!»  naiU 

HIM)  umh  to  iH!  drawn  iiiiiiie<iiHielv  :  whereupon  the  tether  took  a  cu^tgel,  aitd  mmiii 

^nl  xui  of  mt»  ciieriiv — •   This."  Cfinumiert  ne,  ••  is.  the  v«t\  thing  aniiei  m»  ;u   Xi.ti-,) 

I1US,  wiiu  i»).beral  in  hi8  promiKeo.  till  he  hHc  marie  himself  n.aster  of  «n(jr  i 

(hen  i>eM.Rrr  of  in»  ie*-ih  an(i  imwh.''    \  low  davs  alter  trns.  Kuinenes  '  avinK  ' 

that  \nii«((»niiK  intended  in  decaii>p  in  the  night,  preaentlv  Kur»se<l  tha>  nl^ 

to  frk  quarii-rsof  refresh!'  eiit  for  ins  arm?  in  the  rich  rlistriciof  Gabene.     i 

this.  anrt.  at  ihe  saxetime  lo  gain  a  tMisaite  iniothaierMinirv.  he  in»fnirt>- 

dier»  to  preiemi  thev  v<  err  deserirrs.  and  sent  ihem  into  ine  camp  of  \ 

Ihey  refMirted  that  Kuineneh  inienrien  irtatlark  hiii>  in  hi»  tmiche*  ix  <' 

While  4nllKOnl<s'^  irooi>ii  were  under  Nrn>s.  FuiKenen  marcben  for  (•  <   • 

length  Aiitig^>niis  saspecie<l     an<t  havini^  given  proper  orders  lo  his  foot.  •• 

mediately  afier  him  with  hisnavalrv.    K^rlv  in  the  •i>orning.  fron-  the  lop 

discerned  Enmenes   witli  hm  arn^  t>elow     aiirl  Ru»  eiie*   U|ion  Mghi  nf 

conclodnig  that  the  whole  armv  of  Anii^onus  Ma<.  m  imnri  f.«crd  «Im>ui.  h 

bis  lr«MifM  In  order  to  baille.     Thus  KiMteneti  n  n^  necetveM  im  ht«  tinn      .. 

•s  A nttKomi«*»  infantry  ca>i.e  up  a  sharp  H)  ><e  »K•'l'r^  *eeM.ed 

won  aiMi  lii>i  Heverni  liii>es      Ai  la«i.  how<  ^  the  worst,  beili( 

ibrced  to  wtll>HrMu'    nv  Idtio  innrrhe<i    into   ^  Will. 


EUMENE3.  25a 

When  Antigonus  beheld  those  fires  upon  the  heights,  he  was  in 
the  utmost  dishess.  For  he  thought  the  enem\  w^re  apprised  of 
his  intention  some  time  betore,  and  were  come  to  meet  him.  Not 
choosing,  therefore,  with  forces  so  harassed  and  fatigued  with  their 
march,  to  be  obhged  to  fight  troops  that  were  perfectly  fresh,  and 
and  had  wintered  in  agreeable  quarters,  he  left  the  short  road,  and 
led  his  men  through  the  towns  and  villages,  giving  them  abundant 
time  to  refresh  themselves.  But  when  he  found  that  no  parties 
came  out  to  gall  him  in  his  march,  which  is  usual  when  an  enemy 
is  near,  and  was  informed  by  the  neighbouring  inhabitants,  that 
they  had  seen  no  troops  whatever,  nor  any  thing  but  nres  upon  the 
hills,  he  perceived  that  Eumenes  had  outdone  him  m  point  of 
generalship ;  and  this  incensed  him  so  much,  that  he  advanced 
with  a  resolution  to  try  his  strength  in  a  pitched  battle. 

Mean  time  the  greatest  part  of  the  forces  repairing  to  Eumenes, 
in  admiration  of  his  capacity,  desired  him  to  take  the  sole  com- 
mand. Upon  this,  Antigenes  and  Teutamus,  who  were  at  the  head 
of  the  Argyraspides,  \vere  so  exasperated  with  envy,  that  they 
formed  a  plot  against  his  life  ;  and  having  drawn  into  it  most  of  the 
grandees  and  generals,  they  consulted  upon  a  proper  time  and 
method  to  take  him  off.  They  all  agreed  to  make  use  of  him  in 
the  ensuing  battle,  and  to  assassinate  him  immediately  after.  But 
Eudamus,  master  of  the  elephants,  and  Phaedimus,  privately  in- 
formed Eumenes  of  their  resolution,  not  out  of  any  kindness  or 
benevolent  regard,  but  because  they  were  afraid  of  losing  the 
money  they  had  lent  him.  He  commended  them  for  the  honour 
with  which  they  behaved,  and  retired  to  his  tent.  There  he  told 
his  friends — "  That  he  lived  among  a  herd  of  savage  beasts,"  and 
immediately  made  his  will.  After  which  he  destroyed  all  his  papers, 
lest,  afie/  his  death,  charges  and  impeachments  should  arise  against 
the  persons  who  wrote  them,  in  consequence  of  the  secrets  disco- 
vered  there.  He  then  considered,  whether  he  should  put  the  enemy 
in  the  way  of  gaining  the  victory,  or  take  his  flight  through  Media 
and  Armenia  into  Cappadocia  ;  but  he  could  not  fix  upon  any  thing 
while  his  friends  staid  with  him. 

After  revolving  various  expedients  in  his  mind,  which  was  now 
almost  as  changeable  as  his  fortune,  he  drew  up  the  forces  and  en- 
deavoured to  animate  the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  phalanx  and  the  Argyr^ispides  bade  him  be  of  good 
courage,  assuring  him  that  the  enemy  would  not  stand  the  encoun- 
ter. For  they  were  veterans  who  had  served  under  Philip  and  Al- 
exander, and,  like  so  many  champions  of  the  ring,  had  never  had 
a  fall  to  that  day.  Many  of  them  were  seventy  years  of  age,  and 
none  less  than  sixty  :  so  that  when  they  charged  the  troops  of  An- 
tigonus, they  cried'out — "Villains,  you  fight  against  your  fathers  !" 
Then  they  fell  furiouslv  upon  his  infantry,  and  soon  muted  them. 
22 


TOI 


254  TUMENES. 

%Indeed,  none  of  the  battalions  *cou Id  stand  the  shock,  and  most  of 
them  were  cut  in  pu'cesupoii  (lieMp<it.  Km  inoutfh  Aiitigouuti  had 
such  had  Ruccfss  in  this  (|Uarier,  his  cavuin  were  vict«iriuu8, 
throutfh  the  weak  and  daHiardl\  behaviour  ol  Peucesiaii,  and  t«»ok 
all  the  baggaige.  Antigonus  watt  u  man  Mhu  had  excelleiti  prec* 
ence  of  mind  on  the  most- trying  occattions,  and  here  ih**  place 
and  occHHion  befriended  him.  li  wax  a  plain  open  country,  the 
soil  neiihur  deep  nor  hard,  but,  like  ihe  sea-nhore,  covered  with 
a  fine  dry  sand,  which  the  i rumpling  of  .ho  many  men  and  horses 
during  the  action  reduced  to  a  small  white  dust,  thai  like  a 
cloud  of  lime,  darkened  the  air,  and  imerct  pted  the  pr<»pect, 
so  that  it  was  easy 'for  Antigonus  to  take  the  baggage  unper- 
ceived. 

After  the  battle  was  over,  Teutamus  sent  some  of  his  corp»  to 
Antigonus,  to  desire  him  to  restore  the  baggage.  He  told  iliem, 
he  would  not  only  return  the  \rg\  la.spideH  their  baggage,  uui  treat 
them  in  all  respects  with  the  greates*  kindnesM,  provided  they 
would  put  Kumenes  in  his  hands.  I'he  Argyraspides  came  into 
that  abominable  measure,  and  agreed  to  give  up  that  brave  man 
alive  to  his  enemies.  In  pur>uanct  of  this  Mchpme,ihe\  appr(»ach« 
cd  him  unsuspected,  niid  planted  themselves  about  him.  Some  la- 
mented the  loss  of  their  bH<;gage,  some  desired  him  to  assume  the 
spirit  of  victory  which  he  had  gained,  others  accused  the  rest 
of  iheir  commanders.  Thus,  witching  their  opportunit\  ,  they  fell 
t:pon  him,  took  away  his  sword,  and  bound  his  hands  behind  him 
with  his  own  girdle. 

Nicanor  was  sent  by  Antigonus  to  receive  him.  But  as  thev  led 
him  through  the  midst  of  rhc  Macedonians,  he  dewired  rirsi  to  speak 
to  them,  not  for  any  re<(uest  he  had  to  make,  but  of  mstlers  of 
great  imnortance  to  thetn.  Silence  being  made,  he  ascended  an 
eminence,  and  stretching  out  his  hands,  bound  as  ihe\  were,  he 
said.  "What  trophy,  ye  vilest  of  all  the  Mtxedonians!  what  tro- 
phy could  .Antioonus  have  wished  to  raise,  like  this  Hhich  \ou  are 
raising,  by  delivering  up  your  general  bound  ?  Was  it  not  bate 
enough  to  acknov*  ledge  yourselves  beaten,  merely  for  the  sake  of 
your  baggage,  as  if  victory  dwelt  among  your  goods  and  chattels, 
and  not  upon  the  points  of  your  swords  :  but  xou  must  also  send 
your  general  as  a  ransom  for  thjrt  baggage  ?  For  my  part,  though 
thus  led.  I  am  not  conquered.  I  have  beaten  the  enem\,  and  am 
ruined  by  my  fallow  soldiers.  But  I  eonjnre  you,  by  the  god  of 
armies,  and  the  awful  deities  who  preside  over  oaths,  to  kill  me  here 
with  your  own  hands.  If  my  life  he  taken  by  another,  the  (\i»ed 
will  still  be  yours.  Nor  will  Antigonus  complain,  if  \ou  take  the 
work  ou(  of  his  hands  ;  for  he  wants  not  Kumenes  alive,  but  Rq. 
menesdead.  If  you  choose  not  t(»  be  the  immediate  mstruinentti 
loose  but  one  of  my  hands  and  that  shall  do  the  iNWtiieM.      If  you 


EUMENE#  255 

will  not  trust  me  with  a  sword,  throw  me,  bound  as  I  am,  to  wild 
beasts.  If  you  comply  with  this  last  request,  1  acquit  )ou  ol  ail 
guili  with  respect  to  me,  and  declare  you  have  behaved  to  your 
general  like  the  best  and  honestest  of  men." 

The  rest  of  the  troops  received  this  speech  with  sighs  and  tears, 
and  t-ver\  expression  of  sor'row  ;  but  the  Argyra.>pides  cried  out, 
*' Lead  him  on,  and  a  lend  not  to  his  trilling.  For  it  is  no  such 
great  niat.er,  it  an  execrable  Chersonesian,  who  ha>  harrassed  the 
Macedonians  with  infinite  wars,  have  cause  to  lam»mt  his  fate,  as 
it  would  be  if  the  best  of  Alexander's  and  Philip'^  soldiers 
should  be  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  their  labours,  and  nave  their  bread 
to  beff  in  their  old  age.  And  have  not  ou;  wives  already  passed 
three  nights  with  our  enemies?"  So  saying,  they  drove  him  for- 
ward. 

Antigonus,  fearing  some  bad  consequence  from  the  crowd,  (for 
there  was  not  a  man  lefi  in  his  camp,)  sent  out  ten  ol  his  best  ele- 
phants and  a  corps  of  spearmen,  who  were  Medes  and  Parthians, 
to  keep  them  off.  He  could  not  bear  to  have  Eumenes  brought 
into  tiis  presence,  because  of  the  former  friendly  connexions  there 
had  been  between  them.  And  when  those  who  took  the  charge 
of  him  asked,  in  what  manner  he  would  have  him  kept,  he  said — 
"  So  as  you  would  keep  an  elephant  or  a  lion."  Nevertheless,  he 
soon  felt  some  impressions  of  pity,  and  ordered  them  to  take  off 
his  heavy  chains,  and  allow  him  a  servant  who  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  wait  upon  him.  He  likewise  permitted  such  of  his  friends 
as  desired  it,  to  pass  whole  days  w  ith  him,  and  to  bring  him  neces- 
sary refreshments.  Thus  he  spent  some  considerable  time  in  de- 
liberating how  to  dispose  of  him.  and  sometimes  listened  to  the  ap- 
plications and  promises  of  Nearchus  the  Cretan  and  his  son  Deme- 
trius, vvho  made  it  a  poim  to  save  him.  But  all  the  other  officers 
insisted  that  he  should  be  put  to  death,  and  urged  Antigonus  to 
give  dire^ctions  for  it. 

One  day,  we  are  told,  Eumenes  asked  his  keeper,  Onomarchus, 
"  Why  Antigonus,  now  that  he  had  got  his  enemy  into  his  power, 
did  not  either  immediately  despatch  him  or  generously  rehase 
him  ?"  Onoma rebus  answered  in  a  contemptuous  manner — "That 
in  the  battle,  and  not  now,  he  should  have  been  ready  to  meet 
death."  To  which  Eumenes  replied — "  By  heaven,  I  was  so  ! — 
ask  those  who  ventured  to  engage  me  if  I  was  not.  I  do  not  know 
that  I  met  with  a  better  man  than  myself."  "  Well,"  said  Ono- 
marchus,  "  now  you  have  found  a  Letter  man  than  yourself,  why 
do  you  not  patiently  wait  his  time  ?" 

When  Antigonus  had  resolved  upon  his  death,  he  gave  orders 
that  he  should  have  no  kind  of  food.  By  this  means,  in  two  ar 
three  days  time  he  began  to  draw  near  his  end  :  and  then  Antigo- 
nus,  being  obliged  to  decamp  upon  some  sudden  emergency,  sent 


256  A/MEKES. 

in  an  executioner  to  despatch  him.  The  body  he  delivered  to  his 
friends,  allowing  them  to  bum  it  honourabi),  and  to  collect  the 
ashes  into  a  silver  urn,  m  order  to  their  being  sent  to  his  wife  and 
children. 

Thus  died  Eumenes  :  and  divine  justice  did  not  g<»  far  to  secjc 
instruments  of  venf[eance  against  the  (tfiicere*  and  soldiers  who 
had  betrayed  him.  AniigoiiUM  himHelf,  detesting  the  A rg\  raspides, 
as  impious  and  savage  wretches,  ordered  lb\  rtius,  governor  of 
Ararho8iu,t  under  whx)fce  direction  he  put  them,  to  take  ever)'  me- 
th(»d  to  destroy  them ;  so  that  not  one  of  them  might  return  to 
Macedftnia,  or  behold  the  Grecian  Sea. 

*  Antii^nes.  comiiiander  in  chief  n(  fhr  Siivtr  Shield,  was,  by  order  of  Anngooui^ 
put  in  a  coffin,  and  burnt  aliTe  Eudainus  ('elbanus,  and  many  others  of  tlic  enemiet 
of  Eumenes.  eiperienced  a  like  fate. 

t  A  province  of  Fart&ia,  near  Bactriana. 


267 

POMPEY. 

FlourisJied  90  yeccrs  before  Christ. 

THE  people  of  Rome  appear  from  the  first  to  have  been  affect- 
ed towards  Pompey  much  m  the  same  manner  as  Prometheus,  in 
jEschylus,  was  towards  Hercules,  when,  alter  that  hero  had  deliv- 
ered him  from  his  chains,  he  said, 

The  sire  1  hated,  but  the  son  I  love.* 

For  never  did  the  Romans  entertain  a  stronger  and  more  rancour- 
ous  hatred  for  any  general,  than  for  Strabo,  the  father  of  Pompey. 
While  he  lived,  indeed,  they  were  afraid  of  his  abilities  as  a  sol- 
dier,  for  he  had  great  talents  for  war  ;  but  upon  his  death,  which 
happened  by  a  stroke  of  lightning,  they  dragged  his  body  from  the 
bier,  on  the  way  to  the  funeral  pile,  and  treated  it  with  the  greatest 
indignity.  On  the  other  hand,  no  man  ever  experienced  from  the 
same  Romans  an  attachment  more  early  begun,  more  disinteres- 
ted in  all  the  stages  of  his  prosperity,  or  more  constant  and  fahh- 
ful  in  the  decline  of  his  fortune  than  Pompey. 

In  his  youth  he  had  a  very  engaging  countenance,  which  spoke 
for  him  before  he  opened  his  lips-  Yet  that  grace  of  aspect  was 
not  unattended  with  dignity,  and  amidst  his  youthful  bloom  there 
was  a  venerable  and  princely  air.  His  hair  naturally  curled  a  lit- 
tle before,  which,  together  with  the  shining  moisture  and  quick 
turn  of  his  eye,  produced  a  stronger  likeness  of  Alexander  the 
Great  than  that  which  appeared  in  the  statues  of  that  prince.  So 
that  some  seriously  gave  him  the  name  of  Alexander,  and  he  did 
not  refuse  it ;  others  applied  it  to  him  by  way  of  ridicule.  And 
Lucius  Philippus,t  a  man  of  consular  dignity,  as  he  was  one  day- 
pleading  for  him,  said — "  It  was  no  wondtr  if  Philip  was  a  lover 
of  Alexander." 

While  he  was  very  young,  and  served  under  his  father,  who 
was  carrying  on  the  war  against  Cinna,:]:  one  Lucius  Terentius 
was  his  comrade,  and  they  slept  in  the  same  tent.     This  Terentius, 

*  Of  ihe  tragedy  oi  PromeUieus  Released,  from  which  this  line  is  taken,  we  have 
onlv  some  frag.! ^enis  remaining.  Jupiter  had  chained  Prometheus  to  the  rocks  of 
Caucasus,  and  Hercules  the  son  of  Jupiter  released  him. 

+  Lucius  Marcius  Philippus.  one  of  the  greatest  orators  of  his  time.  He  #a8- father- 
in-law  to  Augustus,  having  married  his  mother  Attia  Horace  speaks  of  him,  lib.  i. 
ep  7 

t  In  the  year  of  Rome  666.  And  as  Pompey  was  born  the  same  year  with  Cicero, 
yii.  in  the  yeai  of  Rome  647.  he  must,  in  this  war  with  Cinna,  have  been  uiueteee 
years  old. 

2k  22* 


258  POMPBY. 

gained  by  Ciona's  money,  undertook  to  asaaawiate  Ponpey,  while 
others  set  fire  to  the  general'ii  tent.  Pompey  got  infomiaiion  of 
this  when  he  was  at  supper,  and  it  did  not  put  him  in  the  least 
confusion.  Ho  drank  more  freely,  and  caressed  Terenlius  more 
than  usual ;  but  when  they  were  to  have  gone  to  rest,  he  stole  out 
of  his  tent,  and  planted  a  guard  about  his  father.  Thm  done,  he 
waited  quietly  for  the  event.  Terentius,  as  soon  as  he  thought 
Pompey  was  asleep,  drew  his  sword,  and  stabbed  the  coverlets  of 
the  bed  in  many  places,  imagining  that  he  was  in  it. 

Immediately  ailer  this,  there  was  a  great  mutiny  in  the  camp. 
The  soldiers,  who  hated  their  general,  were  determined  to  go  over 
to  the  enemy,  and  began  to  strike  their  tents  and  take  up  their 
arms.  The  general,  dreading  the  tumult,  did  not  dare  to  make 
his  appearance  ;  but  Pompey  was  every  where.  He  begged  of 
them  with  tears  to  stay,  and  at  last  threw  himself  upon  his  face  in 
the  gateway.  There  he  lay  weeping,  and  bidding  them,  if  (hey 
would  £0  out,  to  tread  upon  him.  Upon  this  they  were  ashamed  to 
proceed,  and  all,  except  eight  hundred,  returned  and  reconciled 
themselves  to  their  general. 

After  the  death  of  Strabo,  a  charge  was  laid  that  he  had  con. 
verted  the  public  money  to  his  own  ush,  and  Pompey,  as  his  heir, 
was  obliged  to  answer  it.  Upon  inquiry,  he  found  that  Alexan« 
der,  one  of  the  enfranchised  slaves,  had  secreted  most  of  the  mo* 
ney,  and  he  took  care  to  inform  the  magistrates  of  the  particulars. 
He  was  accused,  however,  himself  of  having  taken  some  hunting 
nets  and  books  out  of  the  spoils  of  Asculurn,  and  it  is  true  his  father 
gave  them  to  him  when  he  took  the  place  ;  but  he  lost  them  at  the 
return  of  Cinnu  to  Rome,  when  that  general's  creatures  broke  into 
and  pillaged  his  house.  In  this  uflTair  he  maintaiiu-d  the  combat 
well  with  his  adversary  at  the  bar,  and  showed  an  acuteness  and 
firmness  above  his  years,  which  gained  him  so  much  applause, 
that  Antistius,  the  pnetor  who  had  the  hearing  of  the  cause,  con. 
ceived  an  affection  for  him,  and  offered  him  his  daughter  in  mar. 
riage.  The  proposal  accordingly  was  made  to  his  friends.  Poaa- 
pey  accepted  it,  and  the  treaty  was  concluded  privately. 

Pompey  in  a  little  time  married  Antistia,  and  afterwards  repair, 
ed  to  Cinna*s  camp  ;  but  finding  some  unjust  charges  laid  agaiost 
them  there^- he  took  the  first  opportunity  to  withdraw.  At  he  was 
no  where  to  be  found,  a  rumour  prevailed  in  the  army,  that  Cinna 
had  put  the  young  roan  to  death  ;  upon  which,  numbers  who  hated 
Cinna,  and  could  no  longer  bear  with  his  cruelties,  attacked  his 
quarters.  He  fled  for  his  life,  and  being  overtaken  by  one  of  the 
inferior^fiicers,  who  pursued  him  with  a  drawn  sword,  he  fell  upon 
his  knees,  and  offered  him  his  ring,  which  was  of  no  small  value. 
The  officer  answered  with  great  ferocity — **  I  am  not  come  to  sign 
a  contract,  but  to  punish  an  impious  and  lawless  tyrant,*'  and  then 
killed  him  upon  the  spot. 


1 


POMPEY.  259 

Such  was  the  end  of  Cinna ;  after  whom  Carbo,  a  tyrant  still 
more  savage,  took  the  reins  of  government.  It  was  not  long, 
however,  before  Sylla  returned  to  Italy,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of 
most  of  the  Romans,  who,  in  their  present  unhappy  circumstances, 
thought  the  change  of  their  master  no  small  advantage.  To  such 
a  desperate  state  had  their  calamities  brought  them,  that,  no  longer 
hoping  for  liberty,  they  sought  only  the  most  tolerable  servitude. 

At  that  time  Pompey  was  in  the  Picene,  whither  he  had  retired, 
partly  because  he  had  lands  there,  but  more  on  account  of  an  old 
attachment  of  the  cities  in  that  district  to  his  family.  As  he  ob- 
serveH  ♦hat  the  bes  and  most  considerable  of  the  citizens  left  their 
houses,  and  took  refuge  in  Sylla's  camp  as  in  a  port,  he  resolved 
to  do  the  same.  At  the  same  time  he  thought  it  did  not  become 
him  to  go  like  a  fugitive  who  wanted  protection,  but  rather  in  a 
respectable  manner  at  the  head  of  an  army  :  he  therefore  tried 
what  levies  he  could  make  in  the  Picene,*  and  the  people  readily 
repaired  to  his  standard,  rejecting  the  applications  of  Carbo. 

Thus  Pompey,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  without  a  commission 
from  any  superior  authority,  erected  himself  into  a  general ;  and 
having  placed  his  tribunal  in  the  most  public  part  of  the  great  city 
of  Auximum,  by  a  formal  decree  commanded  the  Venditii,  two 
brothers  who  opposed  him  in  behalf  of  Carbo,  to  depart  the  city ; 
he  enlisted  soldiers ;  he  appointed  tribunes,  centurions,  and  other 
officers,  according  to  the  established  custom.  So  that  in  a  little 
time  he  raised  three  complete  legions,  and  furnished  himself  with 
provisions,  beasts  of  burden,  carriages,  in  short,  with  the  whole  ap- 
paratus of  war. 

In  this  form  he  moved  towards  Sylla,  not  by  hasty  marches, 
nor  as  if  he  wanted  to  conceal  himself;  for  he  stopped  by  the  way 
to  harass  the  enemy,  and  attempted  to  draw  off  from  Carbo  all  the 
parts  of  Italy  through  which  he  passed.  At  last,  three  generals  of 
the  opposite  party,  Carinna,  Ccelius,  and  Brutus,  came  against 
him,  and  hemmed  him  in  with  their  three  armies,  in  hopes  to  de- 
molish  him  entirely. 

Pompey,  far  from  being  terrified,  assembled  all  his  forces,  and 
charged  the  army  of  Brutus  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry.  The 
Gauhsh  horse  on  the  enemy's  side  sustained  the  first  shock  ;  but 
Pompey  attacked  the  foremost  of  them,  who  was  a  man  of  prodi- 
gious strength,  and  brought  him  down  with  a  push  of  his  spear. 
The  rest  immediately  fled,  and  threw  the  infantry  into  such  disor- 
der  that  the  whole  was  soon  put  to  flight.  This  produced  so  great 
a  quarrel  among  the  three  generals,  that  they  parted,  and  took 
separate  routes. 

In  consequence  of  which,  the  cities  concluding  that  the  fear  of 
the  enemy  had  made  them  part,  adopted  the  interests  of  Pompey* 
*  Now  the  marcb  of  A  ncnna. 


260  lOMPEY. 

Not  long  after,  Scipio,  the  conmil,  advaflced  to  engage  hin ; 
but  before  the  infantry  were  near  enough  to  discharge  their  lances, 
Scipio's  soldiers  saluted  those  of  Pompey,  and  came  over  to  them. 
Scipio,  therefore,  was  forced  to  Oy.  At  last  Carbo  sent  a  large 
body  of  cavalry  against  Pompey,  near  the  river  Arsis.  He  gave 
them  so  warm  a  rejception,  that  they  were  soon  broken,  and  in  the 
pursuit  drove  them  upon  impracticable  ground,  so  that  finding  it 
impossible  to  escape,  they  surrendered  themselves  with  their  anne 
and  horses. 

Sylla  had  not  yet  been  informed  of  these  transactions  ;  bat  upon 
the  fir*'^  news  of  Pompey's  being  engaged  with  so  many  adversa* 
ries,  and  such  respectable  generals,  he  dreaded  the  consequences, 
and  marched  Avith  all  expedition  to  his  assistance.  Pompey  hav- 
ing intelligence  of  his  approach,  ordered  Ins  officers  to  sec  that  the 
troops  Here  armed  and  drawn  up  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  make 
the  handsoniest  and  most  gallant  appearance  before  the  com- 
mander in  chief.  For  he  expected  great  honours  from  him,  and 
he  obtained  greater.  Sylla  no  so«iner  saw  Pompey  advancing  to 
meet  him,  with  an  army  in  excellent  condition,  both  as  to  age  and 
size  of  the  men,  and  the  spirits  which  success  had  given  them,  than 
he  alighted  ;  and  upon  being  saluted  of  course  by  Pompey  as  wi' 
jterator,  he  returned  his  salutation  with  the  same  title.  The  rest 
of  his  behaviour  was  as  respectful  as  that  in  the  first  inter^'iew. 

Pompey  was  not  elated  with  these  honours.  On  the  contrary*) 
wheit  Sylla  wanted  to  send  him  into  Gaul,  where  Metellus  had  done 
nothing  worthy  of  the  fotces  under  his  direction,  he  said — "  It  was 
not  right  to  lake  the  command  from  a  man  who  was  his  superior 
both  in  age  and  character ;  but  if  Metellus  should  desire  his  as- 
sistance  in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  it  was  at  his  service."  Metel- 
lus acrepted  the  proposal,  and  wrote  to  him  to  come  ;  whereupon 
ho  entered  Gaul,  and  not  only  signalized  his  own  valour  and  capa- 
city,  but  excited  once  more  the  spirit  of  adventure  in  Metellus, 
which  was  almost  extinguished  with  age. 

After  Sylla  had  made  himself  master  of  Italy,  and  was  declared 
dictator,  he  rewarded  his  principal  officers  with  riches  and  hot.ourt, 
making  them  liberal  grunts  of  whatever  they  applied  for  :  but  he 
was  most  struck  with  the  excellent  qualities  of  Pompey,  and  was 
persuaded  that  he  owed  more  to  his  services  than  those  of  any 
other  man.  He  therefore  resolved,  if  possible,  to  take  him  into  his 
alliance;  and,  as  his  wiA*  Mtiella  was  wholly  of  his  opinion,  they 
persuaded  Pompey  to  divorce  Antistia,  and  to  marry  >1?milia,  the 
daughter-in-law  of  Sylla,  whom  Metelia  had  by  Scaurus,  and  who 
was  at  that  time  pregnant  by  an<»iher  marriage. 

Nothing  could  be  more  tyrannical  than  this  new  contrnct ;  it 
was  suitable  indeed  to  the  times  of  8ylla,  btit  it  ill  became  the 
character  of  Pompey  to  take  uf^milia,  pregnant  as  she  was,  from 


POMPEY.  261 

another,  and  bring  her  into  his  house,  and  at  the  same  time  to  re- 
pudiate Antistia,  distressed  as  she  must  he  for  a  father  whom  she 
had  lately  lost  on  account  of  this  cruel  husband.  For  Antisiius 
was  killed  in  the  senate  house,  because  it  was  thought  his  regard 
for  Pompey  had  attached  him  to  the  cause  of  Sylla  And  her 
mother  upon  this  divorce,  laid  violent  hands  upon  herself.  This 
was  an  additional  scene  of  miseryin  that  tragical  marriage,  as  it 
was  also  the  fate  of  iEmilia  in  Pompey's  house,  who  died  there  in 
childbed. 

Soon  after  this  Sylla  received  an  account  thai  Perpenna  had 
made  himself  master  of  Sicily,  where  he  atforded  an  asylum  to  the 
party  which  opposed  the  reigning  powers.  Pompey  was  sent 
against  them  with  a  considerable  armamf^nt.  He  soon  forced 
Perpenna  to  quit  the  island;  and  having  recovered  the  cities,  which 
had  been  much  harrassed  by  the  armies  that  Were  there  before  his, 
he  behaved  to  them  all  with  great  humanirv,  except  the  Mamer- 
tines.  That  people  had  refused  to  a^pnar  before  his  tribunal,  and 
to  acknowledge  his  jurisdiction,  alleging  that  thev  siood  excused 
by  an  ancient  privilege  granted  them  by  the  Romans.  He  an- 
swered— "Will  Nou  never  have  done  with  citing  laws  and  privi- 
leges to  men  who  wear  swords  ?"  His  behaviour  too,  to  Carbo, 
in  his  misfortunes,  appeared  inhuman.  For.  if  it  was  necessary, 
as  perhaps -it  was,  to  put  him  to  death,  he  should  have  done  it  im 
mediately,  and  then  it  would  have  been  the  work  of  him  that  gave 
orders  for  it.  But,  instead  of  that,  he  caused  a  Roman,  who  had 
been  honoured  with  three  consulships,  to  be  brought  in  chains  be- 
fore his  tribunal,  where  he  sat  in  judgment  on  him,  to  the  regret  of 
all  the  spectators,  and  ordered  him  to  be  led  off  to  execution. 

He  had  resolved  to  chastise  the  Himereuns  for  attempting  to 
support  his  enemies,  when  rhe  orator  Sthenis  told  him — ''  He 
would  act  unjustly,  if  he  passed  by  the  person  that  was  guilty,  and 
punished  the  innocent."  Pompev  asked  him — "  Who  was  the 
guiltv  pers*)n  ?"  and  he  answered — ^'  I  am  the  man.  I  persuaded 
my  friends,  and  compelled  my  enemies,  to  take  the  measures  they 
did."  Pompey,  delighted  with  his  frank  confession  and  noble  spi- 
rit, forgave  him  first,  and  afterwards  all  the  people  of  Himera. 
Being  informed  that  his  soldiers  committed  great  disorders  in  their 
excursions,  he  sealed  up  their  swords,  and  if  any  of  them  broke 
the  seal,  he  took  care  to  have  them  punished. 

While  he  was  making  these  and  other  regulations  in  Sicily,  he 
received  a  decree  of  the  senate,  and  letters  from  Sylla,  in  which 
he  was  commanded *to  cross  over  to  Africa,  and  to  carry  on  the 
war  with  the  utmost  vigour  against  Docniiius,  who  had  assembled 
a  much  more  powerful  army  than  that  which  Marius  carried  not 
long  before  from  Africa  to  Italy,  when  he  made  himself  master  of 
Rome,  and  of  a  fugitive  became  a  tyrant.     Pompey  soon  finished 


262  FOMPET 

bis  preparatioDi  for  this  expedition,  and  set  sail  with  an  hundred 
and  twenty  ;irmed  vessels,  and  eight  hundred  storeships,  laden  with 
proviHions,  arms,  money  and  machines  of  war.  Part  of  his  fleet 
landed  at  Utica,  and  part  at  Carthage,  immediately  after  which 
seven  thousand  of  the  enemy  came  over  to  him,  and  he  brought 
with  him  SIX  legions  complete. 

Domitius  advanced  to  meet  him,  and  pat  his  troops  in  order  of 
battle.  There  happened  to  be  a  channel  between  them,  craggy 
and  difficult  to  pass.  In  the  morning  it  began  moreover  to  raio, 
and  the  wind  blew  violently  ;  insomuch  that  Domitius,  not  imagin. 
ing  there  would  be  any  action  that  day,  ordered  his  army  to  retire. 
But  Pompey  looked  upon  this  as  his  opportunity,  and  he  passed 
the  defile  with  the  utmost  expedition.  The  enemy  stood  upon 
their  defence,  but  it  was  in  a  disorderly  and  tumultuous  manner, 
and  the  reMistance  they  made  was  neither  general  nor  uniform. 
Besides,  the  wind  and  rain  beat  in  their  faces.  The  storm  incom- 
moded the  Romans  too,  for  they  could  not  well  distinguish  eacL 
other.  Nay,  Pompey  himself  was  in  danger  of  being  killed  by  a 
soldier,  who  asked  him  the  word,  and  received  not  a  speedy  an. 
swer.  At  length,  however,  he  routed  the  enemy  with  great 
slaughter,  not  above  three  thousand  of  them  escaping  out  of  twen. 
ty  thousand.  The  soldiers  then  saluted  Pompey  Imperafor^  but  he 
said  he  would  not  accept  the  title  while  the  enemy's  camp  stood 
untouched  ;  therefore,  if  they  chose  to  confer  such  an  honour  upon 
him,  they  must  first  make  themselves  masters  of  the  intrenchinents. 

At  that  instant  they  advanced  with  great  fury  against  them. 
Pompey  fought  without  his  helmet,  for  fear  of  such  an  accident  as 
ne  had  just  escaped.  The  camp  was  taken,  and  Domitius  slain, 
in  consequence  of  which,  most  of  the  cities  immediately  submitted, 
and  the  rest  were  taken  by  assault.  He  took  Jarbas,  one  of  the 
confederates  of  Domitius,  prisoner,  and  bestowed  his  crown  oo 
Hienopsal.  Advancing  with  the  same  tide  of  fortune,  and  whilo 
his  army  had  all  the  spirits  inspired  by  success,  he  entered  Numi- 
dia,  in  which  he  contHiued  his  march  for  several  days,  and  sub. 
dued  all  that  came  in  his  way.  'I'he  whole  time  he  passed  in  Af 
rica,  they  tell  us,  was  not  above  forty  days,  in  which  he  defeated 
the  enemy,  reduced  the  whole  country,  and  brought  the  affairs  of 
its  kin^s  under  proper  regulations,  though  he  was  only  in  his 
twenty.fourth  year. 

Upon  his  return  to  Utica  he  received  letters  from  Sylla,  in  which 
lie^was  ordered  to  send  home  the  rest  of  his  army,  ard  to  wait  there 
with  one  legion  onlv  for  a  successor.  This  gftve  him  a  great  deal 
of  uneasiness,  which  he  kept  to  himself,  but  the  army  expresMd 
their  indignation  aloud ;  insomuch  that  when  he  intreated  them  to 
return  to  Italy,  they  launched  out  into  abusive  terms  against  Sylla, 
and  declared  they  would  never  abandon  Pompey,  or  autl'er  him  to 


POMPEY.  002 

trust  a  tyrant.  At  first  he  endeavoured  to  pacify  them  with  mild  re- 
presentations ;  and  when  he  found  these  had  no  effect,  he  descend- 
ed from  the  tribunal,  and  retired  to  his  tent  in  tears.  However, 
they  went  and  took  him  thence,  and  placed  him  again  upon  the  tri- 
bunal, where  they  spent  great  part  of  the  day  ;  they  insistmg  that 
he  should  stay  and  keep  the  command,  and  he  in  persuading  them 
to  obey  Sylla's  orders,  and  to  form  no  new  faction.  At  last,  seemg 
no  end  of  their  clamours  and  importunity,  he  assured  them  with  an 
oath — "  That  he  woul.d  kill  himself  if  they  attempted  to  force  him/' 
And  even  this  hardly  brought  them  to  desist. 

The  first  news  that  Sylla  heard  was,  that  Pompey  had  revolted ; 
upon  which  he  said  to  his  friends, — "  Then  it  is  my  fate  to  have  to 
contend  with  boys  in  my  old  age."  This  he  said,  because  Marius, 
who  was  very  young,  had  brought  him  into  so  much  trouble  and 
danger.  But  when  he  received  true  information  of  the  affair,  and 
observed  that  all  the  people  flocked  out  to  receive  him,  and  to  con- 
duct him  home  with  marks  of  great  regard,  he  resolved  to  exceed 
them  in  his  regards,  if  possible.  He,  therefore,  hastened  to  meet 
him,  and  embracing  him  in  the  most  affectionate  manner,  saluted 
him  aloud  by  the  surname  of  Magnus^  or  tfie  Great;  at  the  same 
time,  he  ordered  all  about  him  to  give  him  the  same  appellation. 
Others  say,  it  was  given  him  by  the  whole  army  in  Africa,  but  did 
not  generally  obtain  till  it  was  authorised  by  Sylla.  It  is  certain  he 
was  the  last  to  take  it  himself,  and  he  did  not  make  use  of  it  till  a 
long  time  after,  when  he  was  sent  into  Spain  with  the  dignity  of 
proconsul  against  Sertorius.  Then  he  began  to  write  himself,  in 
his  letters  and  in  all  his  edicts,  Pompey  the  Great ;  for  the  world 
was  accustomed  to  the  name,  and  it  was  no  longer  invidious.  In  this 
respect  we  may  justly  admire  the  wisdom  of  the  ancient  Romans, 
who  bestowed  on  their  great  men  such  honourable  names  and  titles, 
not  only  for  military  achievements,  but  for  the  great  qualities  and  arts 
which  adorn  civil  life.  Thus,  the  people  gave  the  surname  of  Max- 
imus  to  Valeriiis,*  for  reconciling  them  to  the  senate  after  a  violent 
dissension,  and  to  Fabius  RuUus,  for  expelling  some  persons  de- 
scended of  enfranchised  slave»,f  who  had  been  admitted  into  the 
senate  on  account  of  their  opulent  fortunes. 

When  Pompey  arrived  at  Rome,  he  demanded  a  triumph,  in  which 
he  was  opposed  by  Sylla.  The  latter  alleged, — "  That  the  laws  did 
not  allow  that  honour  to  any  persoii  who  was  not  either  consul  or 
praetor.  J    Hence  it  ^vas  that  the  first  Scipio,  when  he  returned  vic- 

*  This  was  Marcus  Valerius,  the  orother  of  Valerius  Publicola,  who  was  dictator. 

f  It  was  not  his  expelling  the  descendants  of  enfranchised  slaves  the  senate,  nor 
yet  his  glorious  victories,  which  procured  Fabius  the  surname  of  Maximus.  out  his 
reducing  the  populace  of  Rome  into  four  tribes,  who  before  were  dispersed  among  all 
the  tribes,  and  by  that  means  had  too  much  influence  m  elections  and  other  public 
affairs.     These  were  called  iribus  urbanoe. — Liv.  ix  46. 

J  Livy  (lib.  xxxi.)  lells  us,  the  senate  refused  L.  Cornelius  Leniulus  a  triumph  for 
the  same  reason,  though  they  thought  his  achievements  worthy  of  that  honour. 


2d4  poMFcr. 

torioufl  from  greater  wars  and  conflictB  with  the  Carthaginians  in 
Spain,  did  not  demand  a  triumph ;  for  he  was  neither  consul  nor 
pr«t«)r."  lie  added, — **  Tha  if  Pompey,  who  was  yet  httle  hetter 
than  a  beardless  youth,  and  who  was  not  of  age  to  be  admitted  into 
the  senate,  should  enter  the  city  in  triumph,  it  would  bring  an  odttm 
both  upon  the  dictator's  power,  and  those  honours  of  his  friend." 
These  arguments  Sylla  insisted  on,  to  shou  him  he  would  not  allow 
of  his  triumph ;  and  that,  in  case  he  persisted,  he  would  chastise 
hia  obstinacy. 

^Pompey,  not  in  the  least  intimidated,  bade  him  consider — "  That 
more  worshipped  the  rising  than  the  setting  sun^"  intimating,  that 
his  power  was  increasing,  and  Sylla's  upon  the  aecline.  SylLa  did 
not  well  hear  what  he  said,  but  perceiving  by  the  looks  and  gestures 
of  tne  company,  that  they  were  strtick  with  the  expression,  he  asked 
what  it  was.  When  he  was  told  it,  he  admired  the  spirit  of  Pom> 
pey,  and  cried, — '*  Let  him  triumph  !  Let  him  triumph!" 

As  Pompey  perceived  a  strong  spirit  of  envy  and  jealousy  on  this 
occasion,  it  is  said,  that,  to  mortify  those  who  gave  into  it  the  more, 
he  resolved  to  have  his  chariot  drawn  by  four  elephants ;  for  he 
had  brought  a  number  from  Africa,  which  he  had  taken  from  the 
kings  of  that  country^  But  finding  the  gate  too  narrow,  he  gave  up 
that  design,  and  contented  himself  with  horses. 

His  soldiers,  not  having  obtained  all  they  expected,  were  inclined 
to  disturb  the  procetiision,  but  he  took  no  pains  to  satisfy  them  :  he 
said — **■  He  hud  rather  give  up  his  triumph,  than  submit  to  flatter 
them."  Whereupon  Servilius,  one  of  the  most  considerable  men 
in  Rome,  and  one  who  had  been  most  vigorous  in  opposing  the  tri- 
umph, declared — ''  He  now  found  Pompey  really  the  Great,  and 
worthy  of  a-triumph." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  he  might  then  have  been  easily  admitted 
a  senator,  if  he  had  desired  it ;  but  his  ambition  was  to  pursue  ho- 
uour  in  a  more  uncommon  track.  It  would  have  been  nothing 
strange,  if  Pompey  had  been  a  senator  before  the  age  fixed  for  it; 
but  it  was  a  very  extraordinary  instance  of  honour,  to  lead  up  a  tri* 
umph  before  he  was  a  nenator.  And  it  contributed  not  a  little  to 
gain  him  the  affections  of  the  multitude  ;  the  people  were  delighted 
to  see  him,  after  his  triumph,  class  with  the  equestrian  order. 

Sylla  was  not  without  uneasiness  at  finding  him  advance  »*  fast 
in  reputation  and  p/iwer;  yet  he  could  not  think  of  preventing  it, 
till,  with  a  high  hand,  and  entirely  against  his  will,  Pompey  rained 
Lepidus"**  to  the  consulship,  by  assisting  him  with  all  Ins  interest  in 
the  election.  Then  Sylla,  seeing  him  conducted  home  bv  the  peo- 
ple through  the  forum,  thus  addressed  him  : — *'  I  sec,  young  man, 
you  are  proud  of  your  victory.     And  undoubtedly,  it  was  a  great 

*  MarciM  iKmiliiM  l^pidut.  who  by  Pompcy't  wtsitst  was  dsclsfcd  consul  witliQ. 
LuiatiuR  Catuluf,  in  the  vear  of  Rome  675. 


POMPEY. 


265 


and  extraordinary  thing,  by  your  management  of  the  people,  to  ob- 
tain for  Lepidus,  the  worst  man  in  Rome,  ihe  return  before  Catulus, 
one  of  the  worthiest  and  the  best.  But  awake,  I  charge  you,  and 
be  upon  your  guard  :  For  you  have  now  made  your  adversary 
stronger  than  yourself." 

The  displeasure  Sylla  entertained  in  his  heart  against  Pompey, 
appeared  most  plainly  in  his  will :  he  left  considerable  legacies  to 
his  friends,  and  appointed  them  guardians  to  his  son,  but  he  never 
once  mentioned  Pompey.  The  latter,  not>vitiistaiiding,  bore  this 
with  great  temper  and  moderation  ;  and  when  Lepidus  and  others 
opposed  his  being  buried  in  the  Campus  Martius,  and  his  having 
the  honours  of  a  pubhc  funeral,  he  interposed,  and  by  his  presence 
not  only  secured,  but  did  honour  to  the  procession, 

Sylla's  predictions  were  verified  soon  after  his  death.  Lepidus 
wished  to  usurp  the  authority  of  a  dictator,  and'  his  proceedings 
were  not  indirect,  or  veiled  with  specious  pretences.  He  imme- 
diately took  up  aims,  and  assembled  the  disaffected  remains  of  the 
factions  which  Sylla  could  not  entirely  suppress.  As  for  his  col- 
league Catulus,  the  uncorrupted  part  of  the  senate  and  people  were 
attached  to  him,  and,  in  point  of  prudence  and  justice,  there  was  not 
a  man  in  Rome  who  had  a  greater  character ;  but  he  was  more 
able  to  direct  the  civil  government,  than  the  operations  of  war. 
This  crisis,  therefore,  called  for  Pompey,  and  he  did  not  deliberate 
which  side  he  should  take :  he  jomed  the  honest  party.,  and  was 
declared  general  against  Lepidus,  who  by  this  lime  had  reduced 
great  part  of  Italy,  and  was  master  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  where  Bru- 
tus acted  for  him  with  a  considerable  force. 

When  Pompey  took  the  field,  he  easily  made  his  way  in  other 
parts,  but  he  lay  a  long  time  before  Mutina,  which  was  defended  by 
Brutus.  Meanwhile  Lepidus  advanced  by  hasty  marches  to  Rome, 
and,  sitting  down  before  it,  demanded  a  second  consulship.  The 
inhabitants  were  greatly  alarmed  at  his  nutnbers,  but  their  fears 
were  dissipated  by  a  letter  from  Pompey,  in  which  he  assured  them 
he  had  terminated  the  war  without  striking  a  blow.  For  Brutus, 
whether  he  betrayed  his  army,  or  they  betrayed  him,  surrendered 
himself  to  Pompey ;  and  having  a  party  of  horse  given  him  as  an 
escort,  retired  to  a  little  town  upon  the  Po.  Pompey,  however,  sent 
Geminius  the  next  day  to  despatch  him,  which  brought  no  small 
stain  upon  his  character.  Lepidus,  being  soon  driven  out  of  Italy, 
fled  into  Sardinia,  where  he  died  of  grief. 

At  that  time,  Sertorius,  an  officer  very  different  from  Lepidus, 
was  in  possession  of  Spain,  and  not  a  little  formidable  to  Rome  it- 
self;  all  the  remains  of  the  civil  wars  being  collected  in  him,  just 
as  in  a  dangerous  disease  all  the  vicious  humours  fiow  to  a  distem- 
pered part. 

At  this  juncture  Pompey,  having  an  army  without  employment, 
2h  23 


endeavoured  to  prevail  with  the  senate  to  send  him  to  the  aBsistancA 
of  Meiellus,  and  though  Calulus  ordered  him  to  dishand  his  forces, 
he  found  various  pretences  for  remaining  \n  arms  m  the  neighbour- 
hood  «>f  Rome,  till  at  last  he  obtamed  the  command  he  wanted. 

When  Pompey  arrived  in  Spain,  new  hopes  were  excited,  as  is 
usual  upon  the  appearance  of.  a  new  general  of  reputation  ;  and 
such  of  the  Spanish  nations  as  were  not  very  firmly  attached  to 
Scrtorius,  began  to  change  their  opinions,  and  to  go  over  to  the 
Romans.  Sertorius  then  expressed  himself  in  a  very  insolent  and 
contemptuous  manner  with  respect  to  Pompey  :  he  said, — "  He 
should  want  no  other  weapons  thaiT  a  rod  and  ferula  to  chastise  the 
boy  with,  were  it  not  that  he  feared  the  old  woman,"  meaning  Me- 
tellus.  But  in  fact  it  was  P<»rapey  he  was  afraid  of,  and  on  his 
account  he  carried  on  his  operations  with  much  greater  caution. 

The  war  was  carried  on  with  various  success ;  but  Sertoriua 
being  assassinated  by  his  own  officers,*  Perpenna,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  the  conspirators,  undertook  to  supply  his  place.  He  had 
indeed  the  same  troops,  the  same  magazines  and  supplies,  but  he 
had  not  the  same  understanding  to  make  a  proper  use  of  them. 
Pompey  immediately  took  the  field,  and  having  intelligence  that 
Perpenna  was  greatly  embarrassed  us  to  the  meiisiires  he  should 
take,  he  threw  out  ten  cohorts  as  a  bait  for  him,  with  orders  to 
spread  themselves  over  the  plain.  When  he  found  it  took,  and  that 
Perpenna  was  busied  with  that  handful  of  men,  he  suddenly  made 
his  appearance  with  the  main  body,  attacked  the  enemy,  and  routed 
him  entirely.  Most  of  the  officers  fell  in  the  battle;  Perpenna 
himself  was  taken  prisoner  and  brought  to  Pompey,  who  com- 
manded him  to  he  put  to  death. 

Perpenna  having  got  the  papers  of  Sertorius  into  his  hands, 
showed  letters  by  which  some  of  the  most  powerful  men  in  Rome, 
who  were  desirous  to  raise  new  commotions,  and  overturn  the 
the  establishment,  had  invited  Sertorius  into  Italy.  But  Pompey, 
fearing  those  letters  might  excite  greater  wars  than  that  he  was 
then  finishing,  put  Perpenna  to  death,  and  burnt  the  papers  without 
residing  them. 

A  second  triumph  was  decreed  him,t  together  whh  the  consulship. 
But  the^e  were  not  considered  as  the  most  extraordinary  instances 
of  his  power.  The  strongest  proof  of  his  greatness  was,  that 
Crasbus,  the  richest,  the  most  elo<^uent  and  most  powerful  man  in 
the  administration,  who  used  to  look  down  upon  Pompey  and  all 
the  world,  did  not  venture  to  solicit  the  consulship  without  first 
asking  Pompey's  leave.      Pompey,  who  hud  long  wished  for  on 

*  ll  *^*'  '^"^  y^'^'*  *^*'  ^^^  comiiim*  of  Liioullut  that  Senuriuc  was  «9iaa«tMt«(L 

+  He  triumpned  tnwardi  the  end  of  the  year  of  Ro«ne6tS  and  at  the  Mm«  noM 

waa  decinred  convut  for  iiie  year  enujiiiK      Tint  was  a  peculiar  huoour.  to  gam  tiKI 

cootulate  uiihoui  fir»i  bearin|  the  suhordinate  oAoea:  but  hi«  two  uiumpht.  Slid 

|i«»t  nrvkva,  excused  that  deviation  from  the  common  rtilet. 


POMPEY.  267 

opportunity  to  lay  an  obligation  upon  him,  received  the  application 
with  pleasure,  and  made  great  interest  with  the  people  in  his  behalf, 
declaring  he  should  take  their  givmg  him  Crassus  for  a  colleague, 
as  kindly  as  their  favour  to- himself. 

Yet  when  they  were  elected  consuls,  they  disagreed  in  every 
thing,  and  were  embroiled  in  all  their  measures;  but  were  recon- 
ciled before  they  laid  down  the  consulship.  Crassus  had  most 
interest  with  the  senate,  and  Pompey  with  the  people.  For  he  had 
restored  them  the  tribunitial  power,  and  had  suffered  a  law  to  be 
made,  that  judges  should  again  be  appointed  out  of  the  equestrian 
order.*  However,  the  most  agreeable  spectacle  of  all  to  the  people 
was  Pompey  himself,  when  he  went  to  claim  his  exemption  from 
serving  in  the  wars.  It  was  the  custom  for  a  Roman  knight,  when 
he  had  served  the  time  ordered  by  law,  to  lead  his  horse  into  the 
forum,  before  the  two  magistrates  called  censors ;  and  after  having 
given  an  account  of  the  generals  and  other  officers  und^r  whom  he 
had  made  his  campaigns,  and  of  his  own  actions  in  them,  to  demand 
his  discharge.  On  these  occasions  they  received  proper  marks  of 
honour  or  disgrace,  according  to  their  behaviour. 

Gellius  and  Lentulus  were  then  censors,  and  had  taken  their 
seats  in  a  manner  that  became  their  dignity,  to  review  the  whole 
equestrian  order,  when  Pompey  was  seen  at  a  distance,  with  all 
the  badges  of  his  office,  as  consul,  leading  his  horse  by  the  bridle. 
As  soon  as  he  was  near  enough  to  be  observed  by  the  censors,  he 
ordered  his  lictors  to  make  an  opening,  and  advanced  with  his 
horse  in  hand  to  the  foot  of  the  tribunal.  The  people  were  struck 
with  admiration,  and  a  profound  silence  took  place,  at  the  same 
time  a  jov,  mingled  with  reverence,  was  visible  in  the  countenances 
of  the  censors.  The  senior  censor  then  addressed  him  as  follows 
— "  Pompey  the  Great,  I  demand  of  you,  whether  you  have  served 
all  the  campaigns  required  by  law  ?"  He  answered  with  a  loud 
voice — "  I  have  served  them  all ;  and  all  under  myself,  as  general." 
The  people  were  so  charmed  with  this  answer,  that  there  was  no 
end  of  their  acclamations.  At  last  the  censors  rose  up,  and  con- 
ducted Pompey  to  his  house,  to  indulge  the  multitude,  who  followed 
him  wah  the  loudest  plaudits. 

Crassus  continued  his  former  manner  of  life  ;  but  Pompey  now 
seldom  chose  to  plead  the  causes  of  those  who  applied  to  him,  and 
by  degrees  he  left  the  bar.  Indeed  he  seldom  appeared  m  public, 
and  when  he  did,  it  Was  always  with  a  great  train  of  friends  and 
attendants ;  so  it  was  not  easy  either  to  speak  to  him  or  see  hinji 
but  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd.  He  took  pleasure  in  having  a  number 
of  retamers  about  him,  because  he  thought  it  gave  him  an  air  of 

»  L.  Aurelius  Cotta  carried  that  point  when  he  was  praetor;  and  Plutarch  says 
again,  because  Caius  Graccbus  had  conveyed  that  privilege  to  the  knights  fifty  years 
before. 


268  noMPBY. 

greatness  and  majesty,  and  he  was  per^iaded  that  dignity  should 
be  kept  from  being  soiled  by  the  familiarity,  and  indeed  by  the 
very  touch  of  the  many.  For  those  who  are  raised  to  greatness 
by  arms,  and  know  not  how  to  descend  again  to  the  equality  re- 
quired in  a  republic,  are  very  li&ble  to  tall  into  contempt  when  they 
resume  the  rube  ot  peace.  The  soldier  is  desirous  to  preserve  the 
rank  in  the  forum  wliich  he  had  in  the  field ;  and  he  who  cannot 
distinguish  himself  in  the  field,  thinks  it  intolerable  to  give  place  in 
the  administration  too.  When,  therefore,  the  latter  has  got  the 
man  who  shone  in  camps  and  triumphs,  into  the  assemblies  at 
home,  and  finds  him  attempting  to  maintain  the  same  pre-eminence 
there,  he  endeavours  to  humble  him ;  whereas,  if  the  warrior  pre- 
tends  not  to  take  the  lead  in  domestic  councils,  he  is  readily  allowed 
the  palm  of  military  glory.  This  soon  appeared  from  the  subse- 
quent events. 

The  power  of  the  pirates  had  its  foundation  in  Cilicia. — ^Their 
progress  was  more  dniigerous,  because  at  first  it  was  little  taken 
notice  of.  In  the  Mithridatic  war  they  assumed  new  confidence 
and  courage,  on  account  of  some  services  they  had  rendered  the 
king.  Atler  this,  the  Romans  being  engaged  in  civil  wars  at  the 
very  gates  of  their  capital,  the  sea  was  lefl  unguarded,  and  the. 
pirates  by  degrees  attempted  higher  tilings ;  they  not  only  attacked 
shi[)s,  but  islands  and  maritime  towns.  Many  persons,  distinguished 
for  their  wealth,  their  birth,  and  their  capacity,  embarked  with  them, 
and  assisted  in  their  depredations,  as  if  their  employment  had  been 
worthy  the  ambition  of  men  of  honour.  They  had  in  various  places 
arsenals,  ports,  and  watch  towers,  all  strongly  fortified.  Their 
fleets  were  not  only  extremely  well  manned,  supplied  with  skilful 
pilots,  and  fitted  for  their  business  by  their  lightness  and  celerity, 
hut  there  was  a  parade  of  vanity  about  them  more  mortifying  than 
their  strength,  in  gilded  sterns,  purple  canopies,  and  plated  oars,  as 
if  they  took  a  pride  and  triumph  in  their  villainy.  Music  resounded, 
and  drunken  revels  were  exhibited  on  every  coast.  Here  genermb 
were  made  prisoners ;  there  the  cities  the  pirates  had  taken  were 
paying  their  ransom ;  all  to  the  great  disgrace  of  the  Roman  power. 
The  number  of  their  galleys  amounted  to  a  thousand,  and  the  cities 
they  were  master  of  to  four  hundred. 

iTieir  power  extended  over  the  whole  Tuscan  Sea,  so  that  the 
Romans  found  their  trade  and  navigation  entirely  cut  off.  Tho 
consequence  of  which  was,  that  their  markets  were  not  supplied, 
and  I  hey  had  reason  to  apprehend  a  famine.  This,  at  last,  put 
them  upon  sending  Pompey  to  char  th«*  sea  of  Pirates.  Gabinius, 
one  of  Pompey*s  intimate  friends,  proposed  the  decree*  which  ere- 

*  Thif  law  was  made  in  tha  vear  of  Rom«t  6S6.  The  oraftv  iritNiiie.  witen  he  pio- 
potcd  it.  did  not  name  Pompey.  PomM^y  was  now  in  ih«  lhtrtv<niuih  jrear  of  his  ■(•• 
Hit  fnend  Gabiniui,  at  appears  from  Cicero,  was  a  man  of  inAiAKius  oharafCtar. 


POMPEY. 


'269 


ated  him,  not  admiral,  but  monarch,  and  invested  him  with  absolute 
power.  The  decree  gave  him  the  empire  of  the  sea  as  far  as  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  of  the  land  for  four  hundred  furlongs  from 
the  Coasts.  There  were  few  parts  of  the  Roman  empire  which  this 
commission  did  not  take  in  ;  and  the  mosi  considerable  of  the  bar- 
barous nations,  and  most  powerful  kings  were  moreover  compre- 
hended in  It.  Besides  this,  he  was  empowered  to  choose  out  of 
the  senators  fifteen  lieutenants,  to  act  under  him,  in  such  districts, 
and  with  such  authority,  as  he  should  appoint.  He  was  to  take 
from  the  quajstors,  and  other  public  receivers,  what  money  he 
pleased,  and  equip  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  sail.  The  number  of 
manne  forces,  of  mariners  and  rowers,  was  left  entirely  to  his  dis- 
cretion. 

When  this  decree  was  read  in  the  assembly,  the  people  received 
it  with  inconceivable  pleasure.  'I'he  most  respectable  part  of  the 
senate  saw,  that  such  an  absolute  and  unlimited  power  was  above 
envy,  but  they  considered  it  as  a  real  object  of  fear.  They  there- 
fore  all,  except  Caesar,  opposed  its  passing  into  a  law :  he  was  for 
it,  not  out  of  regard  for  Pompey,  but  to  insinuate  himself  into  the 
good  graces  of  the  people,  which  he  had  long  been  courting.  The 
rest  were  very  severe  in  their  expressions  against  Pompey ;  and 
one  of  the  consuls  venturing  to  say* — "  If  he  imitates  Romulus,  he 
will  not  escape  his  fate,"  was  in  danger  of  being  pulled  in  pieces 
by  the  populace. 

The  assembly  broke  up  that  day,  without  coming  to  any  resolu- 
tion. When  the  day  came  that  they  were  to  give  their  suflrages, 
Pompey  retired  into  the  country ;  and,  on  receiving  information 
that  the  decree  was  passed,  he  returned  to  the  city  by  night,  to 
prevent  the  envy  which  the  multitudes  of  people  coming  to  meet 
him,  would  have  excited.  Next  morning  at  break  of  day  he  made 
his  appearance  and  attended  the  sacrifice.  After  which,  he  sum- 
moned  an  assembly,  and  obtained  a  grant  of  almost  as  much  more 
as  the  first  decree  had  given  him.  He  was  empowered  to  fit  out 
five  hundred  galleys,  and  to  raise  an  army  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  foot,  and  five  thousand  horse.  Twenty. four  senators  were 
selected,  who  had  all  been  generals  or  prdeiors,  and  were  appointed 
his  lieutenants :  and  he  had  two  quaestors  given  him.  As  the  price 
of  provisions  fell  immediately,  the  people  were  greatly  pleased,  and 
it  gave  them  occasion  to  say—"  The  very  name  of  Pompey  had 
terminated  the  war." 

However,  in  pursuance  of  his  charge,  he  divided  the  whole  Me- 
diterranean into  thirteen  parts,  appointing  a  lieutenant  for  each, 
and  assigning  him  a  squadron.  By  thus  stationing  his  fleets  in  all 
quarters,  he  enclosed  the  pirates  as  it  were  in  a  net,  took  great 
numbers  of  them,  and  brought  them  into  harbour.  Such  of  their 
*  The  consuls  ot  this  year  were  Calpurnius  Piso  and  AciUus  Glabrio. 
23* 


vessels  as  had  dispersed  and  made  off  in  time,  or  could  escape  the 
general  chase,  reiir«?d  lo  Ciiicia,  like  st>  many  bees  into  a  hive. 
Against  ihese  he  proposed  to  go  himself  wiih  sixty  of  his  best  gal- 
leys ;  but  first  he  resolved  lo  clear  the  Tuscan  sea,  and  the  coasts 
of  Africa,  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  Sicily,  of  all  practical  adven. 
turers,  which  he  effected  in  fortv  days,  by  his  own  indefatigable 
endeavours  and  those  of  his  lieutenants.  But,  as  the  consul  Piso 
was  indulging  Wis  inuligniiy  at  home,  in  wasting  his  stores  and  dis. 
charging  hn*  seamen,  he  sent  his  fleet  round  to  Bnindusium,  and 
went  himself  by  land  through  Tuscany  fo  Rome. 

As  soon  as  the  people  were  informed  of  his  approach,  they  went 
in  crowds  to  r^eive  him,  in  the  same  manner  as  they  had  done  a 
few  days  before,  to  conduct  him  on  his  way.  Their  extraordinary 
joy  was  owing  to  the  speed  with  which  he  had  executed  his  com- 
mission, so  far  bevond  all  expectation,  and  to  the  superabundant 
plenty  which  reigned  in  the  markets.  Havuig  provided  such 
things  as  he  wanted,  he  went  to  Brundusium,  and  put  to  sea  again. 
Though  he  was  straitened  for.  time,  and  iii  his  haste  sailed  by 
man\  cities  without  calling,  yet  he  stopped  at  Athens.  He  enter- 
ed the  town  and  sacrificed  to  the  gods;  af^er  which  he  addressed 
the  people,  and  then  prepared  to  re-embark  immediately. 

Some  of  the  pirates  who  yet  traversed  the  seas,  made  their  sub- 
mission  :  and  as  he  treated  ihem  in  a  humane  manner,  when  he 
had  them  and  their  ships  in  his  power,  others  entertaining  hopes 
of  mercy,  and  avoiding  the  other  officers,  surrendered  themselves 
to  P(»mpey,  together  with  their  wives  and  children.  He  spared 
them  all,  and  it  was  principally  by  their  means  that  he  found  out 
and  took  a  number  who  were  guilty  of  unpardonable  crimes,  and 
therefore  had  concealed  themselves. 

Still,  however,  there  remained  a  great  number,  and  indeed  the 
most  powerful  part  of  these  pirates,  who  sent  their  families,  trea- 
sures, and  all  useless  hands,  into  castles  and  fortified  towns  upon 
Mount  Tiiurus.  Then  thev  manned  their  ships,  and  waited  for 
Pompey  at  Coracesium,  in  (^ilicia.  A  battle  ensued,  and  the  pirates 
were  defeated,  after  which  they  retired  into  the  fort.  But  they 
bad  not  been  long  besieged  before  they  capitulated,  and  surren- 
dered themselves,  together  with  the  cities  and  islands  which  they 
had  conquered  and  fortified,  and  which  by  their  works,  as  well  as 
situation,  were  almost  impregnable.  Thus  the  war  was  finished, 
and  the  whole  force  of  the  pirates  destroyed,  within  ihre«  months 
at  the  farthest. 

Beside  the  other  vessels,  Pompey  took  ninety  ships  with  beaks 
of  brass,  and  the  prisoners  amounted  to  twent\  thousand.  He  did 
not  choose  to  put  them  to  death,  and  at  the  same  time  he  thought 
It  wrong  to  suffer  ihem  to  disperse,  because  they  were  not  only 
numerous,  but  warlike  and  necessitous,  and  therefore  would  pro« 


pompeV.  271 

bably  knit  again  and  give  future  trouble.  He  reflected  that  man 
by  nature  is  neitlier  a  savage  nor  an  unsocial  creature,  and  when 
he  becomes  so,  it  is  by  vices  contrary  to  nature  :  yet  even  then  he 
may  be  humanized  by  changing  his  place  of  abode,  and  accustom- 
ing him  to  a  new  manner  of  life.  For  this  reason  he  removed  the 
pirates  to  a  great  distance  from  the  sea,  that  they  might  taste  the 
sweets  of  civil  life,  by  living  in  cities,  and  by  the  culture  of  the 
ground. 

When  news  was  brought  to  Rome,  that  the  war  with  the  pirates 
was  finished,  and  that  Pompey  was  bestowing  his  leisure  upon 
visiting  the  cities,  Manihus,  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  pro- 
posed a  decree  which  gave  him  all  the  provinces  and  forces  under 
the  command  of  Lucullus,  adding  likewise  Bithynia,  which  was 
then  governed  by  Glabrio.  It  directed  him  to  carry  on  the  war 
against  Mithridates  and  Tigranes,  for  which  purpose  he  was  also 
to  retain  his  naval  commcuid.  This  was  subjecting  at  once  the 
whole  Roman  empire  to  one  man.  By  this  law,  Lucullus  was  de- 
prived of  the  honours  he  had  dearly  earned,  and  had  a  person  to 
succeed  hiin  in  his  triumph,  rather  than  in  the  war  ;  but  that  was 
not  the  thing  which  affected  the  patricians  most.  They  were  per- 
suaded, indeed,  that  Lucullus  was  treated  with  injustice  and  in- 
gratitude :  but  it  was  a  much  more  painful  circumstance,  to  think 
of  a  power  in  the  hands  ef  Pompey,  which  they,  could  call  nothing 
but  a  tyranny.* 

Lucullus,  of  course,  complained  of  this  treatment ;  and  their 
common  friends  were  of  opinion,  that  it  would  be  best  for  them  to 
come  to  an  interview  ;  accordingly  they  met  in  Galaiia.  Phey 
began  with  mutual  compliments  and  congratulations ;  but  they 
soon  lost  sight  even  of  candour  and  moderation  :  they  proceeded 
to  abusive  language  :  Pompey  reproaching  Lucullus  with  avarice, 
and  Lucullus  accusing  Pompey  of  an  insatiable  lust  of  power,  in- 
somuch that  their  friends  found  it  difficult  to  prevent  violence. 
After  this,  Lucullus  gave  his  friends  and  followers  lands  in  Gala- 
tia,  as  a  conquered  country,  and  made  other  considerable  grants. 
But  Pompey,  who  encamped  at  a  little  distance  from  him,  declared 
that  he  would  not  suffer  his  orders  to  be  carried  into  execution, 
and  seduced  all  his  soldiers,  except  sixteen  hundred,  who  he  knew 
were  so  mutinous,  that  they  would  be  as  unserviceabte  to  him  as 
»,hey  had  been  ill-affected  to  their  old  general. 

In  a  little  time  Lucullus  departed  for  Rome ;  and  Pompey  hav- 
ing secured  the  sea  from  Phoenicia  to  the  Bosphorus,  marched  in 
quest  of  Mithridates,  who  had  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  foot,  and 
two  thousand   horse,  but  durst  not  stand  an  engagement.     That 

•  "  We  have  then  got  at  last,"  said  they,  "a  sovereign  ;  the  republic  is  changed 
into  a  monarchv.  the  services  of  Lucullus,  the  honour  of  Glabrio  and  Marcius,  two 
lealous  and  worthy  senators,  are  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  promotion  of  Pompey.  Sylla 
never  carried  his  tyranuy  80  fiir-" 


piinco  was  in  poMestion  of  a  strong  and  secure  post  upon  a  idquu- 
tain,  which  he  quitted  upon  Pompey's  approacb,  b^ause  it  waa 
destitute  of  water. 

Pompey  rollowed  him  to  his  new  camp,  and  drew  a  line  of  cir- 
cumvallation  round  him.  Mithridates  stood  a  siege  of  forty.five 
days,  aAer  which  he  found  means  to  steal  off  with  his  best  troops, 
having  first  killed  all  the  sick,  and  such  as  could  be  of  no  service. 
Pompey  overtook  him  near  the  Euphrates,  and  encamped  over 
against  him ;  but  fearing  he  might  pass  the  river  unperceived,  he 
drew  out  his  troops  at  midnight.  At  that  time  Mithridates  is  said 
to  have  had  a  dream  pretigurative  of  what  was  to  befal  him.  He 
thought  he  was  upon  the  Pontic  Sea,  sailing  with  a  favourable 
wind,  and  in  sight  of  the  Bosphorus  ;  so  that  he  felicitated  hi.s 
friends  in  the  ship,^  like  a  man  perfectly  safe,  already  in  harbour. 
But  suddenly  he  beheld  himself  in  the  most  destitute  condition, 
swimming  upon  a  piece  of  wreck.  While  he  was  in  all  the  agita- 
tion  which  the  dream  produced,  his  friends  awaked  him,  and  told 
him  that  Pompey  was  at  hand.  He  was  now  under  a  necessity  of 
lighting  for  his  camp,  and  his  generals  drew  up  the  forces  with  all 
|K)S8ible  expedition. 

Pumpey  seeing  them  prepared,  was  loth  to  risk  a  battle  in  the 
dark  :  he  thought  it  sufficient  to  surround  them,  so  as  to  prevent 
their  flight ;  and  what  inclined  him  still  more  to  wait  for  day. light, 
was  the  consideration  that  his  troops  were  much  better  than  the 
enemy's.  However,  the  oldest  of  his  officers  entreated  him  to 
proceed  immediately  to  the  attack,  and  ut  last  prevailed.  It  was 
not  indeed  very  dark  ;  for  the  :iioon,  though  near  her  setting,  gave 
4lg\M  enough  to  distinguish  objects ;  but  it  was  a  great  disadvantage 
to  the  King's  troops,  thai  the  moon  was  so  low  on  the  backs  of  the 
Romans,  because  she  projected  their  shadows  so  far  before  them, 
tiiat  the  enemy  could  form  no  just  estimate  of  the  distances,  but 
tiiinking  ihcni  at  hand,  threw  their  javelins  before  the>  could  do 
the  IcoHt  execution. 

The  Romaiiri  perceiving  their  mistake,  advanced  to  the  charge 
with  all  the  alarm  of  voices.  The  enemy  went  in  such  a  con- 
sternation  that  they  made  not  the  least  stand,  and  in  their  flight 
vaxt  numbers  were  slain.  They  lost  above  ten  thousand  men,  and 
their  cump  was  taken.  As  for  Mithridates,  he  broke  through  tho 
Romans  with  eight  hundred  horse,  in  the  beginning  of  the  engage 
ment. 

In  tho  mean  time  Pompey  entered  Armenia,  upon  the  invitation 
o(  young  Tigranes,  who  had  revolted  from  bis  father,  and  waa 
gone  to  nicei  the  Roman  general  at  the  liver  Araxes.  A)  he  mdo 
up  to  the  entrenchments,  two  of  Pompey 's  lictors  came  and  order- 
ed him  to  dismount  and  enter  on  foot,  assuring  him  that  no  roan 
was  over  seen  on  horseback  in  u  Roman  camp.     Tigranet  obey- 


POMPEY,  278 

ed,  and  even  took  oft*  his  sword  and  gave  it  them.  As  soon  as  he 
came  before  Pompey,  he  pulled  off  his  diadem,  and  attempted  to 
lay  It  at  his  feet.  Wtiat  was  still  worse,  he  was  going  u)  pros- 
trate himself  and  embrace  his  knees ,  but  Pompey  perceiving  it, 
took  him  by  the  hand,  and  placed  him  on  one  side  of  him,  and  his 
son  on  the  other.  Tben  addressing  himself  to  the  father,  he  said — 
"As  to  what  you  had  lost  before,  you  lost  it  to  Lucallus.  It  was 
he  who  took  from  you  Syria,  Phoenicia,  Cilicia,  Gaiatia,  and  So- 
phene.  But  what  you  kept  till  my  time,  I  will  restore  you,  on 
condition  you  pay  the  Romans  a  fine  of  six  thousand  talents  for 
the  injury  you  have  done  them.  Your  son  I  will  make  king  of 
Sophene. 

Tigranes  thought  himself  so  happy  in  these  terms,  and  in  finding 
that  the  Romans  saluted  him  king,  that  in  the  joy  of  his  heart  he 
promised  every  private  half  a  inma,  every  centurion  ten  minas,  and 
every  tribune  a  talent.  But  his  son  was  little  pleased  at  the  deter- 
mination, and  when  he  was  invited  to  supper,  he  said — "  He  had 
no  need  of  such  honours  from  Pompey,  for  he  could  find  another 
Roman."  Upon  this  he  was  bound  and  reserved  for  the  triumph. 
Not  long  after,  Phraates,  king  of  Parthia,  sent  to  demand  the  young 
prince  as  his  son-in-law,  and  to  propose  that  the  Euphrates  sii  mid 
be  the  boundary  between  him  and  the  Roman  empire.  Pompey 
aasvvered — "Thai  Tigranes  was  certainly  nearer  to  his  father  than 
his  father-in-law  :  and  as  for  the  boundary  justice  should  direct  it." 

When  he  had  despatched  this  affair,  he  left  Afranius  to  take  care 
of  Armenia,  and  mar<*hed  himself  to  the  countries  bounding  on 
Mount  Caucasus,  through  which  he  must  necessarily  pass,  in  search 
of  Mithridates.  The  Albanians  at  first  granted  Pompey  a  passage 
but  as  winter  overtook  him  in  their  dominions,  they  took  the  oppor 
tunity  of  the  Saturnalia,  which  the  Romans  observe  religiously,  te 
assemble  their  forces  to  the  number  of  forty  thousand  men,  with,  a 
resolution  to  attack  them,  and  for  that  purpose  passed  the  Cyrnus.* 

Pompey  suffered  them  to  pass  the  river,  though  it  was  in  his 
power  to  have  hindered  it ;  and  when  they  were  all  got  over,  he 
attacked  and  routed  them,  and  killed  great  numbers  on  the  spot. 
Their  king  sent  ambassadors  to  speak  for  mercy  :  upon  which  Pom- 
pey  forgave  him  the  violence  he  had  offered,  and  entered  into  al- 
liance with  him.  This  done,  he  marched  against  the  Iberians,  who 
were  equally  numerous  and  more  warlike,  and  who  were  very  de- 
sirous to  signalise  their  zeal  for  Mithridates,  by  repulsing  Pompey. 
The  Iberians  were  never  subject  to  the  Medes  or  Persians ;  they 
escaped  even  the  Macedonian  yoke,  because  Alexander  was  obliged 
to  leave  Hyrcania  in  haste.  Pompey,  however,  defeated  this  peo- 
ple too,  in  a  great  battle,  in  which  he  killed  no  less  than  nine  thou- 
sand, and  took  above  ten  thousand  prisoners. 

*  Sirabo  and  Pliuy  call  this  river  Cyrus^  and  so  Plutarch  probably  wrote  it. 
2m: 


i^4  POMPEY. 

Afler  this,  he  threw  himself  into  Colchis,  and  Servilius  came  and 
joined  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Phasis,  with  the  fleet  appointed  to 
guard  the  Euxine  sea.  The  pursuit  of  Mithridates  was  attended 
with  great  difficulties ;  for  he  had  conceal»*d  himself  among  the 
nations  settled  about  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Palus  Mceotis.  Besides, 
news  was  brought  Pompey,  that  the  Albanians  had  revolted,  and 
taken  up  arms  again.  The  desire  of  revenge  determined  him  to 
march  back,  and  chastise  them.  But  it  waH  with  infinite  trouble 
and  danger  that  it  passed  tUe  Cymus  again,  the  barbarians  having 
fenced  it  on  their  side  with  pallisades  all  along  the  banks.  And 
when  he  was  over,  he  had  a  large  country  to  traverse,  which  afford- 
ed no  water.  This  last  dithculty  he  provided  against,  by  filling 
ten  thousand  bottles  :  and  pursuing  his  march,  he  found  the  enemy 
drawn  up  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Abas,"^  to  the  number  of  sixty 
thousand  foot,  and  twelve  thousand  horse,  but  many  of  them  ilU 
armed,  and  provided  with  no  defensive  armour  but  skins  of  beasts. 

They  were  commanded  by  the  king's  brother  named  Cosis ;  who, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  singled  out  Pompey,  and  rushing  in 
upon  him,  struck  his  javelin  into  the  joints  of  his  breastplate.  Pom> 
pey  in  return  ran  him  through  with  his  spear,  and  laid  him  dead  on 
the  spot. 

After  this  action,  Pompey  designed  to  make  his  way  to  the  Cas. 
pian  sea,  and  march  by  its  coasts  into  Hyrcania  ;  but  ho  found  the 
number  of  venomous  serpents  so  troublesome,  that  he  was  forced 
to  return,  when  three  days  march  more  would  have  carried  him  as 
far  as  he  proposed.  The  next  route  he  took  was  into  Armenia  the 
Less,  where  he  gave  audience  to  ambassadors  from  the  kings  of 
the  ElymaBans  and  M edes,  and  dismissed  them  with  letters  expres- 
sive of  his  regard.  Mean  time  the  king  of  Parthia  had  entered 
Gordyene,  and  was  doing  infinite  damage  to  the  subjects  of  Ti- 
granes.  Against  him  Pompey  sent  Afranius,  who  put  him  to  the 
rout,  and  pursued  hirii  as  far  as  the  province  of  Arbelis. 

Among  all  the  concubines  of  Mithridates  that  were  brought  be- 
fore Pompey,  he  touched  not  one,  but  sent  them  to  their  parents  or 
husbands  ;  for  nwst  of  them  were  either  daughters  or  wives  of  the 
great  officers  and  principal  persons  of  the  kingdom.  But  Strato- 
nice,  who  was  the  first  favourite,  and  had  the  care  of  a  fort  where 
the  best  part  of  the  king's  treasure  was  lodged,  was  the  daughter 
of  a  poor  old  musician.  She  sung  one  evening  to  Miihridat«»s  at  on 
entertainment,  and  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  her,  that  he  detain- 
cd  her  in  his  palace,  and  sent  the  old  man  home  in  no  very  good  hu- 
mour, because  he  had  taken  his  daughter  without  condescending  to 
apeak  one  kind  word  to  him.  But  when  he  waked  next  morning,  he 
saw  tables  covered  with  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  a  great  retinue  of 

•  Tim  Mver  takes  iit  uem  in  tbe  moontaini  of  Albania,  aud  fells  into  the 
%m.     fmlfmv  cmllji  it  j^lbanns. 


POMPEY.  275 

eunuchs  and  pages,  who  offered  him  choice  of  rich  robes,  and  be- 
fore his  gate,  a  horse  with  such  magnificent  furniture,  as  is  pro- 
vided for  those  who  are  called  the  king's  friends.  All  this  he 
thought  nothing  but  an  insult  and  burlesque  upon  him,  and  there- 
fore prepared  for  flight :  but  the  servants  stopped  him,  and  assured, 
him,  that  the  king  had  given  him  the  house  of  a  rich  nobleman  late- 
ly deceased,  and  that  what  he  saw  was  only  the  first  fruits,  a  small 
earnest,  of  the  fortune  he  intended  him.  At  last  he  suffered  him- 
self to  be  persuaded  that  the  scene  was  not  visionary  ;  he  put  on 
the  purple,  and  mounted  the  horse,  and  as  he  rode  through  the  city, 
cried  out — *'  All  this  is  mine."  The  inhabitants  of  course  laughed 
at  him  ;  and  he  told  them — '•  They  should  not  be  surprised  at  this 
behaviour  of  his,  but  rather  wonder  that  he  did  not  throw  stones  at 
them." 

From  such  a  glorious  source  sprung  Stratonice. 
She  surrendered  to  Pompey  the  castle,  and  made  many  magnifi- 
cent presents  :  however,  he  took  nothing  but  what  might  be  an  or- 
nament to  the  solemnities  of  religfion,  and  add  lustre  to  his  triumph. 
The  rest  he  desired  she  would  keep  for  her  owh  enjoyment.  In 
like  manner,  when  the  king  of  Iberia  sent  him  a  bedstead,  a  table, 
and  a  throne,  all  of  massy  gold,  and  begged  of  him  to  accept  them 
as  a  mark  of  his  regard,  he  bade  the  quaestors  apply  them  to  the 
purposes  of  the  public  revenue. 

In  the  castle  of  Caenon  he  found  the  private  papers  of  Mithri- 
dates.,  and  he  read  them  with  some  pleasure,  because  they  disco- 
vered that  prince's  real  character.  From  these  memoirs  it  appeared 
that  he  had  taken  off  many  persons  by  poison,  among  whom  were 
his  own  son  Ariarathes  and  Alcaeus  of  Sardis.  His  pique  against 
the  latter  took  its  rise  merely  from  his  having  better  horses  for  the 
race  than  he.  There  were  also  interpretations  both  of  his  o\yn 
dreams  and  those  of  his  wives  and  the  lascivious  letters  which  had 
passed  between  him  and  Monime. 

From  Caenon  Pompey  marched  to  Amisus,  where  his  infatuating 
ambition  put  him  upon  very  obnoxious  measures.  He  was  passion- 
ately desirous  to  recover  Syria,  and  passing  from  thence  through 
Arabia,  to  penetrate  to  the  Red  Sea,  that  he  might  go  on  conquer- 
ing  every  way  to  the  ocean  which  surrounds  the  world.  In  Africa 
he  was  the  first  whose  conquests  extended  to  the  Great  Sea ;  in 
Spain  he  stretched  the  Roman  dominions  to  the  Atlantic,  and  in  his 
late  pursuit  of  the  Albanians,  he  wanted  but  little  of  reaching  the 
Hyrcanian  Sea.  In  order,  therefore,  to  take  the  Red  Sea  too  into 
the  circle  of  his  wars,  he  besran  his  march  ;  the  rather,  because  he 
saw  it  difficult  to  hunt  out  Mithridates  with  a  regular  force,  and  that 
he  was  much  harder  to  deal  with  in  his  flight  than  in  battle.  For 
this  reason,  he  said — "  He  would  leave  him  a  stronger  enemy  than 
the  Romans  to  eope  with,  which  was  famine."     In  pursuance  ©f 


276 

this  intention,  he  ordered  a  number  of  ships  to  cruise  about,  and 
prevent  any  vessel  from  entering  the  Ro«<phorus  with  provieions, 
and  thnt  death  should  be  the  punishment  for  such  as  were  talcen  in 
the  attempt. 

Proceeding  in  the  execution  of  his  plan,  he  subdued  the  Arabians 
about  Mount  Amanus  by  his  lieutenant  Afranius,  and  descended  him- 
tcif  into  Syria,  which  he  converted  into  a  Roman  province,  because 
it  bad  no  lawful  king.  He  reduced  Jxidaea,  and  took  its  king  Aris- 
tobulus  prisoner :  he  founded  some  cities,  and  set  others  free,  pu. 
nishmg  the  tyrants  who  had  enslaved  them.  But  most  of  his  time 
was  spent  in  niitninistering  justice,  and  in  deciding  the  disputes  be. 
tween  cities  and  princes.  Where  he  could  not  go  himself,  he  sent 
his  friends :  the  Armenians  and  Parthians,  for  instance,  having  re- 
ferred  the  difTerence  they  had  about  some  territory  to  his  decision, 
he  sent  three  arbitrators  to  settle  the  affair.  His  reputation  as  to 
power  was  great,  and  it  was  equally  respectable  a^  to  virtue  and 
moderation.  This  palliated  most  of  his  faulls,  and  those  of  his  mi- 
nisters. He  knew  not  how  to  restrain  or  punish  the  oftences  of 
those  lie  employed,  but  he  gave  so  gracious  a  reception  to  those 
who  came  to  complain  of  them,  that  they  went  away  not  ill  satis, 
fied  with  all  they  had  suffj-red  from  iheir  avarice  and  oppression. 

I'he  king  of  Arabia  Petrsea  had  hitherto  considered  the  Romans 
in  no  formidable  light,  but  he  was  really  afraid  of  Pompey,  and 
sent  letters  to  apquaint  him,  that  he  was  ready  to  obey  all  his  com- 
mands. Pompey,  to  try  the  sincerity  of  his  professions,  marched 
against  Petru.  Many  blamed  this  expedition,  looUi:i;^  upon  it  as  no 
better  than  a  pretext  to  be  excused  pursuing  Mithridates,  against 
ivhom  they  would  have  had  him  turn  as  against  the  ancient  enemy 
of  Rome  :  an  enemy,  who,  according  to  all  accounts,  had  so  far  re- 
covered  his  strength  as  to  propose  marching  through  Scythia  and 
Paeoiiia  into  Italy.  On  the  other  hand,  Pompey  was  of  opinion  that 
it  was  much  easier  to  ruin  him  when  at  the  head  of  an  army,  than 
to  take  him  in  his  flight,  and  therefore  would  not  amuse  himself 
with  a  fruitless  pursuit,  but  rather  chose  to  wait  for  a  new  emer- 
gency, and,  in  the  mean  time,  to  turn  his  anns  to  another  quarter. 

Fortune  soon  resolved  the  doubt.  He  had  advanced  near  Pe- 
tra,  and  encamped  for  that  day,  and  was  taking  some  exercise  on 
horseback  without  the  trenches,  when  messengers  arrived  from 
Pontus ;  and  it  was  plain  they  brought  good  news,  because  the 
points  of  their  spears  were  crowned  with  laurel.  The  soldiers 
seeing  this,  (fathered  about  Pompey,  who  was  inclined  to  finish 
his  exercise  before  he  opened  the  packet ;  but  they  were  so  ear- 
nest ill  their  entreaties,  that  they  prevailed  upon  him  to  alight  and 
take  It.  IK'  entered  the  camp  with  it  in  his  hand,  and  as  there 
Was  no  tribunal  ready,  and  the  soldiers  were  loo  impatient  to  raise 
one  of  turf,  which  was  the  common  method,  thoy  piled  a  number 


of  packsaddles  one  upon  another,  upon  which  Pompey  mounted, 
and  gave  them  this  information  :  "  Mithndates  is  dead ;  he  killed 
himself  upon  the  revolt  of  his  son  Pharnaces.  And  Pharnaces  has 
siezed  all  that  belonged  to  his  father,  which  he  declares  he  has 
done  for  himself  and  the  Romans." 

At  this  news  the  army,  as  might  be  expecied,  gave  a  loose  to 
their  joy,  which  they  expressed  in  sacrifices  to  the  gods,  and  in 
reciprocal  entertainments,  as  if  ten  thousand  of  their  en*  mies  had 
been  slam  in  Mithridates.  Pompey  having  thus  brought  the  cam- 
paign  and  the  whole  war  to  a  conclusion  so  happy,  and  so  far  be- 
yond his  hopes,  immediately  quitted  Arabia,  and  traversed  the  pro. 
vinces  between  that  and  Galatia  with  great  rapidity,  and  soon  ar- 
rived  at  Amisus.  There  he  found  many  presents  from  Pharnaces, 
and  several  corpses  of  the  royal  family,  among  which  was  that  of 
Mithridates. 

Pompey,  having  thoroughly  settled  the  affairs  of  Asia,  proceed- 
ed in  his  retui*n  ro  Rome.  People  talked  variously  concerning  his 
intentions.  But  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  his  troops  were  dis- 
banded, an  astonishing  change  appeared  in  the  face  of  things. 
The  cities  seeing  Pompey  the  Great  unarmed  and  attended  by  a 
few  friends,  as  if  he  were  returning  only  from  a  common  tour, 
poured  out  their  inhabitants  after  him,  who  conducted  him  to  Rome 
with  the  sincerest  pleasure,  and  with  a  much  greater  force  than 
that  which  he  had  dismissed  ;  so  that  there  would  have  been 
no  need  of  the  army,  if  he  had  formed  any  designs  against  the 
state. 

The  triumph  was  so  great  that,  though  it  was  divided  into  two 
days,  the  time  was  far  from  being  sufficient  tor  displaying  what  was 
prepared  to  be  carried  in  procession  ;  there  remained  still  enough 
to  adorn  another  triumph.  At  the  head  of  the  show  appeared  the 
titles  of  the  conquered  nations  :  Pontus,  Armenia,  Cappadocia, 
Paphlagonia,  Media,  Colchis,  the  Iberians,  the  Albanians,  S\ria, 
Cilicia,  Mesopotamia,  Phoenicia,  Palestine,  Judaja,  Arabia,  the  pi- 
rates  subdued  both  by  sea  and  land.  In  these  countries  it  was 
mentioned  that  there  were  not  less  than  a  thousand  castles,  and 
near  nine  hundred  cities  taken  ;  eight  hundred  gallies  taken  from 
the  pirates ;  and  thirty-nine  desolated  cities  repeopled.  On  the 
face  of  the  tablets  it  appeared  besides,  that  whereas  the  revenues 
of  the  Roman  empire,  before  these  conquests,  amounted  to  but  fifty 
millions  of  drachmas,  by  the  new  acquisitions  they  were  advanced 
to  eighty-five  millions  ;  and  that  Pompey  had  brought  into  the  pub- 
lie  treasury,  in  money  and  in  gold  and  silver  vessels,  to  the  value 
of  twenty  thousand  talents,  besides  vvhat  he  had  distributed  among 
the  soldiers  of  whom  he  that  received  least  had  fifteen  hundred 
drachmas  to  hi5  share.  The  captives  who  walked  in  the  proces- 
aion,  (not  to  mention  the  chiefs  of  the  pirates,)  were  the  son  of  Ti- 
24 


278  POMI'EY. 

granes,  king  of  Armenia,  together  with  hin  wife  and  daughter ;  Zu- 
sima,  the  ysife  of  Tigranes  himself;  Aristobuius,  king  of  Judtea  ; 
the  sister  of  Mithridates.  with  her  five  eoti§  ;  and  some  Scythian 
women.  The  hostages  of  the  Albanians  and  Iberians,  and  of  the 
king  of  Commagene,  also  appeared  in  the  train  :  and  as  many  tro- 
phies were  extiibited  a»  Pompey  had  gained  victories,  either  in 
K^rson  or  by  his  lieutenants,  the  number  of  which  was  not  small, 
ut  the  most  honourable  circumstance,  and  what  no  other  Roman 
could  boast,  was,  that  his  third  triumph  was  over  the  third  quarter 
of  the  world,  after  his  former  triumphs  had  been  over  the  other 
two.  Others  before  him  had  been  honoured  with  three  triumphs  ; 
but  his  first  triumph  was  over  Africa,  his  second  over  Europe,  and 
his  third  over  Asia ;  so  that  the' three  seemed  to  declare  him  con- 
queror  of  the  world. 

At  this  time  Csesar  returning  from  his  province,*  undertook  an 
affair  which  rendered  him  very  popular  at  present,  and  in  its  con« 
sequence!*  gained  him  power,  but  proved  a  great  prejudice  to  Pom- 
pey and  tathe  whole  commonwealth.  He  was  then  soliciting  his 
first  consulship,  and  Cra8sus  and  Pompey  being  at  variance,  he 
perceived  that  if  he  should  join  the  one,  the  other  would  be  his 
enemy  of  course  ;  he  theielore  sei  himself  to  reconcile  them.  To 
this  union  Caesar  oued  his  consulship  :  and  he  was  no  sooner  ap- 
pointed than  he  began  to  make  his  court  to  the  indigent  part  of 
the  people,  by  proposing  laws  for  sending  out  colonies,  and  for 
the  distribution  of  lands,  by  which  he  descended  from  the  dignity 
of  a  consul,  and  in  some  sort  took  upon  him  the  office  of  a  tnbune. 
His  colleague  Bibulus  opposed  him,  and  Cato  prepared  to  support 
Bibuius  in  the  most  strenuous  manner,  when  CoBsar  placed  Pom- 
pey by  him  upon  the  tribunal,  and  asked  him  before  the  whole  as- 
sembly— '*  Whether  he  approved  his  laws?"  and  upon  his  an- 
swering in  the  affirmative,  he  put  this  farther  question—'*  Then  if 
any  one  shall  with  violence  oppose  these  laws,  will  you  come  to 
the  assistance  of  the  people  ?"  Pompey  answered — "  I  will  cer- 
tainly  come  ;  and  against  those  who  threaten  to  take  the  sword,  I 
will  bring  both  swrird  und  buckler." 

Pompey  till  that  day  had  never  said  any  thing  so  obnoxious ; 
end  his  friends  could  only  say,  by  way  of  apology,  that  it  was  ai 
expression  which  had  escaped  him.  *  But  it  ap(>eiired  by  the  suly 
sequent  events,  that  he  was  then  entirely  at  C'csar's  devotion.  For 
within  a  few  days,  tn  the  surprise  of  all  the  world,  he  married 
Julia,  Cipsar's  dauebter,  who  had  been  promised  Ui  Cii;pi<»,  and 
was  upon  the  point  of  being  married  to  him.  To  appeahe  the  re- 
scniroent  of  Cffipio,  he  gave  him  his  fiwn  daughter,  who  had  been 
•  It  wan  iini  ii>  fti(>  ii.ii«  (if  I  'ici*ro*N  «oin«  inut  exili-.  titiif  Cmtrnt  irmrnefi  frtMn  liis 
provinre  of '^pain.  whicit  ne  Imd  novortirn  m  iih  ih«  iiiir  nl  pfWor  tnii  two  vcari  be* 
fore  Cicfiur  returned  in  the  year  of  Roaie  693,  and  Cictro  qumecl  Romt  in  Um 
5riBarC9J>. 


POMPEY.  279 

before  contracted  to  Faustus,  the  son  of  Sylla ;  and  CfBsar  mar 
ried  Calpurnia,  the  daughter  ot  Piso. 

Pompey  then  filled  the  city  with  soldiers,  and  carried  every 
thing  v/ith  open  force.  The  two  Gauls  on  this  and  the  other  side 
the  Alps  and  lilyria  were  allotted  to  Caesar  for  five  years,  with 
four  complete  legions.  Piso,  Cassar's  father-in-law,  and  Gabinius, 
one  of  the  most  abandoned  flatterers  of  Pompey,  were  pitched  upon 
for  consuls  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  whole  care  of  providing 
and  iqsporting  corn  being  committed  to  Pompey,  he  sent  his  depu- 
ties and  agents  mto  various  parts,  and  went  in  person  into  Sicily, 
Sardinia,  and  Africa,  where  he  collected  great  quantities.  When 
he  was  upon  the  point  of  re-embarking,  a  violent  wind  sprung  up, 
and  the  mariners  made  a  difficulty  of  putting  to  sea  ;  but  he  was 
the  first  to  go  on  board,  and  ordered  them  to  weigh  anchor,  with 
these  decisive  words — "  It  is  necessary  to  go  ;  is  it  not  necessary 
to  live?"  His  success  was  answerable  to  his  spirit  and  intrepidi- 
ty. He  filled  the  markets  with  corn,  and  covered  the  sea  with  his 
ships,  insomuch  that  the  overplus  afforded  a  supply  to  foreigners, 
and  from  Rome,  as  from  a  fountain,  plenty  flowed  over  the  world. 

In  the  mean  time  the  wars  m  Gaul  lifted  Caesar  to  the  first  sphere 
of  greatness.  He  entered  into  a  treaty  with  Crassus  and  Pompey, 
by  which  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  apply  for  the  consulship, 
and  that  Caesar  should  assist  them  by  sending  a  great  number  of 
his  soldiers  to  vote  at  the  election.  As  soon  as  they  were  chosen, 
they  were  to  share  the  provinces,  and  take  the  command  of  armies 
accordmg  to  their  pleasure,  only  confirming  Caesar  in  the  posses- 
sion of  what  he  had,  for  five  years  more.  Thus  they  obtained  the 
consulship  by  violence,  and  the  rest  of  their  measures  were  not 
conducted  with  more  moderation.  For,  in  the  first  place,  when 
the  people  were  going  to  choose  Cato  praetor,  at  the  instant  their 
suffrages  were  to  be  taken,  Pompey  dismissed  the  assembly,  pre- 
tending that  he  had  seen  an  inauspicious  flight  of  birds.*  After- 
wards the  tribes,  corrupted  with  money,  declared  Antias  and  Vati. 
nius  praetors.  Then,  in  pursuance  of  their  agreement  with  Caesar, 
they  put  Trebonius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  on  proposing  a  decree,  by 
which  the  government  of  the  Gauls  was  continued  for  five  years 
more  to  Caesar ;  Syria,  and  the  command  against  the  Parthians, 
were  given  to  Crassus  ;  and  Pompey  was  to  have  all  Africa,  and 
both  the  Spains,  with  four  legions,  two  of  which  he  lent  to  Caesar, 
at  his  request,  for  the  war  in  Gaul. 

Crassus,  upon  the  expiration  of  his  consulship,  repaired  to  the 
province.     Pompey,  remaining  at  Rome,  opened  his  theatre,  and 

*  This  was  making  religion  merely  an  engine  of  state,  and  it  often  proved  a  very 
convenient  one  for  the  purposes  of  ambition.  Ciodius,  though  otherwise  one  of  the 
vilest  tribunes  that  ever  existed,  was  very  right  in  attempting  to  put  a  stop  to  that 
means  of  dismissing  an  assembly.  He  preferred  a  bill,  that  no  magistrate  shoiri<) 
make  any  observations  on  the  heavens  while  the  people  were  assembled. 


280  fOMPKY. 

to  make  the  dedication  more  magnificent,  exhibited  a  variety  of 
gymnastic  games,  entertainments  of  music,  and  battlea  with  wild 
beasts,  III  which  were  lulled  five  hundred  lion»  ;  but  the  battle  of 
elephantH  afforded  the  most  astonishing  spectacle.'*  These  things 
gained  him  the  love  and  admiration  of  the  public  ;  but  he  incurred 
their  displeasure  again  by  leaving  his  provinces  and  armies  en* 
tirel>  to  his  friends  and  lieutenants,  and  roving  about  Italy  with 
his  wife  from  one  villa  to  another.  The  strong  attachment  of  Julia 
ap{>eared  on  an  election  of  tediles.  'llie  people  came  to  blows, 
and  some  were  killed  so  near  Pompey,  that  he  was  covered  with 
blood,  and  torcedto  change  his  clothes.  There  was  a  great  crowd 
an<>  rumuit  about  his  door,  when  his  servants  went  home  with  tho 
bloody  rube  :  and  Julia,  who  was  with  child,  happened  to  see  it, 
fainted  away,  and  was  with  difficulty  recovered.  However,  such 
was  her  terror  and  ttie  agitation  of  her  spirits,  that  she  miscarried. 
Afler  this,  those  who  complained  most  of  Pompey's  connexion  with 
CflBsar,  could  not  find  fault  with  his  love  of  Julia.  She  was  preg- 
nant aOerwards,  and  brought  him  a  daughter,  but  unfortunately 
died  in  child. bed  ;  nor  did  the  child  long  survive  her. 

Immediately  after  Julia's  death,  the  people  of  Rome  were  in 
great  agitation,  and  there  was  nothing  in  their  speeohes  and  ac- 
tions which  did  not  tend  to  a  rupture.  The  alliance,  which  rather 
covered  than  restrained  the  ambition  of  the  two  (ireat  competitors 
for  power,  was  now  no  more.  To  add  to  the  misfortune,  news 
was  brought  soon  after,  that  Crassus  was  slain  by  the  Parthians ; 
and  in  him  another  great  obstacle  to  a  civil  war  wbh  removed.  Out 
of  fear  of  him,  they  had  both  kept  some  measures  with  each  other. 
But  when  fortune  had  carried  off  the  champion  who  could  take  up 
the  conqueror  we  may  say  with  the  comic  poet, 

High  •pirii  of  empriM 

Folate*  each  chief:  they  oil  their  tMrawny  linabt, 
And  dip  their  linniis  in  dust. 

So  little  able  is  fortune  to  fill  the  capacities  of  the  human  mind, 
when  such  a  weight  of  power,  and  extent  of  command,  could  oot 
satisfy  the  ambition  of  two  men. 

Yet  Pompey,  in  an  address  to  the  people  at  that  time,  told  them— ' 
**  He  had  received  every  commission  they  had  honoured  him  with, 
sooner  than  he  expected  himself;  and  laid  it  down  sooner  than 
was  expected  by  the  world."  And  indeed  the  dismission  of  his 
troops  always  bore  witness  to  the  truth  of  that  assertion.  But  now 
being  persuaded  that  Cu^^ar  would  nut  disband  his  army,  he  en- 
deavoured to  fortify  himself  against  him  by  great  employments  at 
home,  and  this  without  attempting  any  other  innovation.     For  ho 

•  Dio  •nyi,  the  pV-' f-izht  with  armpd  men    Th<*f«  "  ••'-  ••"  l^ntthaneigblMo 

iJilieiii;  and  he  a  t^  of  them  wemed  to  api '  •  imji  ciies,  10  tiM 

t  •>  pip,  who,  in  COM  .tved  their  liven      If  we  i)<.<  >tni,  an  Mtll  had 

ttten  rahpn  before  thi?y  lefi  Africa,  thAtjio  injury  ihoukl  be  ilfwie  thci" 


would  not  appear  to  distrust  him  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  rather  af- 
fected  to  despise  him.  However,  when  he  saw  the  great  offices 
of  state  not  disposed  of  agreeably  to  his  desire,  but  that  the  people, 
were  influenced,  and  his  adversaries*  preferred  for  money,  he 
thought  it  would  best  serve  his  cause  to  sufter  anarchy  to  prevail. 
In  consequence  of  the  reigning  disorders,  a  dictator  was  much 
talked  of.  Luciliius,  ^ne  of  the  tribunes,  was  the  first  who  ven- 
tured  to  propose  it  in  form  to  the  people,  and  he  exhorted  them  to 
choose  Pompey  dictator.  Cato  opposed  it  so  effectually,  that  the 
tribune  was  in  danger  of  being  deposed.  Many  of  Pompey 's 
friends  then  stood  up  in  defence  of  the  purity  of  his  intentions^  apd 
dedared  he  neither  asked  nor  wished  for  the  dictatorship.  Cato 
upon  this  paid  the  highest  compliments  to  Pompey,  and  intreated 
him  to  assist  in  the  support  of  order  and  of  the  constitution.  Pom- 
pey could  not  but  accede  to  such  a  proposal,  and  Domitius  ^nd 
Messala  were  elected  consuls.* 

The  same  anarchy  and  confusion  afterwards  took  place  again, 
and  numbers  began  to  talk  more  boldly  of  setting  up  a  dictator. 
Cato,  now  fearing  he  should  be  overborne,  was  of  opinion  that  it 
was  better  to  give  Pompey  some  office  whose  authority  was  limited 
by  law,  than  to  entrust  him  with  absolute  power.  Bibulus,  though 
Pompey's  declared  enemy,  moved  in  full  senate,  that  he  should  be 
appointed  sole  consul.  "  For  by  that  means,"  said  he,  "  the  com- 
monwealth will  either  recover  from  her  disorder,  or  if  she  must 
serve,  will  serve  a  man  of  the  greatest  merit."  The  whole  house 
was  surprised  at  the  motion  ;  and  when  Cato  rose  up,  it  was  ex- 
pected he  would  oppose  it.  A  profound  silence  ensued,  and  he 
said — "  He  should  never  have  been  the  first  to  propose  such  an  ex- 
pedient, but  as  it  was  proposed  by  another,  he  thought  it  advisable 
to  embrace  it ;  for  he  thought  any  kind  of  government  better  than 
anarchy,  and  knew  no  man  fitter  to  rule  than  Pompey,  in  a  time 
of  so  much  trouble."  The  senate  came  into  his  opinion,  and  a  de- 
cree  was  issued,  that  Pompey  should  be  appointed  sole  consul,  and 
that  if  he  should  have  need  of  a  colleague,  he  might  choose  one 
himself,  provided  it  were  not  before  the  expiration  of  two  months. 

Pompey  then  went  into  the  city  and  married  Cornelia,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Metellus  Scipio.  She  was  a  widow,  having  been  married 
when  very  young  to  Publius,  the  son  of  Crassus,  who  was  latel}! 
killed  in  the  Parthian  expedition.  This  woman  had  many  charms 
beside  her  beauty  :  she  was  well  versed  in  polite  literature ;  she 
played  upon  the  lyre,  and  understood  geometry  ;  and  she  had  made 

*  In  the  vear  of  Rome  700.  Such  corruption  now  prevailed  among  the  Romans, 
that  candidates  for  the  curule  offices  brought  their  money  openly  to  the  place  of  elec- 
tion, where  they  distributed  it,  without  blushing,  among  the  heads  of  factions:  and 
those  who  received  it,  employed  force  and  violence  in  favour  of  those  persons  who 
paid  them  :  so  that  scarce  an  office  was  disposed  of  but  what  had  been  di&piued  wltb 
the  swtmJ,  and  cost  the  lives  of  many  citizens.  '*- 

2y  24* 


282  FQMPEY. 

considerable  improvemenU  by  the  precepts  of  pbilosophy ;  what  ifl 
more,  she  had  nothing  of  that  petulance  and  affectation,  which  mich 
studies  are  apt  to  produce  in  women  of  her  age.  And  her  father's 
family  and  reputation  were  unexceptionable.  He  took  his  father- 
in-law  for  his  colleague  for  the  remaining  five  months.  His  go. 
vemments  were  continued  to  him  for  four  years  more,  and  he  was 
allowed  a  thousand  talents  a  year  for  the  subsistence  and  pay  of 
his  troopsv 

Caesar's  friends  laid  hold  on  this  occasion  to  represent,  that  some 
consideration  should  be  had  of  him,  too,  and  his  many  great  and 
laborious  services  for  his  country.  They  said,  he  certainly  de- 
served  either  another  consulship,  or  to  have  (he  term  of  his  com- 
mission prolonged.  A  dispute  arising  upon  the  affair,  Pompev,  as 
if  inclined  to  fence  agauist  the  odium  to  which  Csesar  might  be  ex- 
posed  by  this  demand,  said,  he  had  letters  from  Coesar,  in  which 
he  declared  himself  willing  to  accept  a  successor,  and  to  give  up 
the  command  in  Gaul,  only  he  thought  it  reasonable  that  he  should 
be  permitted,  though  absent,  to  stand  for  the  consulship.*  Caio  op. 

fiosed  this  with  all  his  force,  and  insisted — "  That  CoDsar  should 
ay  down  his  arms,  and  return  as  a  private  man,  if  he  had  any  fa- 
vour  to  ask  of  his  country."  And  as  Pompey  did  not  lat>our  the 
point,  but  easily  acquiesced,  it  was  suspected  he  had  no  real  friend, 
ship  for  Csesar.  This  appeared  more  clearly,  when  he  sent  for  the 
two  legions  which  he  had  lent  him,  under  pretence  of  wanting  them 
for  the  Parthian  war. 

Afler  this,  Pompey  had  a  dangerous  illness  at  Naples,  of  which, 
however,  he  recovered.  Praxagoras  advised  the  Neapolitans  to 
offer  sacrifices  to  the  gods,  in  gratitude  for  his  recovery.  The 
neighbouring  cities  followed  their  example  ;  and  the  humour 
spreading  itself  over  ItuK,  there  was  not  a  town  or  village  which 
did  not  solemnize  the  occasion  with  festivals.  No  place  could  af. 
ford  room  for  the  crowds  that  came  from  all  quarters  t«»  meet  him : 
the  high  roads,  the  villages,  t>te  ports  were  filled  with  sacrifices 
and  entertainments.  Many  receivt^d  htm  with  garlands  on  their 
heads  and  torches  in  their  hands,  and,  as  ihey  conducted  him  on 
his  way,  strewed  it  with  flowers.  His  returning  with  such  pomp 
afforded  a  glorious  spectacle;  but  it  is  said  to  have  been  one  of 
4he  principal  causes  of  the  civil  war.  For  the  joy  he  conceived  on 
this  occasion,  added  to  the  high  opinion  he  had  i>f  his  achievements, 
intoxicated  him  so  far,  that,  bidding  adieu  to  the  caution  and  pni. 
dence  which  had  put  his  good  fortune  and  the  glory  of  his  actions 
upon  a  sure  footing,  he  gave  in  to  the  most  extravagant  presump. 
tion,  and  even  contempt  of  Cssar,  insomuch  thai  ho  declared — 

•  Thaw  wt«  a  law  against  any  at)««ni  peraon't  beinf  adimited  a  candidate:  but 
Ftanpav  had  added  a  claute.  which  empowered  the  people  to  except  my  man  hf 

ftotn  nenonal  att^nrianre. 


POMPEY*  '  283 

"He  had  no  need  of  arms,  or  any  extraordinary  preparations  against 
him,  since  he  could  pull  him  down  with -much  more  ease  than  he 
hid  set  him  up." 

Mean  titne  Caesar  was  exerting  himself  greatly  :  he  wasnow  at 
no  great  distance  from  Italy,  and  not  only  sent  his  soldiers  to  vote 
in  the  elections,  but,  by  private  pecuniary  applications,  corrupted 
many  of  the  magistrates.  It  is  said,  that  when  one  of  Ca3sar's  offi- 
cers, who  stood  before  the  senate  house,  waiting  the  issue  of  the 
debates,  was  informed,  that  they  would  not  give  Caesar  a  longer 
term  in  his  command,  he  laid  his  hand  upon  his  sword  and  said-*- 
"  But  this  shall  give  it." 

Indeed,  all  the  actions  and  preparations  of  his  general  tended 
that  way  :  though  Curio's  demands  in  behalf  oJT  Caesar  seemed  more 
plausible.*  He  proposed,  that  either  Pompey  should  likewise  be 
obliged  to  dismiss  his  forces,  or  Caesar  suffered  to  keep  his.  "  If 
they  are  both  reduced  to  a  private  station,"  said  he,  "  they  will 
agree  upon  reasonable  terms :  or,  if  each  retains  his  power,  they 
will  be  satisfied.  But  he  who  weakens  the  one,  without  doing  the 
same  by  the  other,  must  double  that  force  which  he  fears  will  sub. 
vert  the  government."*  Hereupon,  Marcelliis  the  consul  called 
Caesar  a  public  robber,  and  insisted,  that  he  should  be  declared  an 
enemy  to  the  state,  if  he  did  not  lay  down  his  arms.  However,  Cu- 
rio, together  with  Antony  and  Piso,  prevailed  that  a  farther  inquiry 
should  be  made  into  the  sense  of  the  senate.  He  first  proposed, 
that  such  as  were  of  opinion — "  That  Caesar  should  disband  his 
army,  and  Pompey  keep  his,"  should  draw  to  one  side  of  the  house, 
and  there  appeared  a  majority  for  that  motion.  Then  he  proposed^ 
that  the  number  of  those  should  be  taken,  whose  sense  it  was, 
"  That  both  should  lay  down  their  arms,  and  neither  remain  in 
command  ;"  upon  which  question  Pompey  had  only  twenty-two, 
and  Curio  all  the  rest.  Curio,  proud  of  his  victory,  ran  in  trans- 
ports of  joy  to  the  assembly  of  the  people,  who  received  him  with 
the  loudest  plaudits,  and  crowned  him  with  flowers.  Pompey  was 
not  present  at  the  debate  in  the  house  ;  for  the  commander  of  an 
army  is  not  alk)wed  to  enter  the  city.  But  Marcellus  rose  up  and 
said — "  I  will  no  longer  sit  to  hear  the  matter  canvassed  :  but,  aS 
I  see  ten  legions  have  already  passed  the  Alps,  I  will  send  a  ,man 
to  oppose  them  in  behalf  of  my  country." 

Upon  this,  the  city  went  into  mourning,  as  in  a  time  of  pubhc  ca- 
lamity. Marcellus  walked  through  the  forum,  followed  by  the  se- 
nate, and  when  he  was  in  sight  of  Pompey  without  the  gate,  he 
said — "  Pomoey,  I  charge  you  to  assist  your  country ;  for  which 
purpose  you  shall  make  use  of  the  troops  you  have,  and  levy  what 
new  ones  you  please.     Lentulus,  one  of  the  consuls  elect  for  the 

*  Cornelius  Scipio,  one  of  Pompev's  friends,  remonstraiecf,  that,  in  the  present  case, 
a  great  difterence  was  to  be  made  between  the  proconsul  of  Spain  and  the  proconsul 
of  Gau).  since  the  terip  of  the  former  was  not  expired,  whereas  that  of  the  latter  was. 


2^  poMPiir. 

next  year,  said  the  same.  But  when  Pompey  came  to  make  the 
new  levies,  some  absolutely  refused  to  enlist ;  others  gave  in  their 
names  in  small  numbers  and  with  no  spirit :  and  the  greatest  part 
cried  out — *^A  peace!  A  peace!  For  Antony,  notwithstanding  the 
iojiinctions  of  the  senate  to  the  contrary,  had  read  a  letter  of  C»- 
92ir*H  to  the  people,  well  calculated  to  gain  them.  He  proposed, 
that  both  Pompey  and  he  should  resign  their  governments  and  dis* 
miss  their  forces,  and  then  come  and  give  an  account  of  their  con« 
duct  to  the  people. 

At  the  same  time  news  was  brought,  that  Csesar  had  seized  Ar- 
menium,  a  considerable  city  in  Italy,  and  that  he  was  marcbmgdi- 
rectly  towards  Rome  with  all  his  forces.  Upon  the  first  report  of 
this  at  Rome,  the  city  was  in  greater  disorder  and  astonishment 
than  had  ever  been  known.  Cato  then  advised  that  Pompey  should 
not  only  be  appointed  general,  but  invested  whh  a  discretionary 
power,  adding,  "that  those  who  were  the  authors  of  great  evib, 
knew  best  how  to  cure  them."  So  saying,  he  set  out  for  bis  pro- 
vince  of  Sicily,  and  the  other  great  officers  departed  for  theirs. 

Almost  all  Italy  was  now  in  motion,  and  nothing  could  be  more 
perplexed  than  the  whole  face  of  things.  The  terrors  of  the  peo- 
ple could  not  be  removed,  and  no  one  would  Hufler  Pompey  to  lay 
a  plan  of  action  for  himself.  According  to  the  passion  wherewith 
each  was  actuated,  whether  fear,  sorr<»w,  or  doubt,  they  endeavour, 
cd  to  inspire  him  with  the  same,  insumuch  that  he  adopted  difierent 
measures  the  same  day.  He  could  gain  no  certain  intelligence  of 
the  enemy^s  motions,  because  every  man  brought  him  the  report  he 
happened  to  take  up,  and  was  angry  if  it  did  not  meet  with  credit. 
Pompoy  at  last  caused  it  to  be  declared,  by  an  edict  in  form,  that 
the  commonwealth  was  in  danger,  and  no  peace  to  be  expected. 
After  which  he  signified  that  he  should  look  upon  those  who  re. 
maiiicd  in  the  city  as  partisans  of  Csesar,  and  then  quitted  it  in  the 
dusk  of  the  evening.  The  consuls  also  fled,  without  oITenng  the 
sacrifices  which  their  customs  required,  before  a  war.  However, 
in  this  great  extremity,  Pompey  could  not  but  be  considered  as 
happy  in  the  affections  of  his  countr>men.  Though  many  blamed 
the  war,  there  was  not  a  man  who  hated  the  general.  Nay,  the 
number  of  those  who  followed  him  out  of  attachment  to  his  person, 
vas  greater  than  that  of  the  adventurers  in  the  cause  of  liberty. 

A  few  days  afler,  Caesar  arrived  at  Rome.  When  he  was  in  pos. 
session  of  the  city,  he  behaved  with  great  moderation  in  many  re- 
spects, and  composed,  in  a  go«»d  measure,  the  minds  of  its  romain> 
ing  inhabitants.  Having  taken  what  sums  he  wanted  out  of  the 
public  treasury,  he  went  in  pursuit  of  Pompey,  hastening  to  drive 
him  out  of  Italy  before  his  forces  could  arrive  fr«>in  Spain.  Pom. 
pey,  who  was  master  in  Brundusium,  and  had  a  sufficif*nt  number 
of  transports,  desired  tho  consuls  to  embark  without  loss  of  time, 


POMPEY.  285 

and  sent  them  before  him  with  thirty  cohorts  to  Dyrrhachium.  At 
the  same  time  he  sent  his  father-m-law  Scipio,  and  his  son  Chneus, 
imo  Syria,  to  provide  ships  of  war.  He  had  well  secured  the  gates 
of  the  city,  and  planted  the  lightest  of  his  slingers  and  archers  upon 
the  walls  ;  and  having  now  ordered  the  Brundusians  to  keep  within 
doors,  he  caused  a  number  of  trenches  to  be  cut,  and  sharp  stakes 
to  be  driven  into  them,  and  then  covered  with -earth,  in  all  the 
streets,  except  two  which  led  down  to  the  sea.  In  three  days  all 
his  other  troops  were  embarked  without  interruption,  and  then  he 
suddenly  gave  the  signal  to  those  who  guarded  the  walls ;  in  con- 
sequence of  which,  they  ran  swiftly  down  to  the  harbour,  and  got 
on  board.  Thus  having  his  whole  complement,  he  set  sail,  and 
crossed  the  sea  to  Dyrrhachium.  This  manoeuvre  of  Pompey  was 
commonly  reckoned  among  the  greatest  acts  of  generalship.  Cae- 
sar, however  could  not  help  wondering,  thai  his  adversary,  who  was 
in  possession  of  a  fortified  town,  and  expected  his  forces  from  Spain, 
and  at  the  same  time  was  master  of  the  sea,  should  give  up  Italy  in 
such  a  manner. 

CsBsar  having  thus  made  himself  master  of  all  Italy  in  sixty  days 
without  the  least  bloodshed,  marched  to  Spain  with  an  inten)  to 
gain  the  forces  there.  In  the  mean  time  Pompey  assembled  a  great 
army,  and  at  sea  he  was  altogether  invincible.  For  he  had  five 
hundred  ships  of  war,  and  the  number  of  his  lighter  vessels  was 
still  greater.  As  for  his  land  forces,  he  had  seven  thousand  horse, 
the  flower  of  Rome  and  Italy,*  all  men  of  family,  fortune,  and  cou- 
rage. His  infantry,  though  numerous,  was  a  mixture  of  raw,  un- 
disciplined soldiers :  he  therefore  exercised  them  during  his  stay 
at  Beroea,  where  he  was  by  no  means  idle,  but  went  through  all 
the  exercises  of  a  soldier,  as  if  he  had  been  in  the  flower  of  his 
age.  It  inspired  his  troops  with  new  courage,  when  they  saw  Pom- 
pey the  Great,  at  the  age  of  fifty^eight,  going  through  the  whole 
military  discipline,  in  heavy  armour,  on  foot ;  and  then  mounting 
his  horse,  drawing  his  sword  with  ease  when  at  full  speed,  and  as 
dexterously  sheathing  it  again.  As  to  the  javelin,  he  threw  it  not 
only  wiili  great  exactness,  but  with  such  force  that  few  of  the  young 
men  could  dart  it  at  a  greater  distance. 

Many  kings  and  princes  repaired  to  his  camp,  and  the  number 
of  Roman  officers  who  had  commanded  armies  was  so  great,  that 
it  was  sufficient  to  make  up  a  complete  senate.     Labienus,j-  who 

*  Caesar,  on  the  contrary,  says,  that  this  bodv  of  horse  was  almost  entirely  com- 
posed of  strangers: — "  Tt  ere  were  six  hund^red  Galatians,  five  hunrired  Cappado- 
cians,  as  manv  Thracians.  two  hundred  Macedonians,  five  hundred  Gauls  or  Ger- 
mans, eight  hundred  raised  out  of  his  own  et^taies,  or  out  of  his  own  retinue  ;^^  and  so 
of  the  rest,  whom  he  particularly  mentions,  and  tells  us  to  what  countries  they  be- 
longed 

f  It  seemed  very  strane,e,  saysDio,  that  Labienus  should  abandon  Caesar,  who  had 
loaded  him  with  honours,  and  given  him  the  command  of  all  the  forces  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Alps,  while  he  was  at  Rome  But  he  ^ives  this  reason  for  it : — •••  Labienus, 
elated  with  his  immense  wealth,  and  proud  of  his  preferments,  forgot  himself  to  sucti 


o^  lUVIFKV 

had  been  honournd  with  Csesar*^  friendship,  and  served  under  itim 
io  Gaul,  now  joined  Pompev .  Even  Brutus,  the  snn  of  that  Brutus 
who  was  killed  by  him,  not  very  fairly,  in  the  Cisalpine  Gaul,*  a 
tnan  of  spirit,  who  had  never  spoken  to  Pompey  before,  because  he 
considered  him  »s  the  murderer  of  his  father,  now  ranged  himself 
nnder  his  banners,  as  the  defender  ot  the  liberties  of  his  country. 
Cicero  too,  though  he  had  written  and  advised  otherwise,  was 
ashamed  not  to  appear  in  the  number  of  those  who  hazarded  their 
lives  for  Rome. 

After  Pompey  had  assembled  his  senate,  and  at  the  motion  of 
Cato,  a  decree  was  made,  *'  that  no  Roman  should  be  killed,  except 
in  battle,  Tior  any  city  that  was  subject  to  the  Romans  be  plun* 
dered.".  Pompey's  party  gained  ground  daily.  Those  who  lived 
at  too  great  a  distance,  or  were  too  weak  to  take  a  share  m  the 
war,  interested  themselves  in  the  cause  as  much  as  they  were  able, 
and,  with  words  at  least,  contended  for  it,  looking  upon  those  at 
enemies  both  to  the  gods  and  men,  who  did  not  wish  that  Pompey 
might  conquer. 

Not  but  that  Caesar  made  a  merciful  use  of  his  victories.  He 
nad  lately  made  himself  insister  of  Pompey's  forces  in  Spain,  and 
though  it  was  not  without  a  battle,  he  dismissed  the  officers,  and 
incorporated  the  Iroopa  with  his  own.  After  this,  he  passed  the 
Alps  again,  and  marched  through  Italy  to  Brundusium,  where  he 
arrived  at  the  time  of  the  winter  solstice.  There  he  crossed  the 
sea,  and  landed  at  Oricum  :  from  whence  he  despatched  Vibulliu8,f 
one  of  Pompey's  friends,  whom  he  had  brought  prisoner  thither, 
with  proposals  of  a  conference  between  him  and  Pompey,  •*  In 
which  they  should  agree  to  disband  their  armies  within  three  dayt, 
renew  their  friendship,  confirm  it  with  solemn  oaths,  and  then  both 
return  to  Italy." 

Pompey  took  this  overture  for  another  snare,  ond  therefore  drew 
down  in  haste  to  the  sea,  and  secured  all  the  forts  and  places  of 
strength  for  land  forces,  as  well  as  all  the  ports  and  other  commo. 
dious  stations  for  shipping  ;  so  that  there  was  not  a  wind  that  blew, 
which  did  not  bring- him  either  provisions,  or  troops,  or  money. 

a  degree,  as  to  asfuixe  a  character  verv  uiihecoming  a  p«r«on  in  his  ciroumstanocti 
He  wan  even  for  putting  hinisell  upon  nn  equality  with  Cctar,  who  ih«reupoa  grew 
cnoi  lowardH  hini,  and  treated  him  with  tonie  reserve,  which  Labienus  reaeoieM,  and 
went  over  lo  Pontuey." 

•  The  former  RngliHh  irannlator  renders  this  Oalatia.  He  ought  !•  hare  renieiB« 
bered.  that  this  Bruiun  wmw  killed  by  (temmuit.  in  a  viliafe  n«ar  tite  Po.  tn  Pompey*! 
order,  afier  he  had  accepten  his  8iihn)ission.  if  not  promised  him  his  life,  t* lie  aUthort 
of  the  UiDvercal  Histnrv  have  copied  the  error. 

f  In  ih«*  printed  text  k  \*  Juhiu$ ;  mm  one  of  the  nianuscriptt  gives  Oi  FTfriUttw. 
which  Is  ih«  name  lie  had  in  Qcjar's  Com  lit),  iii.  Vihulliuf  Rufue  travelled  Bifitt  and 
(lay,  wiitioiil  allowing  hiiimeil  any  rent,  nil  he  renolted  Ponip»v*B  camp,  who  had  not 
y«t  received  advice  of  <'Bi«r*s  arrival,  but  was  nn  toooer  mformed  of  ine  takinf  of 
Ortcuin  and  Spollonte,  than  he  iminadiatety  decamped,  and  by  long  matcnaa  raacfcad 
Orteiim  before  Cnsar. 


POMPEY. 


287 


On  the  other  hand,  Caesar  was  reduced  to  such  straits,  both  by  sea 
and  land,  that  he  was  under  the  necessity  of  seeking  a  battle. 
Accordingly,  he  attacked  Pompey's  intrenchments,  and  barie  him 
defiance  daily.  In  most  of  these  attacks  and  skirmishes  iie  had 
the  advantage ;  but  one  day  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  whole 
array.  Pompey  fought  with  so  much  valour,  that  he  put  Caesar's 
whole  detachment  to  flight,  after  having  killed  two  thousand  of 
them  upon  the  spot ;  but  was  either  unable  or  afraid  to  pursiie  his 
blow,  and  enter  the  camp-  with  them.  CaBsar  sdid  to  his  friends  on 
the  occasion — "  This  day  the  victory  had  been  the  enemy's  had 
their  general  known  how  to  conquer."* 

After  this  last  engagement,  Caesar  was  in  such  want  of  provi- 
sions, that  he  was  torced  lo  decamp,  and  he  took  his  way  through 
Athamania  lo  Thessaly.  This  added  so  much  to  the  high  opinion 
Pompey's  soldiers  had  of  themselves,  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep 
it  within  bounds.  They  cried  out  wirh  one  voice — "  Caesar  is  fled." 
Some  called  upon  their  general  to  pursue:  some,  to  pass  over  to 
Italy.  Others  sent  their  friends  and  servants  to  Rome,  to  engage 
houses  near  the  forum,  for  the  convenience  of  soliciting  the  great 
offices  of  the  state.  And  not  a  few  went  of  their  own  accord  to 
Cornelia,  who  had  been  privately  lodged  in  Lesbos,  to  congratulate 
her  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  war. 

On  this  great  emergency,  a  council  of  war  was  called,  in  which 
Afranius  gave  it  as  his  opinion — "  That  they  ought  immediately  to 
regain  Italy,  for  that  was  the  great  prize  aimed  at  in  the  war. 
Sicily,  Sardinia,  Corsica,  Spain,  and  both  the  Gauls,  would  soon 
submit  to  those  who  were  masters  there.  What  should  affect  Pom 
pey  still  more  was,  that  his  native  country  just  by,  stretched  out  her 
hands  to  him  as  a  suppliant :  and  it  could  not  be  consistent  with 
his  honour  to  let  her  remain  under  such  indignities,  and  in  so  dis- 
graceful a  vassalage  to  the  slaves  and  flatterers  of  tyrants."  But 
Pompey  thought  it  would  neither  be  for  his  reputation  to  fly  a 
second  time  from  Caesar,  aad  again  to  be  pursued,  when  fortune 
put  it  in  his  power  to  pursue  ;  nor  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  piety, 
to  leave  his  father-in-law,  Scipio,  and  many  other  persons  of  con- 
sular dignity,  in  Greece  and  Thessaly,  a  prey  to  Caesar,  with  all 
their  treasures  and  forces.  As  for  Rome,  he  should  take  the  best 
care  of  her,  by  fixing  the  scene  of  war  at  the  greatest  distance 
from  her;  that,  without  feeling  its  calamities,  or  perhaps  hearing 
the  report  of  them,  she  might  quietly  wait  for  the  conqueror. 

This  opinion  prevailing,  he  set  out  in  pursuit  of  Caesar,  with  a 
resolution  not  to  hazard  a  battle,  but  to  keep  near  enough  to  hold 
him  as  it  wei*e,  besieged,  and  to  wear  him  out  with  famine.  This 
he  thought  the  best  method  he  could  take  ;  and  a  report  was  more- 
over brought  him,  of  its  being  whispered  among  the  equestrian 
order—"  That  as  soon  as  they  had  taken  nil  Caesar,  they  could  do 


K)MI»Ky. 

nothing  better  than  take  off  him  too."  Some  say,  thi^  was  tiie 
reason  why  he  did  not  emplov  Cato  m  any  service  of  importance, 
but  upon  his  march  agamst  Cssar,  sent  him  to  the  sea-coa«i,  to 
take  care  of  the  baggage,  lest,  alter  he  had  destroyed  Cesar,  Cato 
would  soon  oblige  hini  to  la\  down  his  commission. 

While  be  ttiu^  solUy  followed  the  enemy's  -steps,  a  complaint 
was  raised  against  hiai,  and  urged  with  much  clamour,  that  he  was 
not  exercising  his  generalship  upon  CsBsar,  but  upon  the  senate 
and  the  whole  coinmouwealth,  in  order  that  he  might  for  ever  keep 
the  command  in  his  hands,  and  have  t||}ose  for  hn  guards  and  ser- 
vants, who  had  a  right  to  govern  the  world.  Domains  iCnobarbus 
always  called  him  Agamemnon,  or  king  of  kings.  Favonius  pit.ued 
him  no  less  wiih  a  jeAt,  than  others  by  their  unreasonable  severity  ; 
he  went  about  crying,  *'  My  friends,  we  shall  eat  no  figs  in  Tuscu- 
lum  this  year."  And  Lucius  Afrunius,  who  lost  the  forces  in  Spain, 
and  was  accused  of  having  betrayed  them  into  the  enemy's  hand, 
now  when  he  saw  Pompe)  avoid  a  battle,  said,  *'  He  was  surprised 
that  his  accuser  should  make  any  difficulty  of  fighting  lhat  mer< 
chant  (as  they  called  him,)  who  trafficked  for  provinces.^' 

These,  and  many  other  like  sallies  ot  ridicule,  had  such  an  eflect 
upon  Pompey,  who  was  ambitious  of  being  spoken  well  of  by  the 
world,  and  had  too  much  deference  for  the  opinions  of  his  friends, 
that  he  gave  up  his  own  better  judgment,  to  follow  them  in  ihe 
career  of  their  false  hopes  and  prospects.  This  would  have  been 
unpardonable  in  the  pilot  or  master  of  a  ship,  much  more  in  ihe 
commander  in  chief  of  so  many  nations,  and  such  numerous  armies* 
He  had  oflen  commended  the  physician  who  gives  no  indulgence 
to  the  whimsical  longings  of  his  patientN,  aiid\vet  he  humoured  the 
sickly  cravings  of  his  army,  and  was  afraid  to  give  them  pain, 
though  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  their  life  and  being.  For 
who  can  say  that  army  was  in  a  sound  and  healthy  state,  when 
some  of  the  officers  went  about  the  camp,  canvassing  for  the 
offices  of  consul  and  prsetor;  and  others,  namely,  Spinther,  Domi- 
tins,  and  Scipio,  were  engaged  in  quarrels  and  cabals,  about  Caesar's 
high  priesthood,  as  if  iheir  adversary  had  been  only  a  Tigranes,  a 
king  of  Armenia,  or  a  prince  of  the  Nabathseans  ;  and  not  that  Cesar 
and  that  army,  who  had  stormed  a  thousand  cities,  subdued  above 
three  hundred  nations,  gained  numberless  battles  of  the  Germans 
and  Gauls,  taken  a  million  of  prisoners,  and  killed  as  many  fairly  in 
the  field  ?  Notwithstanding  all  this,  they  continued  loud  and  luroul- 
tuous  in  their  demands  of  a  battle,  and  when  they  came  to  the  plains 
of  Pharsalia,  forced  Pompey  to  call  a  council  of  war.  Labieous, 
who  had  the  command  of  the  cavalry,  rose  up  first  and  took  an 
oath,  **  That  he  would  not  return  from  the  battle,  till  he  had  put 
the  enemy  to  flight."     All  the  other  officers  swore  the  same. 

Cesar  was  preparing,  at   break  of  day,  to  march  to  Scotu* 


POMPEY.  28D 

sa;*  his  soldiers  were  striking  their  tents,  and  the  servants  and  beasts 
of  burden  were  already  in  motion,  when  his  scouts  brought  intelH- 
geiice,  tnat  they  had  seen  arms  handed  about  in  the  enemy's  camp, 
and  perceived  a  noise  and  bustle  which  indicated  an  approaching 
battle.  After  these,  others  came  and  assured  him,  that  the  hrst 
ranks  were  drawn  up.  Upon  this  CaBsar  said,  "  The  long.desired 
day  is  come,  on  which  we  shall  fight  with  men,  and  not  with  want 
and  famine."  Pompey  placed  himself  in  his  ri^ht  wing,  over 
against  \ntony,  and  his  father-in-law,  Scipio,  in  the  centre,  oppo- 
site Domitius  Calvinus.  Hi's  left  wing  was  commanded  by  Lucius 
Domiiius.  and  supported  by  the  cavalry  ;  for  they  were  almost  all 
ranged  on  that  side,  in  order  to  break  in  upon  Caesar,  arid  cut  off 
the  tQnth  legion,  which  was  accounted  the  bravest  in  his  army,  and 
in  which  he  used  to  fight  m  person. 

Pompey  having  taken  a  view  of  the  order  of  both  armies,  and 
finding  that  the  enemy  kept  their  ranks  with  the  utmost  exactness, 
and  quietly  waited  for  the  signal  of  battle,  while  his  own  men,  for 
want  of  experience,  were  fluctuating  and  unsteady,  he  was  afraid 
they  Would  be  broken  on  rhe  first  onset.  He  therefore  commanned 
the  vanguard  to  stand  firm  in  their  ranks,f  and  in  that  close  order 
to  receive  the  enemy's  charge.  Caesar  condemned  this  measure, 
as  not  only  tending  to  lessen  the  vigour  of  the  blows,  which  is 
always  greatest  in  the  assailants,  but  also  to  damp  the  fire  and 
spirit  of  the  men,  whereas  those  who  advance  with  impetuosity, 
and  animate  each  other  with  shouts,  are  filled  with  an  enthusiastic 
valour  and  superior  ardour. 

Caesar's  army  consisted  of  twenty-two  thousand  men,  and  Pom- 
pey's  was  something  more  than  twice  that  number.  When  the 
signal  was  given  on  both  sides,  and  the  trumpets  sounded  a  charge, 
each  common  man  attended  only  to  his  own  concern.  But  some 
of  the  principal  Romans  and  Greeks,  who  only  stood  and  looked 
on,  when  (he  dreadful  moment  of  action  approached,  could  not  help 
considering  to  what  the  avarice  and  ambition  of  two  men  had 
brought  the  Roman  empire.  The  same  arms  on  both  sides,  the 
troops  marshalled  in  the  same  manner,  the  same  standards ;  in 
short,  the  strength  and  flower  of  one  and  the  same  city  turned  upon 
itself!  What  could  be  a  stronger  proof  of  the  blindness  and  infatu- 
ation of  human  nature,  when  carried  away  by  its  passions  ?  Had 
they  been  willing  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  labours  m  peace  and 
tranquility,  the  greatest  and  best  part  of  the  world  was  their  own. 
Or,  if  they  must  have  indulged  their  thirst  of  victories  and  triumphs, 

*  Scotusa  was  a  citv  of  Thessaly.  (Caesar  was  persuaded  that  Pompey  would  not 
come  to  nctioii,  and  therefore  chose  to  march  in  search  of  provisions,  as  well  as  to 
harass  the  enemy  with  frequent  movements,  and  to  watch  bis  opportunity,  in  some  of 
those  movements,  to  fill  upon  them. 

f  Vide  C<BS.  ubi  supra.     This,  however,  must  be  said  in  excuse  for  Porapcy,  th«i 
generals  of  experience  have  sometimes  done  as  be  drd. 
go  2S' 


.*290  POMF£r. 

the  Parthians  and  Germans  were  yet  to  be  subdued  ;  Scj'thia  and 
India  yet  remained  ;  together  wiib  a  vers  plausible  coU»ur  for  their 
lust  of  new  acquimtKins,  the  pretence  of  civilizih^j^  barbarians. 

The  plum  of  Pharsulia  was  now  Ci>vered  wiih  men,  and  horaes, 
and  arms ;  and  ttie  signal  of  battle  being  given  on  both  Hides,  tbo 
iirsi  on  Cassur's  side  who  advanced  (o  the  charge,  was  Caius 
Crustinus,  who  coiumanded  a  corps  of  a  hundred  an<i  twenty  men. 
Man>  followed  to  support  hini.  They  ho^hi  took  to  their  swords, 
and  ntimbers  were  slain;  but  as  Crasunus  wus  making  his  way 
forward,  and  cutting  down  all  beiore  him,  one  of  Pompe>'s  men 
stood  to  receive  him,  and  pushed  hiH  sword  in  at  his  moudi  wiUi 
sucn  force  that  it  went  through  his  neck.  Crastmus  thus  killed, 
the  tight  was  maintained  with  equal  advantage  on  both  side^ 

Pompey  did  not  immediately  bring  on  his  right  wing,  but  oi\en 
directed  his  eyes  to  the  left,  and  lost  time  in  waiting  to  see  what 
execution  his  cavalry  would  do  there.  Meanwhile  they  extended 
their  squadrons  to  surround  Caesar,  and  prepared  to  drive  the  few 
horse  he  had  placed  in  front,  back  upon  the  foot.  At  that  instant 
Caesar  gave  the  signal,  upon  which  his  cavalry  retreated  a  little ; 
and  the  six  cohorts,  which  consisted  of  three  thousand  men,  and 
had  been  placed  behind  the  tenth  legion,  advanced  to  surround 
Pompey's  cavalry,  who  fled  back  with  great  dishonour.  Caesar's 
jmen  took  no  care  to  pursue  them,  but  turned  their  force  upon  the 
enemy's  infantry,  particularly  to  that  wing  which,  now  stripped 
of  'ts  horse,  lay  open  to  the  attack  on  all  sides.  The  six  cohorts, 
therefore,  took  them  in  flank,  while  the  tenth  legion  charged  them 
in  front :  and  they,  who  had  hoped  to  surround  the  enemy,  and  now 
■aw  themselves  surrounded,  made  but  a  short  resistance,  and  then 
took  to  a  precipitate  flight. 

By  the  great  dust  that  was  raised,  Pompe\  conjectured  the  fate 
of  his  cavalry,  and  it  is  hard  to  say  what  passed  in  his  mind  at  that 
moment.  He  appeared  like  a  man  moon. struck  and  distracted, 
and  without  considering  that  he  was  Pompey  the  Great,  or  speak- 
ing to  any  one,  he  quitted  the  ranks,  and  retired  step  by  step  to- 
wards his  camp. 

Having  entered  his  tent,  he  sat  down,  and  uttered  not  a  word, 
till  at  last,  up<m  finding  that  some  of  the  enemy  entered  the  cam(i 
with  the  fugitives,  he  said,  "  What !  into  my  camp  too !"  After  this 
short  exclamation,  he  rose  up,  and  dressing  himself  in  a  manner 
suitable  to  his  fortune,  privately  withdrew.^    All  the  other  legions 

•  CmuLT  inlU  ui,  that  the  c<ihorti  appointed  to  definid  the  camp  ihade  a  vigoroof 
raaiitance  :  but  being  at  length  nverpnwered,  fled  to  a  neighbouring  mountain,  wheni 
ha  raenlved  to  iovem  'hem.  But  before  he  had  finiahoit  hie  i<ne».  want  at  water 
oMifed  them  to  Hhannon  th^t  pu«t,  aod  retire  toward*  l^anMi  f  eear  pursued  the 
fucitivre  at  'he  head  of  fom  k^Nio*.  (n«>i  of  ihe  fourth  lef  mn,  a«  the  authors  of  the 
UfiiverMi  History  erroneontlv  i^v.)  and  after  six  nillee  march  came  up  with  them. 
Bui  the\  not  daring  io  engage  iroons  flusiied  with  eieiorv.  fled  tor  reAige  to  a  higl  hill, 
the  foot  of  which  was  watered  by  a  iiule  rrrer.   Thomh  Omsi's  men  were  quite  spent. 


rOMPEY  291 

fled,  and  a  great  slaughter  was  made  in  the  camp,  of  the  servants 
and  others  who  had  the  care  of  the  tents.  But  Asinius  Polho,  who 
then  fought  on  Caesar's  side,  assures  us,  that  of  the  regular  troops 
there  were  not  above  six  thousand  men  liilled.*         * 

Upon  the  taking  of  the  camp,  there  was  a  spectacle  which  showed 
in  strong  colours  the  vanity  and  folly  of  Pompey's  troops.  All  the 
tents  were  crowned  with  myrtle ;  the  beds  strewed  with  flowers ; 
the  tables  covered  with  cups  and  bowis  of  wine  set  out.  In  short, 
every  thing  had  the  appearance  of  preparations  for  feasts  and  sacri- 
6ces,  rather  than  for  men  going  out  to  battle.  To  such  a  degree 
had  their  vain  hopes  corrupted  them,  and  with  such  a  senseless 
confidence  they  took  tke  field  ! 

When  Pompey  had  got  a  little  distance  from  the  camp,  he  quit, 
ted  his  horse :  he  had  very  few  people  about  him ;  and,  as  he 
saw  he  was  not  pursued,  he  went  softly  on,  wrapt  up  in  such 
thoughts  as  we  may  suppose  a  man  to  have,  who  had  been  used  for 
thirty-four  years  to  conquer  and  carry  all  before  him,  and  noiw  in 
his  old  age  first  came  to  know  what  it  was  to  be  defeated  and  to 
fly.  We  may  easily  conjecture  what  his  thought  must  be,  when  in 
one  short  hour  he  had  lost  the  glory  and  the  power  which  had 
been  growing  up  amidst  so  many  wars  and  conflicts  ;  and  he  who 
was  lately  guarded  with  such  armies  of  horse  and  foot,  and  such 
great  and  powerful  fleets,  was  reduced  to  so  mean  and  contemp- 
tible an  equipage,  that  his  enemies,  who  were  in  search  of  him, 
could  not  know  him. 

He  passed  by  Larissa  and  came  to  Tempe,  where,  burning  with 
thirst,  he  threw  himself  upon  his  face  and  drank  out  of  the  river; 
after  which,  he  passed  through  the  valley,  and  went  down  to  the 
sea-coast.  There  he  spent  the  remainder  of  the  night  in  a  poor 
fisherman's  cabin.  Next  morning,  about  break  of  day,  he  went  on 
board  a  small  river-boat,  taking  with  him  such  of  his  company  as 
were  freetnen.  The  slaves  he  dismissed,  bidding  them  go  to 
Csesar,  and  fear  nothing. 

As  he  was  coasting  along,  he  saw  a  ship  of  burden  just  ready  to 
sail,  the  master  of  which  was  Peticius,  a  Roihan  citizen,  who, 
though  not  acquainted  with  Pompey,  knew  him  by  sight.  It  hap- 
pened,  that  this  man  the  night  before,  dreamed  that  he  saw  Pom- 
pey come  and  talk  to  him,  not  in  the  figure  he  had  formerly  known 
him,  but  in  mean  and  melancholy  circumstances.  He  was  giving 
the  passengers  an  account  df  his  dream,  as  persons  who  have  a 

and  ready  to  faint  with  the  excessive  heat  and  the  fatigue  of  the  whole  day  vet,  by 
hisQbhging  inanner,  he  prevailed  upon  them  to  cut  off  the  conveniency  of  the  «^-ater 
from  the  enemy  by  a  trench.  Hereupon  the  unfonnnate  fugitives  came  to  a  capitula- 
tion, threw  down  their  arms,  and  implored  the  clemeiicv  of  the  conqueror.  This  they 
all  did,  except  some  senators,  who,  as  it  was  now  night  escapen  in  the  dark.  Vide 
Cm.  Bell  Civil,  liv.  iii.  c  80. 

»  Caesar  says,  that  in  all  there  were  fifteen  thousand  killed,  and  twenty-ftwr  thou- 
sand taken  prisoners. 


9it  POMPEY. 

great  deal  of  time  upon  thoir  hands,  love  to  discourse  about  sucfi 
matters,  when  on  a  sudden  one  of  the  manners  told  him  he  saw  a 
little  boat  rowmg  from  the  land,  and  the  crew  making  signs,  by  sha- 
king their  garments  and  stretching  out  their  hands.  Upon  this, 
Peticious  stood  up,  and  could  distinguish  Pompey  umotig  ihem,  in 
the  same  form  as  he  bad  seen  him  in  his  dream.  Then  boHiiiig  hi3 
bend  tor  sorrow,  he  ordered  the  seamen  to  let  do>*n  ih^^  stiip's  boat, 
and  held  out  his  irdnd  to  Pompey  to  invite  bim  on  board  :  tor  by 
his  dress  he  perceived  his  change  of  fortune.  Therefore  without 
waiting  for  any  farther  application,  he  took  him  up,  and  such  of  his 
companions  as  he  thought  proper,  and  then  hoisted  sail.  The  per- 
sons Pompey  took  with  him  were  the  two  Lentuli  and  Favonius ; 
and  H  little  after  they  saw  King  Deiotarus  beckoning  to  them  with 
great  earnestness  from  the  shore,  and  took  him  up  likewise.  The 
master  of  the  ship  provided  them  the  best  supper  he  courd,  and  when 
it  was  almost  ready,  Pompey,  for  want  of  a  servant,  was  going  to 
wash  himself,  but  Favonius  seeing  it,  stepped  up,  and  both  washed 
and  anointed  him.  All  the  time  he  wan  on  board,  he  continued  to 
wait  upo<i  him  in  all  the  offices  of  a  servant,  even  to  the  washing  of 
his  feet  and  providing  his  supper,  insomuch  that  one  who  saw  the 
uneflected  simplicity  and  sincere  attachment  with  which  Favonius 
performed  these  oflices,  cried  out, 

The  generous  mind  adds  dignity 

To  every  act,  and  nothing  mitit)ecomes  it. 

Pompey,  in  the  course  of  his  voyage,  sailed  by  Amphipolis,  and 
firom  thence  steered  for  Mitylene,  to  take  up  Cornelia  and  his  son. 
A»  soon  as  his  wife  and  his  friends  were  embarked,  he  set  sail,  and 
continued  bis  course,  without  touching  at  any  port,  except  for  wa- 
ter and  provisions,  till  he  came  to  Attalia,  a  city  o  Pamphylia. 
There  he  was  joined  by  some  Cilician  galleys ;  and  beside  collect- 
ing a  number  of  soldiers,  be  found  in  a  little  time  rtixiy  senators 
about  him.  When  he  was  informed  that  his  fleet  was  still  entire, 
and  that  Cato  was  gone  to  Africa  with  a  considerable  body  of  men 
which  he  h|id  collected  after  their  flight,  he  lamented  to  his  friends 
bis  great  error,  in  suffering  himself  to  be  fi»rced  into  an  engage- 
ment nt  land,  and  making  no  use  of  those  forces,  in  which  h*-  waa 
confessedly  stronger ;  nor  even  taking  care  to  fight  near  his  fleet, 
that,  in  case  of  meeting  with  a  check  at  land,  he  might  have  beeo 
supplied  from  sea  with  another  army,  capable  of  making  head 
against  the  enemy. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  undertake  something  with  the  small  means 
he  had  lefl,  he  sent  to  some  cities,  and  sailed  to  others  himself,  to 
raise  money,  and  to  get  a  supply  of  men  for  his  ships.  But  know, 
ing  the  extraordinary  celerity  of  the  enemy's  motions,  he  was  afraid 
h«  might  be  beforehand  with  him,  and  seise  all  that  was  preparing. 


PGMPEY.  293 

He  therefore  began  to  think  of  retiring  to  some  asylum,  and  pro- 
posed the  matter  in  ct>uncil ;  where  it  was  determined  that  tliey 
should  seek  for  refuge  m  Egypt.  He  accordingly  set  sad  from  Cy- 
prus wuh  Cornelia,  in  a  Selucian  galley  ;  the  resi  accompanied 
him,  some  in  ships  of  war,  and  some  m  merchantmen,  and  they 
made  a  safe  voyage.  Being  informed  that  Ptolemy  M/ds  with  his 
army  at  Pelusium,  where  he  was  engaged  in  war  with  hts  sister, 
he  proceeded  thither,  and  sent  a  messenger  before  him  to  notify 
his  arrival,  and  to  entreat  the  king's  protection. 

Ptolemy  was  very  young,  and  Phocinus,  his  prime  minister,  call- 
ed a  council  of  his  ablest  officers,  though  their  advice  had  no  more 
weight  than  he  was  pleased  to  allow  it ;  he  ordered  each,  however, 
to  give  his  opinion.  But  who  can,  without  indignation,  consider 
that  the  fate  of  Pompey  the  Great  was  to  be  determined  by  Photi- 
nus,  an  eunuch,  by  Theodotus,  a  man  of  Chios,  who  was  hired  to 
teach  the  prince  rhetoric,' and  by  Achillas,  an  Egyptian?  For  among 
the  king's  chamberlains  and  tutors,  these  had  the  gnreaiest  influence 
over  him,  and  were  the  persons  he  most  consul  ed.  Pompev  lay 
at  anchor  at  some  distance  from  the  place,  waning  the  determina- 
tion of  this  respectable  board,  while  he  thought  it  beneath  him  to 
be  indebted  to  Caesar  for  his  safety.  The  council  were  divided  in 
their  opinions,  some  advising  the  prince  to  give  him  an  honoura-. 
ble  reception,  and  others  to  send  him -an  order  to  depart.  But  The- 
odotus, to  display  his  eloquence,  insisied  that  both  were  wrong. 
**  If  you  receive  him,"  said  he,  "  you  will  have  Caesar  tor  your  ene- 
my, and  Pompey  for  your  master.  If  you  order  him  off,  Pompey 
may  one  day  revenge  the  affront,  and  Caesar  resent  youi  not  ha- 
ving put  him  in  his  hands  :  the  best  method,  therefore,  is  to  send 
for  him  and  pu'  him  to  death.  By  this  means  you  will  do  Caesar 
a  favour,  and  have  nothing  to  fear  from  Pompey."  He  added  with 
a  smile,  "  Dead  men  do  not  bite." 

This  advice  being  approved  of,  the  execution  of-  it  was  commit- 
ted to  Achillas.  In  consequence  of  which,  he  took  with  him  Sep- 
timus, who  had  formerly  been  one  of  Pompev 's  officers,  and  Sal- 
vius,  who  had  also  acted  under  him  as  a  centurion,  with  three  or 
four  assistants,  and  made  up  to  Pompey 's  ship,  where  his  principal 
friends  and  officers  had  assembled,  to  see  how  the  affair  went  on. 
When  they  perceived  there  was  nothing  magnificent  in  their  re- 
ception, nor  suitable  to  the  hopes  which  Theophanes  had  conceived, 
but  that  a  few  men  only,  in  a  fishing-boat,  came  to  wait  upon  them, 
such  want  of  respect  appeared  a  suspicious  circumstance  ;  and 
they  advised  Pompey,  while  he  was  out  of  reach  of  missive  wea- 
pons, to  get  out  to  the  main  sea. 

Mean  time,  he  boat  approaching,  Septimus  spoke  first,  address- 
ing Pompey,  in  Latin,  by  the  title  of  Imperator.     Then  Achillas 
sialuted  him  in  Greek  and  desired  him  to  come  into  the  boat,  be- 
25* 


(^94  FOiVlFlLV. 

cause  the  water  t?at  very  shallow  towards  the  shore,  and  a  galley 
must  Mtrike  upon  the  »ttnds;  at  the  Bam*:  itme  ihe\  saw  several  of 
the  king's  Hhips  getting  ready,  and  the  shore  covered  with  troops, 
so  <hat  if  they  would  have  changed  their  minds,  it  was  then  too  laie; 
benides,  their  distrust  would  have  furnistied  the  assassins  with  a 
pretf  nee  for.their  injustice.  He  therefore  embraced  Corneha,  who 
lamented  his  sad  exit  before  it  happened;  and  ordered  two  centu- 
rions, one  of  his  enfranchised  slavetj  named  PhiUp,  and  a  servant 
called  Scenes,  to  get  into  the  boat  before  him.  When  Achillas 
had  hold  of  his  hand,  and  he  was  going  to  step  in  himself,  he  turned 
to  his  wife  and  son,  and  repeated  thai  verse  ol  8ophocles, 

Seek'st  thou  a  tyraot'i  door?  then  feraweli  fiwdoai ! 
Ttio*  /ree  as  air  before. 

These  were  the  last  words  he  spoke  to  them. 

As  there  was  a  considerable  distance  between  the  galley  and  the 
shore,  and  he  observed  that  not  a  man  m  the  boat  showed  him  the 
least  civility,  or  even  spoke  to  hiin,  he  looked  at  Septimus,  and 
said,  **  Methiiiks  1  remember  you  to  have  been  m\  fel  low  .soldier ;" 
but  he  answered  only  with  a  nod,  without  testifying  nny  regaid  or 
friendship  A  profound  Kilence  again  taking  plac**,  Ponipey  took 
out  a  paper,  in  which  he  had  written  a  speech  in  Greek,  that  h« 
designed  to  make  to  Ptolemy,  and  amused  himself  with  reading  it. 

When  they  approached  the  shore,  Cornelia,  with  her  friends  in 
the  galley,  watched  the  event  with  great  anxiety.  She  whh  a  Itule 
encouraged,  when  she  saw  a  number  of  th»  king's  great  ofii<eri«  co- 
ming down  to  the  strand,  in  all  appearance  to  receive  her  husband 
and  to  do  him  honour.  But  the  moment  Pompe>  was  taking  hold 
of  Philip's  hand,  to  raise  him  with  more  ease,  Septimus  cume  be- 
hind, and  ran  him  through  the  body  ;  after  which  Salvius  ano  Achil- 
las also  drew  their  swords.  Pompey  took  his  robe  in  both  hands, 
and  covered  his  face ;  and  without  saying  or  doing  the  least  thing 
unworthy  of  him,  submitted  t(»  his  fate,  only  uttering  a  gnian,  while 
the\  despatched  him  with  many  blows.  He  was  just  then  fifty-nine 
years  i>ld  ;  for  he  was  killed  the  day  aAer  his  birth.day.* 

Cornelia,  and  her  friends  in  the  galleys,  upon  seeing  him  mur- 
dered, gave  a  shriek  that  was  heard  to  the  shore,  and  weighed  an. 
chor  immediately.  Their  flight  was  assisted  by  a  brisk  gale  as  they 
got  out  more  to  sea ;  so  that  the  £g\  ptiana  gave  up  their  design  of 
pursuing  them. 

The  murderers  having  cut  offPnmpey's  heed,  threw  the  body  out 
of  the  boat  naked,  and  left  it  exposed  to  all  who  weie  denruua  of 

•  Some  (iivinet  in  saytnK  thm  Potnpey  never  pioepvred  after  M  pretuined  lo  eo««v 
the  tanciimty  In  the  temple  «t  Jerusalem,  intimate,  thai  hiami»fori><nea  wne  owing 
to  that  profnnanon  ;  txil  we  forbear,  with  Pimarch,  to  comment  upon  (he  pioviO«n- 
tial  determ.iiatuNHi  of  the  Supreme  BfuiK  hinerd  hr  tell  a  Mu-ti6c«<  m  a»  vile  a  tet 
of  peiiule  R.  he  ha<i  tiefiire  in»ulie<i .  for  ih*-  Jew»  excepted,  ihrra  wsi  not  on  c»tth  a 
9  OMpicsble  race  of  men  than  the  cowardly  cruel  bf  vptiane. 


POMPEY.  295 

such  a  sight.  Philip  staid  till  their  curiosity  was  satisfied,  and  then 
wasiied  ihe  body  with  sea-water,  and  wrapped  it  one  of  his  own 
garments,  because  he  had  nothing  else  at  hand.  The  next  thing 
was  t«*  look  out  for  wood  for  the  funeral  pile  :  and  casting  his  eyes 
over  the  shore,  he  spied  the  old  remains  of  a  fishing  boat,  which, 
though  not  large,  would  make  a  sufiicient  pile  for  a  poor  naked 
body  that  was  not  quite  entire. 

While  he  was  collecting  the  pieces  of  plank  and  putting  them  to- 
gether, ail  old  Riman,  who  had  made  some  of  his  first  campaigns 
under  Pompey,  came  up,  and  said  to  Philip,  "Who  are.vou  that 
are  preparing  the  funeral  of  Pompey  the  Great.?"  Philip  answered, 
"I  am  his  freed-man." — "  But  you  shall  not,"  said  the  old  Roman, 
**  have  this  honour  entirely  lo  yourself.  As  a  work  of  piety  offers 
itself,  let  me  have  a  share  in  it,  that  I  may  not  absolutely  repent 
my  having  passed  so  many  years  in  a  foreign  country  ;  but,  to  com- 
pensate many  misfortunes,  may  have  the  consolation  of  doing  some 
of  the  last  honours*  to  the  greatest  general  Rome  ever  produced." 

Next  day  Lucius  Lentulus,  who  knew  nothing  of  what  had  pass, 
ed,  because  he  was  upon  his  voyage  from  Cyprus,  arrived  upon 
the  Egyptian  shore,  and,  as  \ne  was  coasting  along,  saw  the  fune- 
ral pile,  and  Phihp,  whom  he  did  not  yet  know,  standing  by  it. 
Upon  which  he  said  to  himself,  '*  Who  has  finished  his  days,  and 
is  going  to  leave  his  remains  upon  this  shore  ?"  adding,  after  a 
short  pause,  with  a  sigh,  "  Ah,  Pompey  the  Great !  perhaps  thou 
mayest  be  the  man."  Lentulus  soon  after  went  on  shore,  and  was 
taken  and  slain. 

Such  was  the  end  of  Pompey  the  Great.  As  for  Caesar,  he  arrived 
not  long  qfter  in  Egypt,  which  he  found  in  great  disorder.  When 
they  came  to  present  the  head,  he  turned  from  it,  and  the  person 
that  brought  it,  as  a  sight  of  horror.  He  received  the  seal,  but  it 
was  with  tears.  The  device  was  a  lion  holding  a  sword.  The  two 
assassins,  Achillas  and  Photinu>,  he  put  to  death  ;  and  the  king, 
being  defeated  in  battle,  perished  in  the  river.  Theodotus,  the  rhe- 
torician, escaped  the  vengeance  of  Caesar,  by  leaving  Egypt;  but 
he  wandered  about,  a  miserable  fugitive,  and  was  hated  wherever 
he  went.  At  last  Marcus  Brutus,  who  killed  Caesar,  tound  the 
wretch  in  the  province  of  Asia,  and  put  him  to  death,  af^er  having 
made  him  suffer  the  most  exquisite  tortures.  The  ashes  of  Pom- 
pey were  carried  to  Cornelia,  who  buried  them  near  Alba.f 

*  Of  touching  and  wrapping  up  the  body. 

f  Pompey  has.  in  all  appearance,  and  in  all  considerations  of  his  character,  bad 
less  justice  done  him  by  historians,  than  anv  other  man  of  his  time.  His  popular  hu- 
raaniry,  his  military  and  political  skill,  his  prudence,  (which  he  sometimes  unfor- 
tunately gave  up.)  his  natural  bravery  and  generosity,  his  conjugal  virtues,  which 
(though  sometimes  impeached)  were  both  naturailv  and  morally  great :  his  cause, 
Which  <v,is  certainlv.  m  its  nriKinal  interests,  the  cause  of  Rome :  all  these  circum- 
stances  entitled  hnn  to  a  more  distinguished  and  more  respectable  character  than  any 
of  his  historians  have  thought  proper  to  afford  him. 


2»d 


ALEXANDER. 


Flourished  355  years  before  Christ, 

IT  is  allowed  as  certain,  that  Alexander  was  a  descendant  of 
Herriiie.s  by  Caranus,*  and  of  i£acus  by  Neoptolecnus.  Hih  fa- 
ther Philip  IS  said  to  have  been  initiated,  when  very  young,  along 
with  Olympias,  in  the  mysteries  at  Sa  moth  race ;  and  having  con- 
ceived an  effectiun  for  her,  he  obtained  her  in  marriage  of  her  bro- 
ther  Arymbas,  to  whom  he  applied,  becnuse  she  was  left  an  orphan. 
The  night  before  the  marriage,  she  dreamed  that  a  thunderbolt  fell 
upon  her  head,  which  kindled  a  great  fire,  and  that  the  flame  ex- 
tended Hself  far  and  wide  before  ii  dinappeared. 

Alexanderf  was  born  on  the  sixth  of  Hecatombseon^  (•'uly>) 
which  rhe  Macedonians  call  Lous,  the  same  day  that  the  it^mple  of 
Diana  at  Ephe^us  was  burnt ;  upon  which  Hegesias  the  Magnesiau 
haM  uttered  a  conceit  frigid  enough  to  have  extinguished  the  Hames: 
"  It  is  no  wonder,"  said  he,  "  rhat  the  tempU*  of  Diana  was  burnt, 
when  she  was  at  a  distance  employed  in  bringing  Alexander  into 
the  world."  All  the  magi,.^ho  were  then  at  Ephesus,  looked  upon 
the  fire  as  a  sign  which  betokened  a  much  greater  misfortune  :  they 
ran  about  the  town,  beating  their  faces,  and  crying — **  Tha«.  day 
had  brought  forth  the  great  scourge  and  destroyer  of  Asia." 

Philip  had  just  taken  the  city  of  Potid»a,§  and  three  messengers 
arrived  the  same  da>  with  extraordinary  tidings.  The  first  inform- 
ed him  that  Parmenio  had  gained  a  great  battle  against  the  Illy, 
rians ;  the  second,  that  his  race  horse  had  won  the  prize  at  the 
Olympic  games;  and  the  third,  that  Olympias  was  brought  to  bed 

*  f-aranuft.  the  sixte^nili  in  descAnt  from  Hercules,  made  himtelf  matter  of  Mace> 
donia  in  ihe  vear  before  Christ  1794.  and  Alexander  the  Great  was  the  iwraty* 
second  in  deoceni  trom  (^Hraniis.  so  thai  from  Hemilejitn  Alexander  lher«  were 
thirty  eighi  generations.  The  dehcent  by  his  nintiirr'h  kide  ih  noi  ko  clear,  iltere  beinf 
mao\  filagrees  wanting  in  it  it  isvnfficient  to  know  thai  Olympias  was  tba  daufbter 
of  Neopioieiiius.  and  suter  to  Arymhas. 

f  In  the  firNt  vear  of  liie  hundred  and  sixth  Olvnipiad.  before  Christ  354- 

i  vKlian  {f^ar.  Hist)  1.  ii.  c.  25.)  says  eipressiv.  thai  Alexander  was  born  and  dM 
on  the  sixth  dav  of  the  month  Tnargelion  But  supposing  Pluiarrh  nt;))!  in  |)!nciRg 
his  birth  in  the  month  liecatoiMDaMm.  yet  not  thai  ntonth.  btii   Boedf  *  an- 

swered to  the  Macedonian  nionih  I  oim,  ah  appears  clearlv  front  a  i>  o't, 

still  preserved  m  the  orations  of  Demosiheueh.  (in  Oro/.  dt  Otrona.)  .i.  »..<.  (.iiitt, 
indeed,  the  ntonth  Ixiu*  answered  to  HecaiomtNDon,  which,  without  doubt,  wattbt 
causM  of  I'luiarch's  inisuke. 

\  I  hi»  IS  another  mistake.  Hotidva  was  taken  two  ^Min  before,  vis.  in  the  ihitd 
vear  of  the  hundred  and  third  Olympiad:  for  which  we  have  acam  the auUwrtrf  af 
^cmObthede^,  who  was  Philip's  cnnlemoomrv,  ('in  Orat.  ennt.  r^tttttifm^'s  a«  weH  a« 
r>iod«in»9  SiculUB,  I.  mi. 


ALEXANDER.  397 

of  Alexander.  His  joy,  on  that  occasion  was  great,  as  might  natu- 
rally be  expected  ;  and  the  soothsayers  increased  it  by  assuring  him 
that  his  son,  who  was  born  in  the  midst  of  three  victories,  must  of 
course  prove  invincible. 

The  statues  of  Alexander  that  most  resembled  him.  were  those 
of  Lvsippus,  who  alone  nad  his  permission  to  represent  him  in  mar- 
ble. Tlie  turn  of  his  head,  which  leaned  a  little  to  one  side,  and 
the  quickness  of  his  eye,  in  which  many  of  his  friends  and  succes- 
sors most  affected  to  imitate  him,  were  best  hit  off  by  that  artist. 
Appelles  painted  him  in  the  character  of  Jupiter  armed  with  thun- 
der, buf  did  not  succeed  as  to  his  complexion.  He  overcharged 
the  colouting,  and  maoe  his  skin  too  brown  ;  whereas  he  was  fair, 
with  a  tinge  of  red  in  his  face  and  upon  his  breast. 

His  continence  show.ed  itself  at  an  early  period.  For  though  he 
was  vigorous,  or  rather  violent  in  his  other  pursuits,  he  was  not  ea- 
sily moved  by  the  pleasures  of  the  body  ;  and  if  he  tasted  them,  it 
was  with  great  moderation.  But  there  was  son^ething  superlatively 
great  and  sublime  in  his  ambition,  far  above  his  years.  It  wai;?  not 
all  sorts  of  honour  that  he  courted,  nor  did  he  seek  it  in  every 
track,  like  his  father  Philip,  who  was  as  proud  of  his  eloquence  as 
any  sophist  could  be,  and  who  had  the  vanity  to  record  his  victo- 
ries in  the  Olympic  chariot  race  in  the  impression  of  his  coins. 
Alexander,  on  the  other  hand,  when  he  was  asked  by  some  of  the 
people  about  him — "  Whether  he  would  not  run  in  the  Olympic 
race  ?"  (for  he  was  swift  at  foot,)  answered — "  Yes,  if  I  had  kings 
for  my  antagonists."  It  appears  that  he  had  a  perfect  aversion  to 
the  whole  exercise  of  wrestling  ;*  for,  though  he  exhibited  many 
other  sorts  of  games  and  public  diversions,  in  which  he  proposed 
prizes  for  tragic  poets,  for  musicians  who  practised  upon  the  flute 
and  lyre,  and  for  rhapsodists  too;  though  he  entertained  the  peo- 
ple with  the  hunting  of  all  manner  of  wild  beasts,  and  with  fencing 
or  fighting  with  the  staff,  yet  he  gave  no  encouragement  to  boxing 
or  to  the  Pancratium. f 

Ambassadors  from  Persia  happened  to  arrive  in  the  absence  of 
his  father  Phihp,  and  Alexander  receiving  them  in  his  stead,  gained 
upon  them  greatly  by  his  politeness  and  solid  sense.  He  asked 
them  no  childish  <*r  trifling  question,  but  inquired  the  distances  of 
places,  and  the  ronds  through  the  upper  provinct-s  of  Asia  ;  he  de- 
sired to  be  informed  of  the  character  of  their  king,  in  what  manner  he 
behaved  to  his  enenies,  and  in  what  the  strength  and  power  of  Per- 
sia consisted.  Tiie  ambassadors  were  struck  with  admiration,  and 
looked  upon  the  celebrated  shrewdness  of  Philip  as  nothing  in  com- 
parison of  the  lofty  and  enterprising  genius  of  his  son.     Accord- 

*  Philopoenen,  like  tiim,  had  an  aversion  for  wrestling,  because  all  the  exercises 
which  fit  a  man  to  excel  in  it  tnake  him  unfit  for  war 

f  If  it  be  asked  how  this  show»that  Alexander  did  not  love  wrestling,  the  answer 
js,  the  Pano-atitim  w  's  a  mixture  of  boxing  and  wrestling. 

2p 


ALEXANDER. 

ingly,  whenever  news  was  brought  that  Philip  had  taken  soma 
stroDg  town,  or  won  some  great  buttle,  the  young  man,  maiead  of 
appearing  delighted  with  it,  used  to  say  to  his  comptfuiona— **  My 
father  will  go  on  conquering,  till  there  be  nothing  extraordinar>  left 
for  you  and  me  to  do.'*  As  neither  pleasure  nor  riches,  but  valour 
and  glory,  were  his  great  objects,  he  thought  that,  In  proportion  as 
the  dominions  he  was  to  receive  from  his  father  grew  greater,  there 
would  be  less  room  for  him  to  distinguish  himself.  Every  new  ac- 
quisition of  territory  he  considered  as  a  diminution  of  his  scene  of 
action  ;  for  he  did  not  desire  to  inherit  a  kingdom  that  would  bring 
him  opulence,  luxury,  and  pleasure,  but  one  thai  would  afford  bioi 
wars,  conflicts,  and  all  the  exercise  of  great  ambition. 

He  had  &  number  of  tutors  and  preceptors.  Leonidaa,  a  rela- 
tion of  the  queen's,  and  a  man  of  great  severity  of  manners,  was 
at  the  head  of  them.  He  did  not  like  the  name  of  preceptor,  though 
the  employment  was  important  and  honourable:  and,  indeed,  his 
dignity  and  alliance  to  the  royal  family  gave  him  the  title  of  the 
princess  governor.  He  who  had  both  the  name  and  business  of 
preceptor,  was  Lysimachus,  the  Acarnanian,  a  man  who  had 
neither  merit  nor  politeness,  nor  any  thing  to  recommend  him, 
but  his  calling  himself  Phoenix  ;  Alexander,  Achilles;  and  Philip, 
Peleus.  This  procured  him  some  attention,  and  the  second  place 
about  the  prince's  person. 

When  Philonicius,  the  Thessalian,  offered  the  horse  named  Buce« 
phalus  in  sale  to  Philip,  at  the  price  of  thirteen  talents,^  the  king, 
with  the  prince  and  many  others,  went  into  the  field  to  see  some 
trial  made  of  him.  The  horse  appeared  extremely  vicious  and  un- 
manageable,  and  was  so  far  from  suffering  himself  to  be  mounted, 
that  he  would  not  bear  to  be  spoken  to,  but  turned  fiercely  upon  all 
the  grooms.  Philip  was  displeased  at  their  bringing  him  so  wild 
and  ungovernable  a  horse,  and  bade  them  take  him  away.  But 
Alexander,  who  had  observed  him  well,  said,  *'  What  a  horse  arc 
they  losing,  for  want  of  skill  and  spirit  to  manage  him !"  Philip  at 
first  t(K)k  no  notice  of  this ;  but,  upon  the  prince's  of)en  repeating 
the  same  expression,  and  showing  great  uneasiness  he  said,  **  Toung 
man,  you  find  fault  with  your  elders,  as  if  you  knew  more  than  thej, 
or  could  manage  the  horse  better,** — "  And  I  certainly  could,'*  an- 
swered  the  prince.  "  If  you  should  not  be  able  to  ride  him,  what 
forfeiture  will  yon  submit  to  for  your  rashneM?"  **  I  i»ill  pay  the 
price  of  the  horse." 

Upon  this  all  the  company  laughed ;  but  the  king  and  prince 

agreeing  as  to  the  forfeiture,  Alexander  ran  to  the  horse,  and  laying 

*  That  i«,  VtW.  I5i.  •teriins.  Thii  will  appears  modsrate  price  compared  with 
What  we  find  in  Varro.  {D*  R»  RtuHe.  Ub.  iii.  c  1)  vie.  that  Q.  Axiua.  a  aanaior. 
fave  four  huntlred  itiotinnd  ■eataioaa  for  an  ate;  and  ftiii  more  moderate  whan  eooi- 
pared  with  the  accouotof  Tat aniiar,  that  aoina  honas  in  Arabia  were  vaload  at  a 
Hundred  thounnd  erownt. 


ALEXANDER.  299 

hold  on  the  bridle,  turned  him  to  the  sun ;  for  he  had  observed,  it 
seems,  that  the  shadow  which  fell  betbre  the  horse,  and  continually 
moved  as  he  moved,  greatly  disturbed  him.  While  his  fierceness 
and  fury  lasted,  he  kept  speaking  to  him  softly  and  stroking  him, 
after  which  he  gently  let  fall  his  mantle,  leaped  lightly  upon  his 
back,  and  got  his  seat  very  safe.  Then,  without  pulling  the  reins 
too  hard,  or  using  either  whip  or  spur,  he  set  him  a-going.  As  soon 
as  he  perceived  his  uneasiness  abated,  and  that  he  wanted  only  to 
run,  he  put  him  in  a  full  gallop,  and  pushed  him  on,  both  with  the 
voice  and  spur. 

Philip  and  all  his  court  were  in  great  distress  for  him  at  first,  and 
a  profound  silence  took  place.  But  when  the  prince  had  turned 
him  and  brought  him  straight  back,  they  all  received  him  with  loud 
acclamations,  except  his  fatuer,  who  wept  for  joy,  and  kissing  him, 
said,  "  Seek  another  kingdom,  my  son,  that  may  be  worthy  of  thy 
abilities,  for  Macedonia  is  too  small  for  thee." 

Perceiving  that  he  did  not  easily  submit  to  authority,  because  he 
would  not  be  forced  to  any  thing,  but  that  he  might  be  led  to  his 
duty  by  the  gentler  hand  of  reason,  he  took  the  method  of  persua- 
sion rather  than  of  command.  He  saw  that  his  education  was  a 
matter  of  too  great  importance  do  be  trusted  to  the  ordinary  mas- 
ters in  music,  and  the  common  circle  of  sciences ;  and  that  his  ge- 
nius (to  use  the  expression  of  Sophocles)  required 

The  rudder's  guidance,  and  the  curb's  restraint. 

He  therefore  sent  for  Aristotle,  the  most  celebrated  and  learned  of 
all  the  philosophers,  and  the  reward  he  gave  him  for  forming  his 
son,  was  not  only  honourable,  but  remarkable  for  its  propriety.  He 
had  formerly  dismantled  the  city  of  Stagira,  where  that  philosopher 
was  born,  and  now  he  rebuilt  it,  and  re-established  the  inhabitants, 
who  had  either  fled  or  been  reduced  to  slavery.*  He  also  pre- 
pared a  lawn,  called  Mieza,  for  their  studies  and  literary  conversa- 
tions, where  they  still  show  us  Aristotle's  stone  seats  and  shady 
walks. 

Alexander  gained  from  him  not  only  moral  and  political  know- 
ledge,  but  was  also  instructed  in  those  more  secret  and  profound 
branches  of  science  which  they  call  Acroamatic  and  Epoptic,  and 
which  they  did  not  communicate  to  every  common  scholar. f  For 
when  Alexander  was  in  Asia,  and  received  information  that  Aris- 
totle  had  published  some  books  in  which  those  points  were  dis- 
cussed,  he  wrote  him  a  letter  in  behalf  of  philosophy,  in  which 
he  blamed  the  course  he  had  taken.  The  following  is  a  copy 
ofit  ; 

«  Pliny  the  elder  and  Valerius  Maximus  tell  us,  that  Stagira  was  rebuilt  by  Alex- 
ander, and  this  when  Aristotle  was  very  old. 

f  The  scholars  in  general  were  instructed  only  in  the  exoteric  doctrines.  Vide  AxU. 
Gell.  lib.  XX.  chao.  6. 


300  ALflXANDER 

**  Alexander  to  Aristotle,  prosperity.  You  did  wrong  in  pab* 
lishing  the  Acroamatic  parts  of  science*  In  what  shall  ^c  differ 
from  others,  if  the  sublimer  kmrnledge  which  we  |^ined  from  you 
be  made  common  to  all  the  u  orld  f  For  mv  part,  1  had  rather  ei- 
eel  the  bulk  of  maiikiu'l  m  the  superior  parts  of  learning,  than  in 
the  extent  of  power  and  dominion      Farewell." 

Aristotle,  in  cunipliiiient  to  this  ambition  of  the  kibg,  and  by  way 
ofexciise,  made  answer,  that  those  ptMiits  were  pu  lished  and  not 
published,  in  fact,  his  book  of  meiaphysics  is  wiitten  m  such  a 
manner  that  no  one  can  learn  that  branch  of  science  from  it,  much 
less  teach  it  others  ;  it  serves  only  to  refresh  the  memories  of  those 
who  have  been  taught  by  a  master. 

He  loved  polite  learning  too,  and  his  natural  thirst  of  knowledge 
made,  him  a  man  of  extensive  reading.  The  iliad  he  thought,  as 
well  as  called,  a  portable  ireaHure  of  military  knowledge,  and  he 
had  a  copy  corrected  by  Aristotle,  which  is  called  the  casket  copy."!- 

Onesicriius  int'ornis  us,  that  he  used  to  la\  it  under  his  pillow 
with  his  sword.  A»>  he  could  not  find  man>  other  books  in  the 
upper  provinces  ot  Asia,  he  wroic  to  Hurpalu-  for  a  supply,  who 
sent  him  the  works  of  PhiUstus,  most  of  the  iiageduti  of  Euripides, 
Sophocles,  and  iEschylus,  and  the  Ditjiyrambics  of  Telestus:):  and 
Philoxenus. 

Aristotle  was  the  man  he  admired  in  his  younger  years,  and,  as 
he  said  himself,  he  had  no  less  affection  for  him  than  for  his  father. 
"From  the  one  he  derived  the  blessing  of  life,  from  the  other  the 
blessing  of  a  good  life."  But  afterwards  he  looked  U|)on  fiim  with 
an  eye  of  suspicion.  He  never,  indeed,  did  the  philosopher  any 
harm  ;  but  the  testimonies  of  his  regard  being  neither  so  extraor- 
dinary  nor  so  endearing  as  before,  he  discovered  something  of  a 
coldness.  However,  his  love  of  philosophy,  which  he  was  either 
born  with,  or  at  least  conceived  at  an  early  period,  never  quitted 
his  soul ;  as  appears  from  the  honours  he  paid  Anaxarchus,  the 
fifty  talents  he  sent  Xenocrates,§  and  his  attentions  to  Dandarois 
and  Calaiius. 

When  Philip  went  upon  his  expedition  against  Byzantium,  Al- 

*  Dtictnnet  wtiicb  were  taught   hy  privatf   communiciiiioo    and  deliveteti  WM 

VOCi. 

*■  He  kept  it  in  a  rtchca^kt^t  louiid  ainuog  iiie  spoilt  of  Dariut  A  correct  copy  of 
thib  ediuon.  revtued  Dy  Anfttoiie.  (  alliHilieues.  ann  Anaxarehut  wh»  piuiliniii'n  after 
the  death  of  Alexander.  •Dariut,"  said  lexander.  *  uted  lo  kerp  oioimenis  in 
thia  ca»kei :  but  i,  who  have  no  iiiiie  to  aonoint  myiclf.  will  convert  ii  lo  a  nolbht 
u»e." 

]  Telestus  was  poet  of  soma  reputation,  and  a  monunieoi  was  erected  lohis  mem* 
ory  by  Arisiraiua.  the  *<icyoman  lymni  Proiogenea  was  sew  lor  to  paini  this  m>oq« 
unieiil.  and  not  Mrrivmit  wiihin  the  li)i>iifd  time  whs  m  riaii|i«r  nf  the  lyraurt  dii^ 
pleasure,  hut  the  ct>leniv  and  exrelleiice  of  t  n  taved  hun     t  hiloxenes  wm 

nisM:hi>lar.     I'hilutuh  wHf  an  hi<<oriaii  ol  <  I'luiaich 

}  The phi«osi>ph(!r  luok  hm  a  miihII  uHri  <  :  v.  and  sent  the  rest  hack:  tel> 

lini^  the  giver  be  bad  more  occasion  for  it  buiisaU,  because  tit  Had  aXM«  people  to 
maintain. 


ALEXANDER.  301 

exander  was  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  yet  he  was  left  regent  of 
Macedonia,  and  keeper  of  the  seal.*  The  M^dari  rebelhng  during 
his  regency,  he  attacked  and  overthrew  them,  took  iheir  city,,  ex- 
pelled the  barbarians,  planted  there  a  colony  of  people  collected 
from  various  parts,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Alexandropolis.  He 
fought  m  the  battle  of  CnaBronea  against  the  Greeks,  and  is 
said  to  have  been  the  tirst  man  that  bruke  the  sacred  band  of 
Thebans. 

This  early  display  of  great  talents  made  Philip  very  fond  of 
his  son,  S(»  that  it  was  with  pleasure  he  heard  the  Macedonians 
call  Alexander  king,  and  him  only  general.  Bur  the  troubles 
which  his  new  marriage  and  his  amours  caused  in  his  family,  and 
the  bickerings  among  the  women,  dividing 'the  whole  kingdom  in- 
to two  parties,  involved  him  in  many  quarrels  with  his  son,  all 
which  were  heightened  hy  Oiympias,  who,  being  a  woman  of  a 
jealous  and  vindictive  temper,  inspired  Alexander  with  unfavoura- 
ble sentiments  of  his  father.  The  misunderstanding  broke  out  in- 
to a  flame  on  the  f  >llowing  occasion.  Philip  fell  in  love  with  a 
young  lady  named  Cleopatra,  at  an  unseasonable  time  of  life  and 
married  her.  When  they  were  celebrating  the  nuptials,  her  un. 
cle  \ttalus,  intoxicated  with  liquor,  desired  the  Macedonians  to 
entreat  the  gods,  rhat  this  marriage  of  Philip  and  Cleopatra  might 
produce  a  lawful  heir  to  the  crown.  Alexander,  provoked  at  this, 
said,  "  Whatj  then,  dost  thou  take  me  for  a  bastard  ?"  at  the  same 
time  he  threw  his  cup  at  his  head.  Hereupon  Philip  rose  up  and 
drew  his  sword,  but,  fortunately  for  them  both,  his  passion  and  the 
wine  be  had  drank  made  him  stumble  and  he  fell.  Alexander,  ta- 
king an  insolent  advantage  of  this  circumstance,  said — '*  Men  of 
Macedon,  see  there  the  man  who  was  preparing  to  pass  from  Eu- 
rope into  Asia  !  he  is  not  able  to  peiss  from  one  table  to  another 
without  falling."  After  this  insult,  he  carried  off  Olympius,  and 
placed  her  in  Epirus.  IllyHcum  was  the  country  he- pitched  upon 
for  his  own  retreat.    , 

In  the  mean  time  Demaratus,  who  had  engagements  of  hospital- 
ity'  with  the  royal  family  of  Macedon,  and  who,  on  that  account, 
Could  speak  his  mind  freely,  came  to  pay  Philip  a  visit.  After  the 
first  civilities^  Philip  asked  him,  "  What  sort  of  agreement  subsis- 
ted among  the  Greeks?"  Demaratus  answered,  ''There  is, 
doubtless,  much  propriety  in  your  inquiring  after  the  harmony  of 
Greece,  who  have  filled  your  own  house  with  so  much  dis- 
cord and  disorder."  This  reproof  brouglit  Philip  to  himself,  and 
through  the  the  mediation  of  Demaratus,  he  prevailed  with  Alex- 
ander to  return. 

But  another  event  soon  disturbed  their  repose. »   Pexodorus,  the 

*  We  know  of  no  such  people  as  the  Meclari ;  but  a  people  (^Iled  lVIa;di  tiiere  was 
in  Thrace,  who,  as  Livy  tells  us,  (1.  xxxi.)  used  to  make  inroads  into  Macedonia, 

26 


3U2  ALEXANDER. 

Persian  governor  of  Caria,  being  desirous  to  draw  Philip  into  a 
league  ofTensive  ond  defensive,  by  means  of  an  alliance  beiHeen 
their  tkmiiies,  offered  his  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  to  Andtpus, 
the  sou  of  Philip,  and  sent  AristocritiiM  into  Mucedonia  to  treat 
about  It.  Alexanctei  s  friends  and  bis  mother  now  lulused  new 
notions  into  him  again,  though  perfectly  groundless,  that,  by  ao 
noble  a  match,  and  the  support  consequent  upon  it,  Philip  design- 
ed the  crown  for  Aridaeus. 

Alexander,  in  the  uneasiness  these  suspicions  gave  him,  sent  one 
Thessaius,  a  player,  into  Caria,  to  desire  the  grandee  to  pass  by 
Andsus,  who  was  of  spurious  birth,  and  deficient  in  point  ot  uo- 
dertitanding,  and  to  take  the  lawful  heir  to  the  crown  into  his  allt. 
ance.  Pexodorus  was*  infinitely  more  pleased  wuh  thisproposaL 
But  Philip  no  sooner  had  intelligence  ot  it  than  he  went  lo  Alexan- 
der's apartment,  taking  with  him  Philotas,  the  son  of  Parmenio,  one 
of  his  most  intimate  friends  and  companions,  and,  in  his  presence, 
repn>ached  him  with  his  degeneracy  and  meanness  of  spirit,  in 
tbmkin?  of  being  son-in-law  to  a  man  of  Carta,  one  of  the  slaves  of 
a  barbarian  king.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  the  Connthians,* 
insisting  that  they  should  send  Thessalus  to  turn  m  chains.  Har- 
palus  and  Nearchus,  Phrigius  and  Ptolem\,  some  of  the  other  com- 
panions of  the  prince,  he  banished;  bui  Alexander  afterwards  re- 
called them,  and  treated  them  with  great  distinction. 

Some  time  after  the  Carian  negociation,  Pausanias  being  abu- 
sed by  order  of  Attains  and  Cleopatra,  and  not  having  justice  done 
him  for  the  outrage,  killed  Philip,  who  refused  thai  justice.  Olym- 
pias  was  thought  to  have  been  principnlly  concerned  in  exciting 
the  young  man  to  that  act  of  revenge,  but  Alexander  did  not  pass 
uncensured.  It  must  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  he  caused 
diligent  search  to  be  made  ai\erthe  persons  concerned  in  the  as- 
sassination,  and  took  care  to  have  them  punished  ;  and  he  expres- 
sed his  indignation  at  Olympiad's  cruel  treatment  of  Cleopatra  in 
his  absence. 

He  was  only  twenty  years  old  when  he  succeeded  to  the  crown, 
and  he  found  the  kingdom  torn  in  pieces  by  dangerous  pan  tea  and 
implacable  animosities.  The  barbarous  nations,  even  those  that 
bordered  upon  Macedonia,  could  not  brook  subjection,  and  they 
longed  for  their  natural  kings. 

Philip  had  subdued  Greece  by  his  victorious  arms,  but  not  hav- 
ing had  time  to  accustom  her  to  the  yoke,  he  had  thrown  matters 
into  confusion,  rather  than  produced  any  firm  settlement,  and  ho 
lef\  the  whole  in  a  tumultuous  state.  The  young  king's  Macedo- 
nian counsellors,  alarmed  at  the  troubles  which  threatened  him, 
advised  him  to  gfve  up  Greece  entirely,  or  at  least  lo  make  no  at- 

*  ThesMlut,  up«n  Hit  return  Trom  Alia,  mutt  hav«  raiirtd  to  Coilath ;   Ibr  the  Co> 
tintbiant  had  nothing  to  do  in  Caria. 


ALEXANDER  303 

tempts  upon  it  with  the  sword  ;  and  to  recall  the  wavering  barba. 
rians  in  a  mild  manner  to  their  duty,  by  applying  healing  measures 
to  the  beginning  of  the  revolt.  Alexander,  on  the  contrary,  was 
of  opinion  that  the  only  way  to  security  and  a  thorough  establish- 
ment of  his  affairs,  was  to  proceed  with  spirit  and  magnanimity  ; 
for  he  was  persuaded,  that  if  he  appeared  to  abate  of  his  dignity  in 
the  least  article,  he  would  be  universally  insulted.  He  therefore 
quieted  the  commotions  and  put  a  stop  to  the  rising  wars  among 
the  barbarians,  by  marching  with  the  utmost  expedition  as  far  as 
the  Danube,  where  fought  a  great  batUe  with  Syrmus,  king  of  the 
Triballi,  and  defeated  him. 

Some  time  after  this,  having  intelligence  that  the  Thebans  had 
revolted,  and  that  the  Athenians  had  adopted  the  same  sentiments, 
he  resolved  to  show  them  he  was  no  longer  a  boy,  and  advanced 
immediately  through  the  pass  of  Thermopylae.  "Demosthenes,'* 
•aid  he,,  "called  me  a  boy  when  I  was  in  Illyricum,  but  I  will  show 
him  before  the  walls  of  Athens  that  I  am  a  man." 

When  he  made  his  appearance  before  Thebes,  he  was  willing 
to  give  the  inhabitants  time  to  change  their  sentiments.  He  only 
demanded  Phoenix  and  Prothytes,  the  first  promoters  of  the  re- 
volt, and  proclaimed  an  amnesty  to  all  the  rest.  But  the  Thebans, 
in  their  turn,  demanded  that  he  should  deliver  up  to  them  Philotas 
and  Antipater,  and  invited,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  all  men  to  join 
them,  who  chose  to  assist  in  recovering  the  liberty  of  Greece.  Al- 
exander then  gave  the  reins  to  the  Macedonians,  and  the  war  be- 
gan with  great  fury.  The  Thebans,  who  had  the  combat  to  main- 
tain against  forces  vastly  superior  in  number,  behaved  with  a  cou- 
rage and  ardour  far  above  their  strength.  But  when  the  Mace- 
donian garrison  fell  down  from  the  Cadmea,  and  charged  them  m 
the  rear,  they  were  surrounded  on  all  sides,  and  most  of  them  cut 
in  pieces.  The  city  was  taken,  plundered  and  levelled  with  the 
ground. 

Alexander  expected  that  the  rest  of  Greece,  astonished  and  in- 
timidated by  so  dreadful  a  punishment  of  the  Thebans.  would  sub- 
mit in  silence.  Yet  he  found  a  more  plausible  pretence  for  his 
severity ;  giving  out  that  his  late  proceedings  were  intended  to 
gratify  his  allies,  being  adopted  in  pursuance  of  complaints  made 
against  Thebes  by  the  people  of  Phocis  and  Plataea.  He  exempt- 
ed the  priests,  all  that  the  Macedonians  were  bound  to  by  the  ties 
of  hospitality,  the  posterity  of  Pindar,  and  such  as  had  opposed  the 
revolt ;  the  rest  he  sold  for  slaves,  to  the  number  of  thirty  thou- 
sand.  There  were  about  six  thousand  killed  in  the  battle.  The 
calamities  which  that  wretched  city  suffered  were  various  and  hor- 
rible. A  party  of  Thracians  demolished  the  house  of  Timoclea,  a 
woman  of  quality  and  honour.  The  soldiers  carried  off  the  booty; 
and  the  captain,  aft:er  having  violated  the  lady,  asked  her  whether 


801^  ALEXAlfDBt 

she  had  not  some  gold  and  silver  concealed.  She  said  she  bad ; 
and  taking  him  alone  into  the  garden,  showed  him  a  i^rII,  into  whieh 
she  told  him,  she  had  thrown  every  thing  of  value  when  the  city 
was  taken.  The  officer  sioope<i  down  to  examine  the  well ;  upoo 
which  she  pushed  him  in,  and  ihen  despatched  him  with  stones. 
The  Thranans  coming  up,  seized  and  bound  her  hands,  and  car- 
ried  her  before  Alexander,  who  immediately  perceived  by  her  look 
and  gait,  and  the  fearless  maimer  in  which  she  followed  that  sa- 
vage crew,  thai  she  was  a  woman  of  quality  and  superior  senti- 
ments.  The  king  demanded,  who  she  was  ?  she  answered — *'  I 
am  the  sister  of  Theagenes,  who,  in  capacity  of  general,  fought 
Philip  for  the  liberty  of  Greece,  and  fell  in  the  battle  of  Chero. 
nea."  Alexander,  admiring  her  answer,  and  the  bold  action  she 
had  performed,  commanded  her  to  be  se:  at  liberty,  and  her  chil- 
dren  with  her. 

As  for  the  Athenians,  he  forgave  them,  though  they  expressed 
great  concern  at  the  misfortune  of  Thebes.  For,  though  they 
were  upon  the  point  of  celebrating  the  feast  of  the  great  mysteries, 
they  omitted  it  on  account  of  the  mourning  that  took  place,  and 
received  such  of  the  Thebans  as  escaped  the  general  wreck,  with 
all  imaginable  kindness,  into  their  city.  But  whether  his  fury, 
like  that  of  a  lion,  was  satiated  with  blood,  or  whether  he  had  a 
mind  to  efface  a  most  cruel  and  barbarous  action  by  an  act  of  cle- 
mency, he  not  only  overlooked  the  complaints  he  had  against 
them,  but  desired  them  to  looft  well  to  iheir  affairs,  because  if  any 
thing  happened  to  him,  Athens  would  give  law  to  Greece. 

A  general  assembly  of  the  Greeks  being  held  at  the  Isthmus  of 
Corinth,  they  came  to  a  resolution  to  send  their  quotas  with  Alex- 
ander against  the  Persians,  and  he  was  unanimously  elected  cap- 
tain.gcneral.  Many  statesmen  and  philosophers  came  to  coo. 
gratulate  him  on  the  occasion  ;  and  he  hoped  that  Diogenes  of 
Sinope,  who  then  lived  at  Corinth,  would  be  of  the  number.  Find- 
ing, however,  that  he  made  but  little  account  of  Alexander,  and 
that  he  preferred  the  enjoyment  of  his  leisure  in  a  part  of  the  su- 
burbs called  Cranium,  he  went  to  see  him.  Diogenes  happened 
to  be  lying  in  the  sun  ;  and  at  the  approach  of  so  many  people,  ho 
raised  himself  up  a  little,  and  fixed  his  eyes  upon  Alexander.  The 
kini;  addressed  him  in  an  obliging  manner,  and  asked  him,  **If 
there  was  any  thing  he  could  serve  him  in  ?" — **  Only  stand  a  little 
out  of  my  sunshine,"  said  Diogenes.  Alexander,  we  are  told,  was 
struck  with  such  surprise  at  finding  himself  so  little  regarded,  and 
saw  something  so  great  in  that  carelessness,  that  while  his  cour- 
tiers were  ridiculing  the  philosopher  as  a  monster,  he  said,  **  If  1 
were  not  Alexander  I  should  wish  to  be  Diogenes." 

He  chose  to  coiisuli  the  oracle  about  the  event  of  the  war,  and 
for  that  purpose  wont  to  Delphi.     Ho  happened  to  arrive  thereon 


ALEXANDER,  305 

One  of  the  days  called  inauspicious,  upon  which  the  law  permitted 
no  man  to  put  his  question.  At  first  he  sent  to  the  prophetess,  to 
entreat  her  to  do  her  office  ;  but  finding  she  refused  to  comply,  and 
alleged  the  law  m  her  excuse,  he  went  himself,  and  drew  her  by 
force  into  the  temple.  Then,  as  if  conquered  by  his  violence,  she 
said,  "  My  son,  thou  art  invincible."  Alexander  hearinjs  this,  said, 
"  He  wanted  no  other  answer,  for  he  had  the  very  oracle  he  de- 
sired." 

As  to  the  number  of  his  troops,  those  that  put  it  at  the  least,  say, 
he  carried  over  thirty  thousand  foot,  and  five  thousand  horse  :  and 
they  who  put  it  at  the  most,  tell  us,  his  army  consisted  of  thirty-four 
thousand  foot,  and  four  thousand  horse.  The  money  provided  for 
their  subsistence  and  pay,  according  to  Aristobulus,  was  only  se- 
venty talents.  Duris  says,  he  had  no  more  than  would  maintain 
them  one  month  ;  but  Onesicritus  affirms,  that  he  borrowed  two 
hundred  talents  for  that  purpose. 

However,  though  his  provision  was  so  small,  he  chose,  at  his  em. 
barkation,  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  his  friends ;  and  to 
one  he  gave  a  farm,  to  another,  a  village  ;  to  this  the  revenue  of  a 
borough,  and  to  that  of  a  post. 

As  soon  as  he  landed,  he  went  up  to  Ilium,  where  he  sacrificed 
to  Minerva,  and  ofiered  libations  to  the  heroes.  He  also  anointed 
the  pillar  upon  Achilles's  tomb  with  oil,  and  ran  round  it  whh  his 
friends,  naked,  according  to  the  custom  that  obtains  ;  after  which 
he  put  a  crown  upon  it,  declaring,  "  He  thought  that  hero  ex- 
tremely happy,  in  having  found  a  faithful  friend  while  he  lived,  and 
after  his  death  an  excellent  herald  to  set  forth  his  praise."  As  he 
went  about  the  city  to  look  upon  the  curiosities,  he  was  asked, 
whether  he  chose  to  see  Paris's  lyre  ?  "  I  set  but  little  value,"  said 
he,  "  upon  the  lyre  of  Paris  ;  but  it  would  give  me  pleasure  to  see 
that  of  Achilles,  to  which  he  sung  the  glorious  actions  of  the 
brave."* 

In  the  mean  time,  Darius's  generals  had  assembled  a  great  ar- 
my,  and  taken  post  upon  the  banks  of  the  Granicus ;  so  that  Alex- 
ander was  under  the  necessity  of  fighting  there,  to  open  the  gates 
of  Asia.  Many  of  his  officers  were  apprehensive  of  the  depth  of 
the  river,  and  the  rough  and  uneven  banks  on  the  other  side  ;  and 
some  thought  a  proper  regard  should  be  paid  to  a  traditionary 
usage  with  respect  to  the  time.  For  the  kings  of  Macedon  never 
used  to  march  out  to  war  in  the  month  Daisius.  Alexander  cured 
them  of  this  piece  of  superstition,  by  ordering  that  month  to  be 
called  the  second  Artemisius.  And  when  Parmenio  objected  to  his 
*  This  alludes  to  that  passage  in  the  ninth  l)Ook  of  the  Iliad, — 

♦'  Aiuus'd  at  ease  the  godlike  man  they  found, 

Pleas'd  with  the  solemn  harp's  harmonious  sound; 

With  these  he  sooths  his  angry  soul,  and  sings 

Th'  imnmrtaJ  deeds  of  heroes  and  of  kings.'*  Poj?*^ 


ALEXANbEIL 

attempting  a  passai^e  so  late  in  the  day,  he  Mid,  "  The  Helleapoot 
would  blush,  if,  after  having  parsed  it,  he  should  be  afraid  of  the 
Granicus."  At  the  same  time  he  threw  himself  into  the  stream 
with  thirteen  troops  of  horse  ;  and  as  he  advanced  in  the  face  of 
the  enemN*8  arrows,  in  spite  of  the  steep  banks  which  were  lined 
with  cavalry  well  armed,  and  of  the  rapidity  of  the  river,  which 
often  bore  him  down  or  covered  him  with  its  waves,  his  motions 
seemed  rather  the  eftects  of  madness  than  sound  sense.  He  held 
on,  however,  till,  by  great  and  surprising  efforts,  he  gained  the  op- 
posite banks,  which  the  mud  made  extremely  slippery  and  danger- 
ous. When  he  was  there,  he  was  forced  to  stand  an  engagement 
with  the  enemy,  hand  to  hand,  and  with  great  confusion  on  his 
part,  because  they  attacked  his  men  as  fast  as  they  came  over,  be- 
fore he  had  time  to  form  them.  For  the  Persian  troops  charging 
with  loud  shouts,  and  with  horse  against  horse,  made  good  use  of 
their  spears,  and,  when  those  wer    broken,  of  their  swords. 

Numbers  pressed  hard  on  Alexander,  because  he  was  easy  to 
be  distinguishod  both  by  his  buckler  aid  by  his  crest,  on  each  side 
of  which  was  a  large  and  beautiful  plume  of  white  feathers.  His 
cuirass  was  pierced  by  a  javelin  at  the  joint.  But  he  escaped  un- 
hurt. After  this,  Rhopsaces  and  Spithridaies,  two  officers  of  great 
distinction,  attacked  him  at  once.  He  avoided  Spithridates  with 
great  address,  and  received  Rhoesaces  with  such  a  stroke  of  his 
spear  upon  his  breastplate,  that  it  broke  in  pieces.  Then  he  drew 
his  sword  to  despatch  him,  hui  his  adversary  still  maintained  the 
combat.  Mean  time,  Spithridates  came  up  on  one  side  of  him, 
and  raising  himself  up  on  his  horse,  gave  him  a  blow  with  his 
battle>axe,  which  cut  off*  his  crest,  with  one  side  of  his  plume. 
Nay,  the  force  of  it  was  such,  that  the  helmet  could  hardly  resist 
it ;  it  even  penetrated  to  his  hair.  Spithridates  was  going  to  re- 
peat  his  stroke,  when  Clitus  prevented  him,  by  running  him 
through  the  body  with  his  spear.  At  the  same  time  Alexander 
brought  Rhcesaces  to  the  ground  with  his  sword. 

While  the  cavalry  were  fighting  with  so  much  fury,  the  Mace- 
donian phalanx  passed  the  river,  and  then  the  infantry  likewise  en- 
gaged. The  «'nemy  made  no  great  or  long  resistance,  but  soon 
tumt'd  their  backs  and  ffed,  all  hut  the  Grecian  emissaries,  who 
making  a  stand  upon  an  eminence,  desired  Alexander  to  give  his 
word  of  honour  that  they  should  be  spared.  But  that  prince,  in- 
fluenced rather  by  his  passion  than  his  reason,  instead  of  giving 
them  quarter,  advanced  to  attack  them,  and  was  so  warmly  recei- 
ved, that  he  had  his  horse  killed  under  him.  It  was  not,  however, 
the  famous  Bucephalus.  In  this  dispute  he  had  more  of  his  men 
killed  and  wounded,  than  in  all  the  rest  of  the  battle  ;  for  here  they 
had  to  do  with  experienced  soldiers,  who  fought  with  a  courage 
heightened  by  despair. 


4 


ALEXANDEa  307 

The  barbarians,  we  are  told,  lost  in  this  battle  twenty  thousand 
foot,  and  iwo  thousand  five  hundred  horse  ;  whereas  Alexander 
had  no  more  than  thirty-four  men  killed,*  nine  of  which  were  the 
infantry.  To  do  honour  to  their  memory,  be  erected  a  statue  to 
each  of  them  in  brass,  the  workmanship  of  Lysippus.  And  that  the 
Greeks  might  have  their  share  in  the  glory  ot  the  day,  he  sent  them 
presents  out  of  the  spoil :  to  the  Athenians,  in  particular,  he  sent 
three  hundred  bucklers.  Upon  the  rest  of  the  spoils  he  put  this  pom- 
pous inscription  : — "  Won  by  Alexander,  the  son  of  Philip,  and  the 
Greeks,  (excepting  the  Lacedaemonians, )  of  the  Barbarians  in 
Asia."  The  greatest  part  of  the  plate,  and  other  things  of  thai 
kind  which  he  took  from  the  Persians,  he  sent  to  his  mother. 

This  battle  made  a  great  and  immediate  change  in  the  face  of 
Alexander's  affairs,  insomuch  that  Sardis,  the  principal  ornament 
of  the  Persian  empire  on  the  maritime  side,  made  its  submission. 
All  the  other  cities  followed  its  example,  except  Halicarnassus  and 
Miletus  :  these  he  took  by  storm,  and  subdued  all  tlie  adjacent  coun^ 
try.  After  this  he  remained  some  time  in  suspence  as  to  the  course 
he  should  take.  At  one  time  he  was  for  going,  with  great  expedi. 
tion,  to  risk  all  upon  the  fate  of  one  battle  with  Darius  ;  at  another 
he  was  for  first  reducing  all  the  maritime  provinces  :  that  when  he 
had  exercised  and  strengthened  himself  by  those  intermediate  ac- 
quisitions, he  might  then  march  against  that  prince. 

He  had  staid  some  time  at  Phaselis ;  and  having  found  in  the 
market-place  a  statue  of  Fheodectus,  who  was  of  that  place,  but 
then  deatl,  he  went  out  one  evening  when  he  had  drank  freely  at 
supper,  in  masquerade,  and  covered  it  with  garlands.  Thus,  m  an 
hour  of  festivity,  he  paid  an  agreeable  compliment  to  the  memory 
of  a  man  with  whom  he  had  formerly  had  a  connection,  by  means 
of  Aristotle  and  philosophy. 

After  this  he  subdued  such  of  the  Pisidians  as  had  revolted,  and 
conquered  Phrygia.  Upon  taking  Gordium,  which  is  said  to  have 
been  the  seat  of  the  ancient  Midas,  he  found  the  famed  chariot, 
fastened  with  cords,  made  of  the  bark  of  the  cornel  tree,  and  was 
informed  of  a  tradition,  firmly  believed  among  the  barbarians, 
"  That  the  Fates  had  decreed  the  empire  of  the  world  to  the  man 
who  should  untie  the  knot."  Most  historians  say  it  was  twislted 
so  many  private  ways,  and  the  ends  so  artfully  concealed  within, 
that  Alexander,  finding  he  could  not  untie- it,  cut  it  asunder  with 
his  sword,  and  so  made  many  ends  instead  of  two.  But  Aristobu- 
lus  affirms  that  he  easily  untied  it,  by  taking  out  the  pin  which  fas- 
tened the  voke  to  the  beam,  and  then  drawing  out  the  yoke  itself. 

His  next  acquisitions  were  Paphlagonia  and  Cappadocia,  and 

*  Arrian  (47)  says,  there  were  about  twenty  five  of  thP  king's  friends  killed,  and  of 

the  persons  of  less  note,  sixtv  horse  and  thirty  foot.    Q.  Curiius  informs  us,  it  was 

only  the  twenty- five  friends  who  had  statues.     They  were  erected  at  Dia,  a  city  of 

Macedonia,  from  whence  Q.  Metellus  long  after  carried  them  to  Rome. 


301  ALKXAIIDSL 

there  news  was  brought  him  of  the  death  of  Menrnon,*^  who  was 
the  most  respertable  officer  Dariiia  had  m  the  maritime  parts  of  his 
kingdom,  and  likely  to  have  given  the  invader  the  most  trouble. 
This  confirmed  him  in  his  resolution  of  marching  into  the  upper 
provinces  of  Asia. 

By  this  time  Darius  had  taken  his  departure  from  Susa.  full  of 
contideiice  in  his  numbers  for  his  army  consisted  of  no  less  than 
six  hundred  thousand  coiiibatanls.  He  was  likewise  more  encou- 
rnged  by  Alexander's  long  stay  in  Cilicia.  which  he  lo4»ked  upon  as 
the  effect  of  his  feiir.  But  the  real  cause  of  his  stay  was  Kickness, 
which  some  attribute  to  his  great  fatigues,  and  others  to  his  bathing 
in  the  river  Cydnus,  whose  water  is  extremely  cold.  His  ph\8i- 
cians  durst  not  give  him  medicines,  because  they  thought  them- 
selves not  HO  certain  of  the  cure,  as  of  the  danger  they  must  incur 
in  the  application  :  for  the\  feared  the  Macedonians,  if  they  did  not 
succeed,  would  suspect  them  of  some  bad  practice.  Philip,  the  Ar> 
canian,  saw  how  desperate  the  king's  case  was,  as  well  as  the  rest ; 
but,  beside  the  confidence  he  had  in  his  friendship,  he  thought  it 
the  highest  ingratitude,  when  his  master  was  in  so  much  danger, 
not  to  risk  something  with  him,  in  exhausting  all  his  art  for  his  re. 
lief.  He  therefore  attempted  the  cure,  and  found  no  difiicuhy  in 
persuading  the  king  to  wait  with  patience  till  his  medicine  was  pre- 
pared,  or  to  take  it  when  ready  ;  so  desirous  was  he  of  a  speedy 
recovery,  in  order  to  prosecute  the  war.  • 

In  the  mean  time  Parmenio  sent  him  a  letter  from  the  camp,  ad- 
vising him  **to  beware  of  Philip,  whom,  he  said,  Darius  *liad  pre- 
vailed upon,  by  presents  of  infinite  value,  and  the  promise  of  his 
daughter  io  marriage,  to  take  him  off  by  poison/'  As  soon  as 
Alexander  had  read  the  letter,  he  put  it  under  his  pillow,  without 
sliewing  it  to  any  of  his  friends.  The  time  being  come,  Philip, 
with  the  king's  friends,  entered  the  chamber,  having  the  cup  which 
contained  the  medicine  in  his  hand.  The  king  received  it  freely 
and  w  ithout  the  least  marks  of  suspicion,  and  at  the  same  time  put 
the  letter  into  his  hands.  It  was  a  striking  situation,  and  more  in. 
teresting  than  any  scene  in  a  tragedy  ;  the  one  reading  w  hile  the 
other  w  as  drinking.  They  looked  upon  each  other,  but  with  a  very 

*  Dpon  the  rieath  nf  iMemimii,  who  hnd  h4*i;un  with  Kreai  vucceftt  to  r«duc«  ihs 
Grrrk  itlaitdn.  ard  was  on  (tie  point  <>:  la.  Darius  watt  mi  a  Iota  whoin 

in  ciiiplnx.     While  ha  wa«  in  tlii>  nntis.  an    ^(hrnian,  who  had 

sitrved  «viih  great  rrpiiiation  nndrr  I'l      ,  i    hut  wa»  nnw  very  smU«iu«  fbr 

ih«  I'emtan  interest,  attempted  lo  set  Uie  kinc  Mtiti  ma  miniKer*  ri|{hi  -— ■'  While  jrou. 
fif  **  fUiid  hm  to  Darius,  "  are  safe,  the  empire  can  never  he  in  itreai  daofer.  I<«t  ut% 
li        '  i-ver  to  exprMw  your  |iers<m.  but  to  otaiie  choice  nf  imne  slrf* 

St  vnur  enemy.    <>ne  hundred  ihouaand  men  will  tie  more 
II  I  1  a  third  of  them  he  merrenancii.  to  compel  hiiM  to  atvinit«Mi 

Uif  t3iti«i|>iiii<' .  unti  it  vou  will  honour  me  with  '  "<  *.  {  will  lie  acrouiitahle 

for  tlie  siirces*  of  what  t  aiiviiw  **     Dariiiii  was  <<  '  <)-  to  the  uro|io«al.  hut 

t'     "- • f* ....^  .....w.  ,  .,.,  rt  ireaannHhie  de^ijpi.  and 

I  wa«  then  iiwi  Uie      1'hat  afile 
IV,.,    .  />iwt  Ac.  I.  xvii.  9  CWM.  MU 


ALEXANDER.  3Q9 

different  air.  The  king  with  an  open  and  unembarrassed  counte- 
nance, expressed  his  regard  tor  Philip,  and  the  confidetice  he  had 
in  his  honour;  Phihp's  look  shewed  his  indiirnation  at  the  calum. 
iiy.  One  while  he  lifted  up  his  eyes  and  hatids  to  heaven,  protest- 
ing his  fidelity  ;  another  while  he  threw  himself  down  b>  tne  bed- 
side, entreating  his  master  to  be  of  good  courage  and  trust  to  his 
care. 

The  medicine,  indeed,  was  so  strong,  and  overpowered  his  spi- 
rits in  such  a  manner,  that  at  first  he  was  speechless,  and  disco- 
vered scarce  any  sign  of  sense  or  life.  Bur  afterwards  he  was 
soon  relieved  by  his  faithful  physician,  and  recovered  so  well  that 
he  was  able  to  show  himself  to  the  Macedonians,  whose  distress 
did  not  abate  till  he  came  personally  before  them. 

There  was  in  the  army  of  Darius  a  !VlH<edonian  fugitive,  named 
Amyntas,  who  knew  perfectly  well  the  disposition  of  Alexander. 
This  man,  perceiving  that  Darius  prepared  to  march  through  the 
straits  in  quest  of  Alexander,  begged  of  him  to  remain  where  he 
was,  and  take  the  advantage  of  receivmg  an  enemy,  so  much  infe- 
rior  to  him  in  number,  upon  large  and  spacious  plains.  D^trius  an- 
swered, *'  He  was  afraid  in  that  case  the  enemy  would  fly  without 
comincr  to  an  action,  and  Alexander  escape  him."  *'  If  that  is  all 
your  fear,"  replied  the  Macedonian,  'Met  it  give  you  no  farther  unea- 
siness ;  for  he  will  come  and  seek  you,  and  is  already  on  his  march." 
However,  his  representations  had  no  effect :  Darius  set  out  for  Ci- 
licia  ;  and  Alexander  was  making  for  Syria  in  quest  of  him.  But 
happening  to  miss  each  other  in  the  night,  thev  both  turned  back ; 
and  Alexander  rejoicing  in  his  good  fortune,  hastened  to  meet 
Darius  in  the  Straits,  while  Darius  endeavoufed  to  disengage  him- 
self, and  recover  his  former  camp.  For  by  this  time  he  was  sensi- 
ble of  his  error  in  throwing  himself  into  ground  hemmed  in  by  the 
sea  on  one  side,  and  the  mountains  on  the  other,  and  intersected  by 
the  river  Pinaris  ;  so  that  it  was  impracticable  for  cavalry,  and  his 
infantry  could  only  act  in  small  and  broken  parties,  while  at  he 
same  time,  this  situation  was  extremely  convenient  for  the  enemy's 
inferior  numbers. 

Thus  fortune  befriended  Alexander  as  to  the  scene  of  action ; 
but  the  skilful  disposition  of  his  forces  contributed  still  more  to  his 
gaining  the  victory.  As  his  army  was  very  small  in  cdmnarison  of 
that  of  Darius,  he  took  care  to  draw  it  up  so  as  to  prevent  its  being 
surrounded,  by  stretching  out  his  right  wing  farther  than  the  ene- 
my's left.  In  that  wing  he  acred  in  person,  and  fiffhtins  in  the  fore- 
most ranks,  put  the  barbarians  to  flight.  He  was  wounded,  how- 
ever, in  the  thigh. 

The  victory  was  a  very  signal  one  ;  for  he  killed  above  a  hundred 
and  ten  thousand  of  the  enemy.*    Nothing  was  wanting  to  complete 

•  Diodorus  says  a  hundred  and  thirty  thousand. 


910  ALLXANDEB. 

it  but  the  taking  of  Darius ;  and  that  prince  escaped  narrowly, 
having  goi  ihe  wiart  of  hiH  pur-ueni  only  Tor  lour  or  five  furiougs 
Alexander  luok  inn  churiot  and  inn  bow,  and  returned  with  them 
to  hKs  Macedeiiiunb.  tie  found  iheni  loudnig  themselves  with  the 
plunder  of  the  enemy's  camp,  which  was  rich  and  various;  though 
Darius,  to  make  his  troops  titter  li»r  action,  had  let)  most  of  tbe 
baggage  in  Damascus'.  The  Vlacedonians 'tiad  reserved  for  their 
master  the  tent  of  Dunus,  in  which  he  found  ofliceis  of  the  house* 
hold  magnificently  clothed,  rich  turuilure,  and  great  quautiiies  of 
gold  and  silver.   - 

As  soon  as  he  had  put  off  his  armour,  he  went  to  the  bath,  saying 
to  those  about  him, — '*  Let  us  go  and  retresh  ourselves  after  the 
fatigues  of  the  field,  in  the  bath  of  Darius."  ''  Na\,  rather,"  said 
one  of  iiis  friends,  ''  in  the  bath  of  Alexander,  for  the  gm>ds  of  the 
conquered  are,  and  should  be  called  the  congueror's."  When  he 
had  taken  a  view  of  the  basins,  vials,  boxes,  and  other  vases,  curi- 
ously wrought  in  gold,  smelled  the  I'ragrunt  odours  of  essences, 
and  seen  the  -plendid  furniture  of  spacious  apartments,  he  turned 
to  his  friends  and  said,  "  This,  then,  it  seems,  it  v^as  to  be  a  king.*** 

As  he  was  silting  d«>\Aii  to  table,  an  account  was  brought  him, 
that  among  the  prisoners  were  the  mother  and  wife  oi  Darius,  and 
two  unmarried  daughters;  and  thai  upon  seeing  his  chariot  and 
and  bow,  they  broke  out  into  great  lamentations,  concluding  that 
he  was  dead.  Alexander,  alter  some  pause,  dtiriiig  \«hich  he  waa 
rather  commiserating  their  misfortunes,  than  rejoicing  in  his  own 
success,  sent  Le<inatus  l<>  assure  them,  '  That  Darius  was  n^t  dead; 
that  the\  had  nothing  to  fear  trom  Alexander,  for  his  dispute  with 
Darius  was  only  tor  empire;  and  that  the\  should  find  themselves 
pntvided  for  in  the  same  manner  as  when  Darius  was  in  his  ifrealest 
prosperity."  If  this  message  to  the  captive  pniicesse.s  was  gracious 
and  humane,  his  acti<ms  were  still  more  so.  He  allowed  them  to 
do  the  funeral  honours  to  what  Persians  they  pleased,  and  ftir  that 
purpose  furnished  them  out  of  the  spoils  with  robes,  and  all  the 
other  decorations  that  were  customary.  They  had  as  many  do* 
roestics,  and  were  served  in  all  respects  in  as  honourablo  a  manner 
as  before  ;  indeed,  their  appointments  were  greater.  But  there  was 
another  part  of  his  behaviour  to  them  still  more  noble  and  princely. 
Though  they  were  now  cai»tives.  he  considered  thai  they  were 
ladies,  not  only  of  high  rank,  but  of  great  mmlesty  ^nd  virtue,  and 
took  care  that  tlie\  should  not  hear  an  indecent  word,  nor  have  the 
least  cause  to  suspect  any  danger  to  iheir  honour.  Nay,  as  if  they 
had  been  in  a  holy  temple,  or  asylum  ol  virgins,  rather  than  in  an 
enem.*s  camp,  they  lived  unseen  and  unapproachod  in  the  most 
sacred  privacy. 

•An  if  nit  had  Mid,— "C^iulfi  a  kinf  place  his  ha^pineM  iti  '.mn  enjfi^manti  at 
Th«te .'"  For  Alexander  was  not,  till  long  after  ihia,  corrupted  by  itia  T 


ALEXANDER.  g|| 

It  is  said,  the  wife  of  Darius  was  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
women  as  Darius  was  one  of  ihe  tallest  and  handsomest  men  in 
the  world,  and  thai  their  daughters  much  resembled  them.  But 
Alexander,  no  doubt,  thought  ii  more  glorious  and  worthy  of  a  king 
to  conquer  himself,  than  to  subdue  his  enemies,  and  therefore  never 
apprnactied  one  of  them.  As  for  the  other  female  captives,  though 
they  were  tall  and  beautiful,  Alexander  took  no  further  notice  of 
them  than  to  say,  by  way  of  jest,  "  What  eye-sores  these  Persian 
women  are !" 

He  was  also  very  temperate  in  eating.  Of  this  there  are  many 
proofs ;  and  we  have  a  remarkable  one  In  what  he  said  to  Ada, 
whom  he  called  his  mother,  and  had  made  queen  of  Carta.*  Ada, 
to  express  her  afFeciionate  regards,  sent  him  every  day  a  number 
of  excelleni  dishes  and  a  handsome  desert ;  and  at  last  she  sent 
him  some  of  her  best  cooks  and  bakers.  But  he  said,  *'  He  had 
no  need  of  them  ;  tor  he  had  been  supplied  with  better  cooks  by 
his  tutor  Leonidas ;  a  march  before  day  to  dress  his  dinner,  and  a 
light  dinner  to  prepare  his  supper."  He  added,  that  "  the  same 
Leonidas  used  to  examine  the  chests  and  wardrobes  in  which  his 
bedding  and  clothes  were  put,  lest  something  of  luxury  and  super- 
fluity should  be  introduced  there  by  his  mother." 

Nor  was  he  so  much  addicted  to  wine  as  he  was  thought  to  be. 
It  was  supposed  so,  because  he  passed  much  of  his  time  at  table  ; 
but  that  time  was  spent  rather  in  talking  ihan  drinking ;  every  cup 
introducing  some  long  discourse.  Besides,  he  never  made  these 
long  meals  but  when  he  had  abundance  of  leisure  upon  his  hands. 
When  business  called,  he  was  not  to  be  detained  by  wine,  or  sleep, 
or  pleasure,  or  honourable  love,  or  the  most  entertaining  spectacle, 
though  the  motions  of  other  generals  have  been  retarded  by  some 
of  these  thinijs.  His  life  sufficiently  confirms  this  assertion  ;  for, 
though  verv  short,  he  performed  in  it  innumerable  great  actions. 

On  his  days  of  leisure,  as  soon  as  he  was  risen  he  sacrificed  to 
the  gods;  after  which  he  took  his  dinner  sitting.  The  rest  of  the 
day  he  spent  in  hunting  or  deciding  the  differences  among  his 
troops,  or  in  reading  and  writing.  If  he  was  upon  a  march  that 
did  not  require  haste,  he  would  exercise  himself  in  shooting  and 
darting  the  javelin,  or  in  mounting  and  alighting  from  a  chariot  in 
full  speed.  Sometimes  also  he  diverted  himself  with  fowHng  and 
fox-hunting,  as  we  find  by  his  journals. 

On  his  return  to  his  q  larters,  when  he  went  to  be  refreshed  with 
the  bath  and  with  oil,  he  inquired  of  ttie  stewards  of  his  kitchen, 
whether  they  had  prepared  every  thing  in  a  handsome  manner  for 

*  This  princess,  after  the  death  of  her  eldest  brother  Mausolns.  and  his  consort 
Artemisia,  who  died  without  children,  succeeded  to  the  throne  with  her  brother  Hi- 
dreus,  to  whom  sne  had  been  married.  Hidreus  dving  before  her,  Pexodorus,  her 
third  brother,  dethroned  her.  and  after  his  death,  his  son  in-law,  Orontes,  seized  thp 
crown.    Bui  Alexander  restored  her  to  the  possessroii  of  her  dominioija. 


3lJt  ALEXANDER. 

•upper.  It  was  not  till  late  id  the  evening,  and  when  night  was 
come  oil,  that  he  mok  his  meal,  and  then  he  eat  in  a  recumbent 
posture.  He  was  ver>  attentive  lu  his  guests  at  table,  that  they 
might  be  served  equaUy,  and  iiuiie  neglected.  His  entertainments, 
as  we  have  alrf^ady  nbserved,  lasted  man\  hours ;  but  they  were 
iengheiied  out  rather  b\  converHaiion  than  drinking.  His  coiiver* 
sation,  in  many  respecte,  was  more  agreeable  than  that  ot  inost 
princes,  for  he  was  not  deficient  in  the  graces  of  society.  His 
only  t'ault  was  his  retaining  so  much  of  the  soldier,  as  to  indulge  a 
troublesome  vanity.  He  would  not  only  t>oa8t  of  his  own  actions, 
but  j$utiered  himself  to* be  cajoled  by  flatterers  to  an  amazing 
degree. 

As  to  delicacies,  he  had  so  little  regard  for  them,  that  when  the 
choicest  fruit  and  fish  w»  re  brought  him  from  distant  countries  aad 
seas,  tie  would  send  some  to  each  of  his  friends,  and  he  verv  oAeo 
left  none  for  himsetf.  Yet  there  was  always  a  magnificence  at  bis 
table,  and  the  expcnce  rose  with  his  fortune,  till  it  came  to  ten 
thousand  drachmas  tor  one  entertainment.  There  it  stood :  and 
he  did  not  suffer  those  that  invited  him  to  exceed  that  sum. 

It  appeared  to  Alexander  a  matter  of  great  importance,  beibre 
be  went  farther,  to  gain  the  maritime  powers.  Upr>n  application, 
the  kings  of  Cyprus  and  Phcenicia  made  their  submission  :  only 
Tyre  held  out.  He  besieged  that  city  seven  months,  during  which 
time  he  erected  vast  mounts  of  earth,  plied  it  with  his  engines,  and 
invested  it  on  the  side  next  to  the  sea  with  two  hundred  galleys. 

About  the  middle  of  the  siege,  he  made  an  excursion  against  the 
Arabians  who  dwelt  about  Antilibanus.  There  he  ran  a  great  ride 
x>f  his  life  on  account  of  his  preceptor  Lysimachus,  who  insisted 
'On  attending  hini ;  being,  as  he  alleged,  neither  older  nor  less  vali- 
ant  than  Phoenix.  But  when  they  came  to  the  hills,  and  quitted 
their  horses,  to  march  up  on  foot,  the  rest  of  the  party  got  far 
before  Alexander  and  Lysimachus.  Night  came  on,  and,  as  the 
etM^my  was  at  no  great  distance,  the  king  would  not  leave  his  pre. 
ceptor  borne  down  with  futigue  and  the  weight  of  years.  There- 
fore,  while  he  was  encouraging  and  helping  hiro  forward,  he  was 
insensibly  separated  from  his  troops,  and  hud  a  dark  and  very  ooM 
night  to  pass  in  an  exposed  and  dismal  situation.  In  this  perplexity 
be  observed  at  a  distance  a  number  of  scattered  fires  which  the 
enemy  had  lighted  :  and  depending  upon  his  swifuess  and  activity, 
as  well  as  accustomed  to  extricate  the  Maoedonians  out  of  every 
difficulty,  by  taking  a  shace  in  the  labour  Ukd  danger,  ho  ran  to 
the  next  fire.  After  having  killed  two  of  the  barbarians  that  tat 
watching  it,  he  seized  a  lighted  brand,  and  hastened  with  it  to  bis 
party,  who  soon  kindled  a  great  fire.  The  sigbt  of  tins  so  intimi- 
dated I  he  enemy,  that  many  of  them  fled,  and  those  who  ventured 
to  attack  him,  were  repulsed  with  considerable  loss. 


ALEXANDER.  313 

From  thence  he  marched  into  Syria,  and  laid  siege  to  Gaza,  the 
capital  of  that  country.  Having  taken  the  city,  he  sent  most  of 
the  spoils  to  Olympias  and  Cleopatra  and  other  of  his  friends.  His 
tutor  Leonidas  was  not  forgotten  ;  and  the  present  he  made  him 
had  something  particular  in  it.  It  consisted  of  five  hundred  talents 
weight  of  frankincense,*  and  an  hundred  of  myrrh,  and  was  sent 
upon  the  recollection  of  the  hopes  he  had  concf^ived  when  a  boy. 
It  seems  Leonidas  one  day  had  observed  Alexander  at  a  sacrifice 
thrownig  incense  into  the  fire  bv  handtlils  :  upon  which  he  said, 
"  Alexander,  when  you  have  conquered  the  country  where  spices 
grow,  you  may  be  thus  liberal  of  your  incense  ;  but,  in  the  mean 
time,  use  what  you  have  more  sparingly."  He  therefore  wrote 
thus :  "  I  have  sent  you  frankincense  and  myrrh  in  abundance, 
that  you  may  be  no  longer  a  churl  to    he  gods." 

A  casket  being  one  day  brought  him,  wtiich  appeared  one  of  the 
most  curious  and  valuable  things  among  the  treasures  and  the 
whole  equipage  of  Darius,  he  asked  his  friends  what  they  thought 
most  worthy  to  be  put  in  it?  Different  things  were  proposed,  but 
he  said,  "  The  Iliad  most  deserved  -uch  a  case."  This  particular 
is  mentioned  by  several  writers  of  crredit.  And  if  what  the  Alexan- 
drians say,  upon  the  faith  of  Heraclides,  be  true.  Homer  was  no 
bad  auxiliary  or  useless  counsellor  in  the  course  of  the  war.  They 
tell  us,  that  when  \lexander  had  conquered  Eg\  pt,  and  determined 
to  build  rhere  a  city,  which  was  to  be  peopled  with  Greeks,  and 
called  after  his  own  name,  by  the  advice  of  his  architects  he  had 
marked  out  a  piece  of  ground,  and  was  preparing  to  lay  the  foun- 
dation ;  but  a  wonderful  dream  made  him  to  fix  upon  another  situ- 
ation. He  thought  a  person  with  grey  hair,  and  a  very  venerable 
aspect,  approached  him,  and  repeated  the  following  lines  : 

Hijjh  o'er  h  j^ulfv  sea  the  F'nanan  isle 
Fronts  ihe  r\ee\}  roar  ot   'ise    boguiiig  Nile. 

Alexander,  upon  this,  immediately  left  his  bed,  and  went  to 
Pharos,  which  at  that  time  was  an  island  lying  a  little  above  the 
Canobic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  but  now  is  joined  to  the  continent  by 
a  Cfiuseway.  He  no  sooner  cast  his  eyes  upon  the  place,  than  he 
perceived  the  commodiousness  of  the  situation.  It  is  a  tongue  of 
land,  not  unlike  an  isthmus,  whose  breadth  is  proportionable  to  its 
length.  On  one  side  it  has  a  great  lake,  and  on  the  other  the  sea, 
which  there  forms  a  capacious  harbour.  This  led  him  to  declare, 
"  That  Homer,  among  his  other  admirable  qualifications  was  an 
excellent  architect,  and  he  ordered  a  city  to  be  planned  suitable  to 
the  ground,  and  its  appendant  conveniences.     For  want  of  chalk 

lb   oz.  dwt  gr. 
*  Thp  common  Attic  talent,  in  Troy  weight,  was  -  56  11     0     17x 

This  talent  consis^ted  of  BO  mince ;  but  there  was  anoiher  Attic  talent,  ' 

bv  some  said  to  consist  <»f  80,  bv  others  of  100  mines.     The  mina 
was  -  .'..-....      0  tl     7     162 

The  talent  of  Alexandria  was 104    0  19    14^ 

2r  27 


314 


ALEXANDRIA 


they  made  use  of  flour,  which  answered  weh  enough  upon  a  black 
soil,  and  they  drew  a  hrie  wiih  it  about  the  semicircular  bay.  The 
nrnis  ol  this  seniicircle  were  termmaied  b>  straight  hues,  to  that 
the  whole  wiis  in  the  torm  of  a  Macedonian  cloak. 

The  execuiion  of  the  plan  be  left  to  his  archiiecUi,  and  went  to 
visit  the  temple  ol  Jupiter  Ammon.  It  was  a  long  and  laborious 
journey  :  and  besides  the  faiigue,  there  were  two  greai  dangers 
attending  it.  The  one  was,  that  iheK  water  might  fail,  in  a  desert 
of  many  day's  journey  w^hich  afforded  no  supply  ;  and  the  other, 
that  they  might  be  surprised  by  a  violent  so  ih  wind  amidst  the 
wastes  of  sand,  as  it  happened  long  before  to  the  army  of  Cam> 
byses.  The  wind  raised  the  sand,  and  rolled  it  in  such  waves, 
that  it  devoured  tull  fifty  thousand!  men.  These  difficulties  were 
considere«i  and  represented  to  Alexander :  but  it  was  not  easy  to 
divert  hint  from  any  of  his  purposes.  Fortune  had  sappitried  him 
in  such  a  manner,  that  his  resolutions  were  become  invincibly 
strong ;  and  his  courage  inspired  him  with  such  a  spirit  of  adven- 
ture, that  he  thought  it  not  enough  to  be  victorious  in  the  field,  but 
ho  must  conquer  both  time  and  place. 

When  he  had  passed  the  desert,  and  was  arrived  at  the  place, 
the  minister  of  Ammon  received  him  with  salutations  from  the  god, 
as  from  a  father.  And  when  he  inquired,  *'  Whether  any  of  the 
assassins  of  his  father  had  escaped  him  ?  the  priest  desired  he 
would  not  express  himself  in  that  manner,  **  for  his  father  »%as  not 
a  mortal.''  Then  he  asked,  *'  Whether  all  the  murderers  of  Philip 
were  punished  ; ,  and  whether  it  was  given  the  proponent  to  be 
the  conqueror  of  the  world  ?"  Jupiter  answered,  '*  That  he  granted 
him  that  high  distinction  ;  and  that  the  death  of  Philip  was  suffici- 
enily  avenged."  Upon  this,  Alexander  made  Iih  acknowleduments 
to  the  god  by  rich  offerings,  and  loaded  the  priests  with  presents 
of  great  value.  This  is  the  account  most  historians  give  us  of  the 
affair  of  the  oracle ;  but  Alexander  himself,  in  the  letter  he  wrote 
to  his  mother  on  that  occasion  only  says,  "  He  received  certain 
private  answers  from  the  (<racle,  which  he  would  communicate  to 
her,  and  her  onl\,  at  his  return." 

He  went  to  hear  Psammo,  an  Egyptian  philosopher,  and  the 
saying  of  his  that  pleased  him  most  was,  ''  That  all  men  are  go- 
verned  hy  God,  for,  in  every  thing,  that  which  rules  and  governs  is 
divine."  But  Alexander's  own  maxim  was  more  agreeable  to  sound 
philosophy  :  he  said,  '*  God  is  the  common  father  of  men,  but  more 
particularly  of  the  good  and  virtuous." 

When  among  the  barbarians,  indeed,  he  affected  a  \o(iy  port, 
such  as  might  suit  a  man  perfectly  convinced  of  his  divine  original , 
but  it  was  in  a  small  degree,  and  with  great  caution,  that  he  as- 
sumed any  thing  of  divinity  among  the  Greeks.  We  must  except, 
however,  that  he  wrote  to  the  Athenians  concerning  Samoa,  **  It 


ALEXANDER. 


315 


was  not  I  who  gave  you  that  free  and  famous  city,  hut  your  then 
Lord,  who  was  called  my  father,"  meaning  Phihp.*  Yet  long  after 
this,  when  he  was  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and  experienced  great 
torture  from  it,  he  said,  my  friends,  this  is  blood,  and  not  the  ichor, 

"  Which  blest  iminortals  shed." 

At  his  return  from  Egypt  to  Phoenicia,  he  honoured  the  gods 
with  sacrifices  and  solemn  processions ;  on  which  occasion  the 
peopU  were  entertained  with  music  and  dancing,  and  tragedies 
were  presented  in  the  greatest  perfection,  not  only  in  respect  of 
the  magnificence  of  the  scenery,  but  the  spirit  of  emulation  in  ihose 
who  exhibited  them.  In  Athens  persons  are  chosen  by  lot  out  of 
the  tribes  to  conduct  those  exhibitions  ;  but  in  ihis  case  the  princes 
of  Cyprus  vied  with  each  other  with  incredible  ardour ;  particu- 
larly Nicocreon  king  of  Salamis,  and  Pa.sicrates  king  of  Soli. 
They  chose  the  most  celebrated  actors  that  could  be  found  ;  Pasi- 
crates  risked  the  victory  upon  x\thenodorus,  and  Nicocreon  upon 
Thessalus.  Alexander  interested  himself  particularly  in  behalf  of 
the  latter;  but  did  not  discover  his  attachment,  till  Athenodorus 
was  declared  victor  b\  all  the  suffrages.  Then,  as  he  left  the 
theatre,  he  said,  "  I  commend  the  judges  for  what  they  have  done  ; 
but  I  would  have  given  half  my  kingdom  rather  than  have  seen 
Thessalus  conquered." 

It  was  about  this  time  that  he  received  a  letter  from  Darius,  in 
which  that  prince  proposed,  on  condition  of  a  pacification  and 
future  friendship,  to  pay  him  ten  thousand  talents  in  ransom  of  the 
prisoners,  to  cede  to  him  all  the  countries  on  this  side  the  Euphra- 
tes, and  to  give  him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Upon  his  commu- 
nicating  these  proposals  to  his  friends,  Parmenio  said,  "  If  I  were 
Alexander,  I  would  accept  them." — "  So  would  I,"  said  Alexander,f 
"  It"  I  were  Parmenio."  The  answer  he  gave  Darius  was,  "  That 
if  he  would  come  to  him,  he  should  find  the  best  of  treatment :  if 
not,  he  mus!  go  and  seek  him." 

In  consequence  of  this  declaration  he  began  his  march  ;  but  he 
repented  that  he  had  set  out  so  soon,  when  he  received  information 
that  the  wife  of  Darius  was  dead.  That  princess  died  in  childbed  ; 
and  the  concern  of  Alexander  was  great,  because  he  lost  an  oppor- 
tuni  y  of  exercising  his  clemency.  All  he  could  do  was  to  return, 
and  bury  her  with  the  utmost  magnificence. 

Alexander  having  subdued  all  on  this  side  the  Euphrates,  began 
his  march  against  Darius,  who  had  taken  the  field  with  a  million 
of  men.  During  this  march,  one  of  his  friends  mentioned  to  him, 
as  a  matter  that  might  divert  hira,  that  the  servants  of  the  army 

*  He  knew  the  Athenians  were  sunk  into  such  meanness,  that  they  would  readily 
admit  his  pretensions  to  divinity.     So  afterwards  they  deified  Denteirius. 

f  Loiiginus  takes  notice  of  t.^is  as  an  instance,  that  it  is  natural  for  men  of  genius, 
even  in  their  common  disccurse,  to  let  fall  something  great  and  sublime. 


3ie  ALEXANDER. 

liad  divided  themselves  into  two  bands,  and  that  each  had  chosen 
a  chief,  one  of  whom  they  called  AU-xaiider,  and  the  nlhvT  Darius. 
They  began  to  skirmisli  with  clods,  and  afterwards  fought  with 
their  lists;  and,  at  last,  heated  with  a  d^-sire  of  victory,  many  of 
them  came  to  stoncM  and  sticks,  insomuch  thai  they  could  hardly 
be  parted.  The  king,  upon  this  report,  ordered  the  two  chieia  to 
fight  m  single  c()ini>ai,  and  armed  Alexander  with  his  own  hands, 
while  Plulotas  did  the  same  for  Durius.  The  whole  army  sltMid 
and  looked  on,  considering  the  event  of  this  combat  as  a  presage 
of  the  issue  of  the  war.  The  two  champions  fought  with  great 
fury  ;  but  he  who  bore  the  name  of  Alexander  proved  victorious. 
He  was  rewarded  with  a  present  of  twelve  villages,  and  allowed  to 
wear  a  Persian  robe,  as  Eratothenes  lells  the  story. 

The  £>reat  battle  with  Darius  whs  not  fought  at  Arbela,^  as  most 
historians  will  have  it;  but  a>  Gauo^amela,  \vhich,  in  the  Persian 
toiitfue,  i>  said  to  signif\  the  house  of  the  canw.l;-\  so  called,  because 
one  of  the  ancient  kings  having  escaped  his  enemies  by  the  swift. 
ness  of  his  camel,  ptaced  her  there,  and  appointed  the  revenue  of 
certain  villages  for  her  maintenance. 

In  the  month  of  September  there  happened  an  eoli|p8e  of  the 
moon  ;  about  the  beginning  of  the  festivals  <if  the  great  in>  steries 
at  Athens.  The  eleventh  night  after  that  eclipse,  the  t#b  armies 
being  in  view  of  each  other,  Darius  kept  his  men  under  arms,  and 
took  a  general  review  of  his  troops  by  torch-light.  Meantime 
Alexander  suffered  his  Macedonians  to  repose  themselves,  and 
wi<h  his  soothsaver  Aristander  performed  some  private  ceremonies 
before  his  lent,  an<l  offered  sacrifices  'o  Fear.|  The  r>ldesl  of  his 
friends,  and  Parmenio  in  pariicular,  when  the\  beheld  the  plain 
between  Niphates  and  the  Gorusean  mountains  all  illuminated  with 
the  torches  of  ihe  barbarians,  and  heard  the  tumultuous  and  appalU 
ing  noise  from  their  camp,  hke  the  bellowing  of  an  immense  sea, 
were  astonished  at  their  numbers,  and  observed  among  themselves 
how  arduous  an  enterprise  it  would  be  to  meet  »iv\\  a  torrent  of 
war  ill  open  day.  They  waited  upon  the  king,  therefore,  when  he 
had  finished  the  sacrifice,  and  advised  him  to  attack  the  enemy  in 
the  night,  when  darkness  would  hide  what  was  most  dreadful  m  the 
combat.  Upon  this  he  gave  them  that  celebrated  answer, — I  wM 
not  steal  a  victory. 

It  is  true,  this  answer  has  been  thought  by  some  to  savour  of  the 
vanity  ni' n  \oiing  man  who  derided  the  most  obvious  dantfer:  yet 
Otherw  have  thought  it  not  only  well  calculated  to  encourage  his 

*  Bui  a«  GauKnniftlii  wsc  onlv  •  villsK*  and  Arbela  ■  con«irlenihl«  inwn  stood 
near  it.  ihr  Ma«-«<1<>iMiiiif  choke  •«>  r1i»i>M^ini(h  ini*  tMt<l«>  b<  ihc  natui*  of  iih'  lattar 
f  Dariu*  (h«  turn  of  lviita«p«Ki  coMf^t  inr  lifwui"  of**eMhf  upon  that  rMmal 
i  Frar  wa*  imm  wiihoui  imr  aliaio  'ri>^M*u«  •M«cri6«*Ml  !••  her  •«.  '%r  have  iMill  la 
hit  Ufi»  AnH  Plit'srch  trlU  u»  m  the  hf«»  of  K^i*  and<'ii«»  rn«>»  mat  the  I  ac^'asw 
ninii-  tuili  a  i«  ok  4<t  l<>ar  whom  ihey  honoured,  not  ■•  a  pernicioua  detuoa,  b«il  M 
the  bund  of  ail  gpod  gov«rnnient. 


ALEXANDER.  3I7 

troops  at  that  time,  but  polite  enough  in  respect  to  the  future  ;  be- 
caust^,  if  Darius  happened  to  be  beaten,  it  lett  hini  no  handle  to 
proceed  to  another  trial,  under  pretence  ihat  night  and  darkness 
hau  been  bis  adversaries,  as  he  had  before  laid  the  blame  upon  the 
mountains,  the  narrow  passes,  and  the  sea.  For  in  such  a  vast 
empire  it  could  never  be  the  want  of  arms  or  men  that  would  bring 
Danus  to  give  up  the  dispute  ;  but  the  rum  of  his  hopes  and  spirits, 
in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  a  battle,  where  he  had  the  advantage 
of  numbers  and  of  day-light. 

When  his  friends  were  gone,  Alexander  retired  to  rest  in  his 
tent,  and  he  is  said  to  have  slepi  that  night  much  sounder  than 
usual ;  insomuch  that  when  his  officers  came  to  attend  him  the  next 
day,  they  could  not  but  express  iheir  surprise  at  if,  while  they  were 
obliged  them«eives  to  giv^out  orders  to  the  troops  to  take  their 
mornmg  refreshment.  After  this,  as  the  case  was  urgent,  Parme- 
nio  entered  his  apartment,  and  standing  by  the  bed,  called  him  two 
or  three  times  by  name.  Wiien  he  awaked,  that  officer  asked  him, 
— "  Why  he  slept  like  a  man  that  had  already  conquered,  and  not 
rather  like  one  who  had  the  greatest  battle  the  world  ever  heard 
of  to  fight  ?"  Alexander  smiled  al  the  question,  and  said, — "  In 
what  light  can  you  look  upon  us  but  as  conquerors,  when  we  have 
not  now  to  traverse  desolate  countries  in  pursuit  of  Darius,  and  he 
no  longer  declines  the  combat  ?"  Ii  was  not,  however,  only  before 
the  battle,  but  in  the  face  of  danger,  that  Alexander  showed  his 
intrepidity  and  excellent  judgment  ;  for  the  battle  was  «ome  time 
doubtful.  The  left  wing,  commanded  by  Parmenio,  uas  almost 
broken  by  the  impetuosity  with  which  the  Bactrian  cavalry  char- 
ged ;  and  Mazasus  had,  moreover,  detached  a  party  of  horse,  with 
orders  to  wheel  round  and  attack  the  corps  that  was  left  to  guard 
the  Macedonian  baijgage.  Parmenio,  greatly  disturbed  at  these 
circumstances,  sent  messengers  to  acquaint  Alexander,  that  his 
camp  and  baggage  would  be  taken  if  he  did  not  immediately  des- 
patch a  strong  reinforcement  from  the  front  to  the  rear.  The 
moment  that  account  was  brought  him,  he  was  giving  the  right 
wing,  which  he  commanded  in  person,  the  signal  to  charge.  He 
stopped,  however,  to  tell  the  messenger, — "  Parmenio  must  have 
lost  his  senses,  and  in  this  dis<irder  must  have  forgot,  that  the  con- 
querors are  always  masters  of  all  that  belonged  to  the^  enemy  ;  and 
the  conquered  need  no!  give  themselves  any  concern  about  their 
treasures  or  prisoners,  nor  have  any  thing  to  think  of,  but  how  to 
sell  their  lives  dear,  and  die  in  the  bed  of  honour." 

As  soon  as  he  had  returned  Parmenio  this  answer,  he  put  on 
his  helmet ;  for  in  other  points  he  came  ready  armed  out  of  his  tent. 
He  had  a  short  coat  of  the  Sicilian  fashion  girt  cl<»se  about  him, 
and  over  that  a  breast. plate  of  linen  sir.mgl."  quilted,  which  was 
found  among  the  spoils  at  the  battle  of  lssu«.  His  helmet,  the 
27* 


318  ALKXAiNDKR. 

workmanship  of  Theophi)u.%  was  of  iron,  but  so  well  polished,  that 
it  slioiie  like  ihe  tirtghles  liitver.  To  thi«i  wus  tixed  a  gorget  of 
the  saiuv  iueial,  not  wiili  precious  sumes.  His  sword,  the  Wfupon 
he  generally  used  in  buMe,  was  h  present  trom  the  king  ol  the 
Cii leans,  and  could  nt  be  excelled  lor  li^htiiesH  or  lor  temper. 
But  the  belt  whicii  he  \«ore  in  ail  engagements  was  more  superb 
than  the  rest  ot  nis  armour.  It  Mas  given  him  by  the  Klitidians  us 
a  marn  of  their  respect,  and  old  Helicon  hud  exerted  ail  his  art  to 
it.  Ill  dia\»ing  up  his  army  and  in  giving  orders,  as  \%ell  as  exer- 
cising and  reviewing  ir,  lie  spared  Bucephalus  on  account  of  his 
age,  and  rode  another  horse  ;  but  he  constantly  charged  upon  him; 
and  tie  had  no  sooner  mounted  him  than  the  signal  was  always 
given. 

The  speech  he  made  to  the  Thess^ians  and  the  other  Greeks 
was  of  some  length  on  this  occasion.  When  he  found  that  ihey,  in 
their  turn,  strove  to  add  to  his  contid*  nee,  and  called  nut  to  him  to 
lead  inern  against  the  barbarians,  he  shitted  his  javelin  to  his  left 
hanil,  and  stretching  his  ri^ia  hand  towards  heaven,  according  to 
Callistheiies,  he  entreated  the  gods,  ''  to  delbnd  and  invigorate  the 
Greeks,  li  he  really  Has  the  son  of  Jupiter." 

Anstander  the  soothsayer,  who  rode  by  Ins  side,  in  a  white  robe, 
and  with  a  crown  of  gold  upon  hia  head,  ihen  pointed  out  an  eagle 
flying  over  him,  and  din^cted  his  course  against  the  enemy.  The 
sigtit  of  tnis  so  animated  the  troops,  ihat,  alter  mutual  exhortations 
to  bravery,  the  cavalry  charged  at  full  8p«  ed,  and  the  phalanx 
rushed  on  like  a  torrent.  Before  liie  first  ranks  were  well  enga- 
ged, tne  barbarians  gave  way,  and  Alexander  pressed  hard  upon 
the  fugitives,  in  order  lo  penetrate  into  the  midst  of  the  host  where 
Darius  acted  in  person  ;  for  he  helield  him  at  a  distance,  over  the 
foremost  ranks,  amidst  his  royal  squadron;  liesides  that  he  was 
mounted  upon  a  lofty  chanot,  Dunns  was  easily  distinguished  by 
his  size  and  beauty.  A  numerous  body  of  select  cavalry  stood  in 
clohe  orrter  about  the  chariot,  and  seemed  well  pre|>ared  to  receive 
the  enemy.  Uui  Alexander's  approach  seemed  so  terrible,  as  he 
drove  the  fugitives  upon  tliose  who  still  maintaihed  their  ground, 
thai  they  were  seizen  with  consternation,  and  the  greatest  part  of 
them  dispersed.  A  few  of  the  best  and  bravest  of  them,  indeed, 
met  their  deut^i  before  Ihe  king's  chariot,  and  falling  in  heaps  one 
upon  another,  strove  to  stop  the  pursuit;  tor  in  the  very  pangs  of 
"death  they  clung  to  the  Macedoniuns,  and  caught  hold  of  their 
horses'  legs  as  they  stood  upon  the  ground. 

Danihi  had  now  the  mo»  dreadful  dangers  before  his  eyes.  His 
own  forces,  that  w<;re  placed  in  the  front  to  defend  him,  were  dri- 
yen  haek  upon  him;  the  wheels  of  his  chariot  were,  morec»ver, 
entungled  among  thr  dead  bodies,  s<»  that  it  was  almost  impossible 
to  turn  it ;    and  the  horses  plunging  araoAg  heaps  of  the  slain, 


ALEXANDER  319 

bounded  up  and  down,  and  ni»  longer  obeyed  the  hands  of  the 
charioteer,  in  this  extremity  he  quitted  the  chariot  and  his  arms, 
and  fled,  as  they  tell  us,  upon  a  mare  which  had  newly  foaled.  But 
in  all  probability  he  had  not  escaped  so,  if  Parmenio  had  not  again 
sent  some  horsemen  to  desire  Alexander  to  come  to  his  assistance, 
because  great  part  of  the  enemy's  forces  still  stood  their  ground, 
and  kept  a  good  countenance.  Alexander,  though  vexed  at  bemg 
so  stopped  in  his  career,  did  not  acquaint  thf  troops  about  him  with 
the  purport  of  the  message  ;  but  under  pretence;  of  being  weary  of 
such  a  carnage,  and  of  its  growing  dark,  sounded  a  retreat.  How- 
ever, as  he  was  riding  up  to  that  parr  of  his  artny  which  had  been 
represented  in  danger,  he  was  informed  that  the  enemy  were  to- 
tally defeated  and  put  to  flight. 

The  battle  having  -^uch  an  issue,  the  Persian  empire  appeared 
to  be  entirely  destroyed,  and  ATexander  was  acknowledged  king 
of  all  Asia.  The  first  thing  he  did  was  to  make  his  acknowledg- 
ments to  the  gods  by  magni^cent  sacrifices  :  and  then  to  his  friends, 
by  rich  gifts  of  houses,  estates,  and  governments.  As  he  was  par- 
ticularly ambitKiUs  of  recommending  himself  to  the  Greeks,  he  sig- 
nified by  letter,  that  all  tyrannies  should  be  abolished,  and  that 
they  should  be  governed  by  their  own  laws,  under  the  auspices  of 
freedom.  To  the  Plataeans  in  particular  he  wrote,  that  their  city 
should  be  rebuilt,  because  their  ancestors  had  made  a  prt^sent  of 
their  territory  to  the  Greeks,  in  order  thiit  they  might  fight  the 
cause  of  liberty  upon  their  own  lands.  He  sent  also  a  part  of  tho 
spoils  to  the  Crotonians  in  Italy,  in  honour  of  the  spirit  and  cou- 
rage of  their  countryman  Pnaylus,  a  champion  o\  the  wrestling- 
ring,  who,  in  the  war  with  the  Modes,  when  the  rest  of  the  Greeks 
in  Italy  sent  no  assistance  to  the  Greeks  their  brethren,  fitted  out 
a  ship  at  his  own  expence,  and  repaired  to  Salamis,  to  take  a  share 
in  ttie  common  danger.  Such  a  pleasure  did  Alexander  tnke  in 
every  instance  of  virtue,  and  so  faitht'ul  a  guardian  was  he  of  the 
honour  of  all  great  actions  ! 

Alexander  having  madt-  himself  master  of  Susa,  found  in  the 

king's  palace,  forty  thousand  talents  in  coined  money,*  imd  the 

royal    furniture    and   other    richer   were    of  inexpressible  value. 

Among  other  things,  there  was  purple  of  Hermoine,  worth  fivo 

thousand  talents,  which,  though  it  had  been  laid  up  a  hundred  and 

ninety  years   retained  its  first  freshness  and  beauty.     It  is  said  he 

found  as  much  gold  on  his  first  entrance  into  Persia  as  he  did  at 

Susa,  and  that  there  was  such  a  quantity  oi'  other  treasures  and 

rich  movables,  that  it  loaded  ten  thousand  pair  of  mules  and  five 

thousand  camets.f 

At  Persepolis  he  cast  his  eyes  upon  a  great  statue  of  Xerxes, 

*  Q  (kirnus,  who  magniAes  every  thing,  says  fifty  thousand. 
f  Dioddrns  says  ttiree  thousand. 


320  ALEXANDER 

which  had  been  thrown  down  from  its  pedestal  by  the  crowd  that 
sild«icMii\  rushed  in,  and  lay  neglected  on  the  ground.  Upon  this 
he  8iupped«  and  addressed  it  as  if  it  had  been  ahve.  **  Shall  we 
leave  >ou,"  said  he,  ''  in  this  condition,  on  account  of  the  war  yoa 
made  u)>on  Greece,  or  rear  you  again,  for  the  sttke  of  your  mag. 
nanimity  and  other  virtues?'*  Alter  he  had  »tood  a  long  time  con> 
sidenng  in  silence  which  he  should  do,  he  passed  by  and  let)  it  as 
it  was.  To  give  his  troops  time  to  refresh  themselves,  he  staid 
there  four  monfhs^for  ii  was  winter. 

When  he  was  upon  ihe  point  of  marching  against  Darius,  he 
made  a  ^reat  entertainment  for  his  friends,  at  which  they  drank  to 
a  degree  of  intoxication ;  and  the  women  had  their  share  in  it,  for 
they  came  in  masquerade  to  seek  their  lovers.  The  most  celebra. 
ted  among  their  women  was  Thais,  a  native  of  Attica,  and  mistress 
to  Ptolemy,  afterwards  king  of  Egypt.  When  she  had  gained 
Alexander's  attention  by  her  flsttery  and  humorous  vein,  she  ad. 
dressed  him  over  her  cups  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  the  spirit  of 
her  country,  but  far  above  a  person  of  her  stamp.  *'  i  have  under, 
gone  great  fatigues,"  said  she, ''  in  wandering  about  Asia ;  but  vhifl 
das  has  brought  me  a  compensation,  by  putting  it  in  my  power  to 
insult  the  proud  courts  of  the  Persian  kings.  Ah  !  how  much  greater 
pleasure  would  it  be  to  finish  iht^  carousal  with  burning  the  palace 
of  Xerxes,  who  laid  Athens  in  ashes,  and  to  set  tire  to  it  myself  to 
the  sight  of  Alexander!*  Then  shall  it  be  said  in  limes  to  come, 
that  the  women  of  his  train,  have  more  signally  avenged  the  cause 
of  Greece  upon  the  Persians,  than  all  that  the  generals  itefore  hira 
could  do  by  sea  or  land." 

This  spet^ch  was  received  with  the  loudest  plaudits  and  moat 
tumuliory  acclamations.  All  the  company  strove  to  persuade  the 
king  to  comply  with  the  proposal.  At  last,  yielding  to  then  in. 
stances,  he  leaped  from  his  seat,  <ind,  with  his  garland  on  his  head, 
and  a  flambeau  in  his  hand,  led  the  wa>  :  the  rest  followed  with 
shouts  of  joy,  and,  dancing  as  they  went,  spreao  themselves  round 
the  palace.  The  Macedonians,  who  got  intelligence  of  this  frolic, 
ran  up  with  lighted  torches,  and  joined  them  with  great  pleasure; 
for  they  concluded,  from  his  destroying  the  royal  palace,  that  the 
king's  thoutfhts  were  turned  towards  home,  and  that  he  did  not 
design  to  fix  his  seat  among  the  barbarians.  Such  is  the  account 
most  of  the  writers  give  us  of  the  motives  of  this  transaction.  There 
are  not,  however,  wanting  those  who  assert,  that  it  was  in  conte. 
quence  of  i^ool  reflection  ;  but  all  agree  that  th^  king  so<m  repented, 
and  ordered  the  fire  to  be  extinguiHhed. 

*  These  ooniei  were  not  reared  toieU  for  regal  niagnificence  snd  Ncurttr.  but  to 
aid  the  appeute*  of  power  and  luxury,  and  lo  kecrrtr  the  rnyal  plaa»ur««  ftou*  tham 
that  loiled  to  gtnxtfy  them.  Thui.  m*  thii  noble  struciure  was  poMibly  raised  not  oaty 
for  vanity  but  for  not .  to.  prohabty.  by  vanny  inflamed  by  riot,  ii  fell  — )i  Mri^ii^ 
uistasce  of  the  insignificanfiy  of  human  latMurs,  and  the  depravity  of  human  nM«oie. 


ALEXAiNDER.  321 

As  he  was  naturally  munificent,  that  inciinatiou  increased  with 
bis  exiraorduiary  acifuisitions  ;  and  he  had  also  a  gracious  manner, 
which  IS  the  only  thuig  which  gives  bounty  an  irresisfible  charm. 
With  whar  a  free  hand  he  showered  his  gifts  upon  his  friends,  and 
those  who  attended  upon  his  person,  appears  from  one  of  the  letters 
of  Olympias.  "  You  do  well,"  said  she,  "  in  serving  your  friends, 
and  It  IS  right  to  act  nobly  :  but  by  making  them  all  equal  to  kings, 
in  proportion  as  you  put  it  in  their  powet-  to  make  friends,  \ou  de- 
prive yourself  of  that  privilege."  As  for  his  mother,  he  made  her 
many  magnifficent  presents ;  but  he  would  not  sutler  her  busy 
genius  to  exert  itself  in  state  affairs,  or  in  the  least  to  controul  the 
proceedings  of  government.  She  complained  of  this  as  a  hardship, 
and  he  bore  her  ill- humour  with  great  mildness.  Antipater  once 
wrote  him  a  long  letter  full  of  heavy  compiamts  against  her;  and 
when  he  had  read  it,  he  said,  "  Awtipater  knows  not  that  one  tear 
of  a  mother  can  blot  out  a  thousand  such  complaints." 

Finding  that  his  great  officers  set  no  bounds  to  their  luxury,  that 
they  were  most  extravagantly  delicate  in  their  diet,  and  profuse  in 
other  respects,  he  reproved  their  degeneracy  with  all  the  temper 
of  a  philosopher.  After  this,  he  constantly  todk  the  exercise  of  war 
or  hunting,  and  exposed  himself  to  dangers  and  fatigue  with  less 
precaution  than  ever ;  so  that  a  Lacedaemonian  ambassador,  who 
ai tended  him  one  day  when  he  had  killed  a  tierce  lion,  said,  •'  Alex- 
ander, vou  have  disputed  the  prize  of  royalty  gloriously  with  the 
lion."  ' 

Thus  Alexander  hazarded  his  person,  by  way  of  exercise  l^or 
himsett',  and  example  to  others.  But  his  friends,  in  the  pride  of 
wealth,  were  so  devoted  to  luxury  and  ease,  that  they  considered 
long  marches  and  campaigns  as  a  burden,  and  by  degrees  came  to 
murmur  and  speak  ill  of  the  king.  As  he  first  bore  their  censures 
with  great  moderation,  and  used  to  say,  "  There  was  something 
noble  in  hearing  himself  ill  spoken  of  while  he  was  doinjr  well."* 
Indeed,  in  the  least  of  the  good  offices  he  did  his  friends,  there  were 
great  marks  of  affection  and  respect.  We  will  give  an  instance  or 
two  of  it.  He  wrote  to  Peucestas,  who  had  been  bitt^n  by  a  bear 
in  hunting,  to  complain,  that  he  had  given  an  account  of  the  acci- 
dent, by  letters,  to  others  of  his  friends,  and  not  to  him.  "  But 
now,"  says  he,  **  let  me  know,  however,  how  ^ou  do,  and  whether 
any  of  your  company  deserted  you,  that  I  may  punish  them,  if  such 
there  were."  When  Hephaestion  happened  to  be  absent  upon  busi- 
ness, he  acquainted  him  in  one  of  his  letters,  that,  as  they  were 
diverting  themselves  with  hunting  the  ichneumon,f  Craterus  had 

*  Voltaire  says  somewhere,  that  it  is  a  noble  thirig  to  make  lugrates.  He  seems  to 
be  indebted  for  this  sentiment  to  Alexander. 

+  The  Egyptian  rat.  called  ichneumon,  is  of  the  size  of  a  cat,  with  very  rough  hair, 
spotted  wiih  white,  jellow,  and  ash  colour  :  its  ni>se  like  that  of  a  hog.  with  which  it 
digs  up  the  earth,     it  has  short  black  legs:,  and  a  tail  like  a  fox.     It  lives  on  i«ar#s, 


322  AEBXAIIDSB. 

the  misfortune  to  be  mn  tnrough  the  thighs  with  Perdiccas'a  lance. 
When  Peucestas  recovered  of  a  dangerous  ilinesH,  be  wrote  n  let- 
ter with  his  own  hand  to  Alexippus,  the  ph>Hician,  to  thaitk  him 
for  his  care.  During  the  sickness  of  Craterus,  the  king  h>  d  a 
dream,  in  consequence  of  which  he  offered  sacriiices  for  his  re- 
covery, and  ordered  him  to  do  the  same.  Upon  Pausanias  the 
physician's  design  to  give  Craterus  a  dose  of  hellebore,  he  wraie 
to  him,  expressing  his  great  anxiety  about  it,  and  desiring  him  to 
be  particularly  cautious  in  the  use  of  that  medicine.  He  imprisoned 
Ephialtes  and  Cissus,  who  brought  him  the  Hrt>t  news  ot  the  flight 
and  treasonable  practices  of  Harpalus,  supposing  their  information 
false. 

When  he  marched  against  Darius  again,  he  expected  another 
battle.  But  upon  intelligence  that  Bessu8  had  seiztrd  the  peraoo 
of  that  prince,  he  dismissed  the  Thessalians,  and  sent  them  home, 
after  he  had  given  them  a  gratuity  of  two  thousand  talents  over  and 
above  their  pay.  The  pursuit  was  long  and  laborious,  for  he  rode 
three  thousand  three  hundred  furlongs  in  eleven  davs.*^  As  they 
often  suffered  more  for  want  of  water  than  by  fatigue,  many  of  the 
cavalry  were  unable  to  hold  out.  While  they  were  upon  the  march, 
some  Macedonians  had  tilled  their  bottles  at  a  river,  and  were 
bringing  the  water  upon  mules.  These  people  seeing  Alexander 
greatly  distressed  with  thirst  (for  it  was  in  ihe  heat  of  the  day,) 
immediately  filled  a  helmet  with  water,  and  presented  it  to  him. 
He  asked  them  to  whom  they  were  carrying  it?  and  they  said, 
"  Their  sons :  but  if  out  prince  does  but  live,  we  shall  get  other 
children  if  we  lose  them.''  Upon  this,  he  took  the  helmet  in  his 
bands ;  but  looking  round,  and  seeing  all  the  horsemen  bending 
their  heads,  and  fixing  their  eyen  upon  the  water,  he  returned  it 
without  drinkiiiff.  However,  he  praised  the  people  that  offered  it, 
and  said,  "  If  I  alone  drink,  these  good  men  will  be  dispirited." 
The  cavalry,  who  were  witnesses  to  this  act  of  temperance  and 
magnanimity,  ciied  out,  "  Let  us  march  !  We  are  neither  weary 
nor  thrsty,  nor  should  we  even  think  ourselves  mortal,  while  under 
the  conduct  of  such  a  king."  At  the  same  lime  th^y  put  spurt  to 
their  horses. 

They  had  all  the  same  affection  to  the  cause,  but  only  sixty  were 

serpents,  snnils,  dcx.  an(l*is  ol  great  service  in  E^ypt.  bj  its  naiurel  inttioct  of  ninuim- 
out  and  breaking  ibe  eggs  of  the  crocodile,  and  thereby  preveotiog  too  great    • 
crease  of  that  dMtructive  creature.     Tne  naturalists  also  say.  that  ii  is  so  grern  \ 
the  crocodile's  liver,  thai  roUmK  itself  up  in  mud.  it  slipa  do»n  his  ihri«t.  whit«  he 
sleeps  with  his  inoutb  open,  and  gnaws  his  way  out  agmo. — Diod  Siic  p.  St.  78.  { 
Plin  I.  viii  c  24.  25 

Tlie  RgvpiiaoH  worshipped  the  ichneumon  for  destroying  the  crocodiles.  Ttiey 
wordiippad  the  crocodile,  too.  probably  as  the  Indians  do  the  devil,  that  it  mighl  du 
them  no  hurt. 

•  As  this  was  no  more  than  forty  miles  a-day,  it  is  notbiaf  wlien  comparan  to  ( *liarie« 
XI Ts  inarch  from  Bendir  thtpugb  Oecmanj ;  notbing  to  tbe  expedition  of  llaBnibal 
along  <he  African  coast. 


ALEXANDER.  323 

able  to  keep  up  with  him  till  they  reached  the  enemy's  camp. 
There  they  rode  over  the  gold  and  silver  that  lay  scattered  about, 
and  passing  by  a  number  of  carriages  full  of  women  and  children, 
which  were  in  motion,  but  without  charioteers,  they  hastened  to 
the  leading  squadron,  not  doubting  thai  they  should  find  Darius 
among  them.  \%,  lasi,  after  much  search,  they  found  hmi  extended 
on  his  chariot,  and  pierced  with  many  darts.  Though  he  was  near 
his  last  m(»ments,  he  had  strength  to  ask  for  something  to  quench 
his  thirst.  A  Macedonian  named  Polystratus,  brought  him  some 
cold  water,  and  when  he  had  drank,  he  said  "  Friend,  this  fills  up 
the  measure  of  my  misfortunes,  to  think  I  am  not  able  to  reward 
thee  for  this  act  of  kindness.  But  Alexander  will  not  let  thee 
go  without  a  recompense  ;  and  the  gods  will  reward  Alexander 
for  his  humanity  to  my  mother,  to  my  wife,  and  children.  Tell 
him,  I  give  him  my  hand,  for  I  give  it  thee  in  his  stead."  So  say- 
ing, he  took  the  hand  of  Polystratus,  and  immediately  expired. 
When  Alexander  <ame  up,  he  showed  his  concern  for  that  event 
by  the  strongest  expressions,  and  covering  the  body  with  hia  own 
robe,  ordered  it  should  have  all  the  honors  of  a  royal  funeral. 

His  next  movement  was  into  Hyrcania,  which  he  entered  with 
the  flower  of  his  army.  There  he  took  a  view  of  the  Caspian  Sea. 
The  barbarians  here  fell  suddenly  upon  a  party  who  were  leading 
his  horse  Bucephalus,  and  took  him.  This  provoked  him  so  much 
that  he  sent  a  herald  to  threaten  them,  their  wives  and  children, 
witti  utter  extermination,  if  they  did  not  restore  the  horse.  But, 
upon  their  bringing  him  back,  and  surrendering  to  him  their  cities, 
he  treated  them  with  great  clemency,  and  paid  a  considerable  sum 
by  way  of  ransom,  to  those  that  took  the  horse. 

From  thence  he  marched  into  Parthia,  where,  finding  no  em- 
ployment for  his  arms,  he  first  put  on  the  robe  of  the  barbarian 
kings  :  whether  it  was  that  he  conformed  a  little  to  their  customs, 
because  he  knew  how  much  a  similarity  of  manners  tends  to  re- 
concile and  gain  men's  hearts  ;  or  whether  it  was  by  way  of  ex- 
periment, to  see  if  the  Macedonians  might  be  brought  to  pay  him 
the  greater  deference,  by  accustoming  them  insensibly  to  the  new 
barbaric  attire  and  port  which  he  assumed.  This  was  a  mortify- 
ing sight  to  the  Macedonians ;  yet,  as  they  admired  his  other  vir- 
tues, they  thought  he  might  be  suffered  to  please  himself  a  little 
and  enjoy  his  vanity.  Some  indulgence  seemed  due  to  a  prince, 
who,  beside  his  other  hardships,  had  lately  been  wounded  in  the 
leg  with  an  arrow,  which  shattered  the  bone  in  such  a  manner  that 
splinters  were  taken  out ;  who,  another  time,  had  such  a  violent 
blow  from  a  stone  upon  the  nape  of  his  neck,  that  an  alarming 
darkness  covered  his  eyes,  and  continued  for  some  time,  and  yet 
continued  to  expose  his  person  without  the  least  precaution.  On 
the  contrary,  when  he  had  passed  the  Orexartes,  which  he  suppo- 


^  ALEXAiNDLK. 

sed  to  be  the  Tanais,  he  not  only  attacked  the  Scythians  and  rout- 
ed'them,  but  pursued  them  a  hundred  furlongs,  in  apite  of  what  he 
suifered  at  that  time  from  a  flux. 

Afler  this,  he  accommodated  himself  more  than  ever  to  the  man- 
ners of  the  Asiatics,  and  at  the  same  time  perwuaded  ihem  to  adopt 
some  of  the  Maredoniun  fashions  ;  for  b>  a  mixture  of  both,  be 
thought  an  union  might  be  promoted  much  bcUer  ihan  by  force, 
and  hiH  auihoriiy  maintained  wh^n  he  was  at  u  distance:  for  the 
sarr>e  reason,  he  selected  thirty  thousand  boys,  and  gave  them 
masters  to  iriMruct  them  in  the  Grecian  literature,  as  well  aa  to 
train  them  to  arms  in  the  Macedonian  manner. 

As  for  his  marriage  with  Roxana,  it  was  entirely  the  eflect  of 
love.  He  sav^  her  at  an  entertainment,  and  found  her  charms  ir- 
resistible ;  nor  was  ihe  match  unsuitable  lo  the  situation  of  his  af. 
fairs.  The  barbanans  placed  greater  contidence  in  him  on  ac- 
count of  that  alliance,  and  his  chastity  gained  their  a^'ection  :  it 
delighted  them  to  think,  he  would  not  approach  the  only  woman 
he  ever  passionately  loved,  without  the  sanction  of  marriage. 

Hephasstion  and  Craterus  were  his  two  favourites.  The  former 
praised  the  Persian  fashions,  and  dressed  as  he  did  ;  the  latter  ad- 
hered  to  the  customs  of  his  own  country.  He  therefore  employed 
Hephsestion  in  his  transactions  with  the  barbarians,  and  Craterus 
to  signify  his  pleasure  to  the  Greeks  and  Macedonians.  The 
one  had  more  of  his  love,  and  the  other  more  of  his  esteem.  He 
was  persuaded,  indeed,  and  he  often  said,  *'  Hephsestion  loved  Al- 
exander, and  Craterus  the  king."  Hence  arose  private  animosi- 
ties,  which  did  not  fail  to  break  out  upon  occasion.  One  day,  in 
India,  they  drew  their  swords  and  came  to  blows.  The  friends  of 
each  were  joining  in  the  quarrel,  when  Alexander  interposed. 
He  told  HephsDstion  publicly,  ^*  He  was  a  fool  and  a  madman, 
not  to  be  sensible,  that  without  his  master's  favour  he  wt»uld  be  no- 
thing." He  gave  Craterus  also  a  severe  reprimand  in  private,  and 
after  having  brought  them  together  again,  and  reconciled  them,  be 
Bwore  by  Jupiter  Amnion  and  all  the  other  gods,  ''  That  he  loved 
them  more  than  all  the  men  in  the  world  ;  but  if  he  perceived  ihom 
Qt  variance  again,  he  would  put  them  both  to  death,  or  him  at  least 
who  began  the  puarrei."  This  is  said  to  have  had  such  an  effect 
npon  them,  that  they  never  expressed  any  dislike  to  each  other, 
even  lujest,  aflefwards.  '' 

Among  the  Macedonians,  Philotas,  the  ion  of  Parmenin,  had 
great  atithority ;  for  he  was  not  only  valiant  and  indefatigable  in 
the  field,  but,  aJ^er  Alexander,  no  man  loved  his  friend  more,  or  had 
a  greater  spirit  of  generosity .  The  loOiness  of  his  pon  was  alto- 
gether extravagant ;  not  tempered  wi»h  any  natural  graces,  but 
formal  and  uncouth,  it  exposed  him  both  lo  hatred  and  suspicion ; 
insomuch  that  Pannenio  one  day  aaid  to  bim,  *'  My  soo,  be  len." 


ALEXANDEH-  3-25 

He  had  long  been  represented  in  an  invidioua  light  to  Alexander. 
In  his  cups  he  iridulged  his  vanity,  and  le^  many  indiscreet  ihiugs 
escape  him  ;  attributing  all  the  great  actions  of  the  war  to  himself 
and  to  his  father.  As  for  Alexander,  he  called  hirn  u  boy,  who  by 
their  means  enjoyed  the  title  of  conqueror.  These  things  being 
reported  to  the  iving,  he  kept  the  matter  private,  and  discovered  no 
tokens  of  aversion.  But  Philotas  having  refused  admittance  to  the 
person  who  gave  information  of  the  conspiracy  of  Limnus  against 
the  life  of  Alexander,  he  began  to  give  way  to  his  suspicions,  and 
listen  to  innumerable  accusations  against  Philotas,  some  of  them 
very  groundless.  He  was  apprehended  and  put  to  the  torture,  in 
presence  of  the  great  officers  of  the  court.  After  the  execution  of 
Philotas,  be  immediately  sent  orders  into  Media,  that  Parmenio 
should  be  put  to  death  :  a  man  who  had  a  share  in  most  of  Philip's 
conquests,  and  who  was  the  phncipal,  if  not  the  only  <jne,  of  the 
old  counsellors,  who  put  Alexander  the  Great  4ipon  his  expedition 
into  Asia. 

Soon  after  this  happened  the  affair  of  Clitus,  which,  though  very 
shocking,  seems  to  have  been  a  misfortune  ra; her  than  a  deliber- 
ate  act.  After  they  were  warmed  with  drinking,  somebody  began 
to  sing  the  verses  of  one  Pranicus,  or,  as  otht;rs  will  have  it,  of  Pi- 
erio,  written  in  ridicule  of  the  Macedonian  officers,  who  had  lately 
been  beaten  by  the  barbarians.  The  elder  part  of  the  company 
were  greatly  offended  at  it,  and  condemned  both  the  poet  and  the 
singer  ;  but  Alexander,  and  those  about  him,  listened  with  pleas- 
ure, and  bade  him  go  on.  Clitus,  who  by  this  time  had  drank  too 
much,  and  was  naturally  rough  and  forward,  could  not  bear  their 
behaviour.  Fie  said,  "  It  was  not  well  done  to  make  a  jest,  and 
that  among  barbarians  and  enemies,  of  Macedonians  that  were 
much  better  than  the  laughers,  ihough  they  had  met  with  a  misfor- 
tune." Alexander  made  answer,  "That  Clitus  was  pleading  his 
own  cause,  when  he  gave  cowardice  the  soft  name  of  misfortune." 
Then  Clitus  started  up,  and  said,  "  Yet  it  was  this  cowardice  that 
saved  you,  son  of  Jupiter  as  you  are,  when  you  were  turning  your 
back  to  the  sword  of  Spithridates.  ft  is  by  the  blood  of  the  Mace- 
donians  and  these  wounds  that  you  are  grown  so  great,  that  you 
disdain  to  acknowledge  Philip  for  your  fatner,  and  will  needs  pass 
yourself  for  the  son  of  Jupiter  x4.mmon." 

Irritated  at  this  insolence,  Alexander  replied,  "  It  is  in  this  vil- 
lanous  manner  thou  talkest  of  me  in  all  companies,  and  stirresi  up 
the  Macedonians  to  mutiny  ;  but,  dost  thou  think  to  enjoy  it  long  ?" 
"And  what  do  we  enjoy  now  ?"  said  Clitus ;  "What  reward  have 
we  for  all  our  toils  ?  Do  we  not  envy  those  who  did  npt  live  to  see 
Macedonians  bleed  under  Median  rods,  or  sue  to  Persians  for  ac 
cess  to  their  king  ?"  While  Clitus  went  on  in  this  rash  manner, 
and  the  king  retorted  upoa  him  with  equal  bitterness,  the  old  men 
28 


320  ALLXAND£K. 

interposed,  and  endeavoured  lo  altay  the  flame.     Meao  lime  Aicx- 
andei  lurneU  lu  Xeiiocl«>chu8  theCardiaii,  and  Arteiiiiua  me  C«i)o. 

Rhoiiiaii,  Hiid  said,  "  Do  not  the  Greeks  appear  to  )ou  amoui:  ihe 
lacedoiiiaiis,  like  demigods  among  so  maii\  wild  beas  »  t"  Cli- 
tus,  tar  t'nim  giving  up  the  dispute,  called  upoM  Alt-xaiider  **  To 
speak  «)Ut  what  he  had  to  say,  or  not  lo  invite  Ireenieu  to  Ins  table, 
who  would  declare  their  sentiments  without  reserve.  But  perhaps," 
continued  he,  "  it  were  belter  to  pass  \iiur  life  with  barbarians  and 
slaves,  who  will  worship  your  Persian  girdle  and  v%biie  robe  with- 
out scruple. 

Alexander,  no  longer  able  to  restrain  his  anger,  threw  an  apple 
at  his  face,  and  then  looked  about  tor  his  sword.  But  Aristopha- 
nes, one  of  his  guards,  had  taken  it  away  in  time,  ano  the  c«impa- 
Dy  gathered  about  him,  and  entreated  him  to  be  quiet.  Th»^ir  re. 
monstrances,  however,  were  vain.  He  broke  from  them,  and  call, 
ed  out  in  the  Miicedonian  language  for  his  guards,  wi.ich  Has  the 
signal  of  a  great  tumult.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered  the  trum. 
peter  to  sound,  and  struck  him  with  his  hst,  upon  his  disctivering 
an  unwillingness  to  obey.  This  man  was  afterwards  held  in  great 
esteem,  becaUHe  he  prevented  the  whole  armv  from  being  alar- 
med. 

As  Clitus  would  not  make  the  least  submission;  his  friends,  with 
much  ado,  forced  him  out  of  the  room.  •  But  he  soon  returned  by 
another  door,  repeating,  in  a  bold  and  disrespectful  tone,  those  ver. 
ses  from  the  Andromache  of  Euripides  : 

Are  these  your  customs  ?  Is  it  ttius  that  dreece 
Rewards  her  cmnhatatits  ?  Snail  one  man  claim 
The  trophies  won  riy  thiiukands? 

Then  Alexander  snatched  a  spear  from  one  of  the  guards,  and 
meeting  Clitus  as  he  was  putting  by  the  curtain,  ran  him  through 
the  body.  He  fell  immediately  to  the  ground,  and  with  a  dismal 
groan  expired. 

Alexander's  rage  subsided  in  a  moment ;  and  seeing  his  friends 
standing  in  silent  astonishment  by  him,  he  hastily  drew  the  spear 
out  of  the  dead  body,  and  was  applying  it  to  his  own  throat,  when 
hisifuards  seized  his  handii,  and  carried  him  by  force  into  his  cliam. 
ber  ;  and  when  he  had  wasted  himself  with  tears  and  lamentations, 
he  lay  in  speechless  grief,  uttering  only  now  and  th*n  a  uroao. 
His  friends,  alarmed  at  this  melancholy  silence,  forced  themselves 
into  the  riNim,  and  attempted  to  console  him.  As  he  seemed  a  lit. 
tie  comforted,  Callisthenes  the  philoHopher,  Aristotle's  near  rela* 
tion,  and  Anaxarchus  the  Abderite,  were  called  in.*    Callisthenes 

*  CaDisthene^  was  of  the  ctty  of  Olvnihtis.  and  had  been  reoAmmenied  to  Alesan* 
dar  bv  Aristntle.  whose  relation  he  was.  He  had  too  miieh  of  ^ne  apihi  of  iib«ny  to 
tM  fii  for  a  court  He  did  not  show  ii.  however,  m  this  inManee.  Af>»MMi-  hr^' 
«rarned  hnii.  that  if  he  wrnt  on  lo  ireat  (ho  king  with  tb«  frWKtom  wbieh  bitipirit 
prooioced.  It  frouM  OM  dsy  bs  fetal  to  him. 


ALEXANDER.  827 

began  in  a  soft  and  tender  mHniier,  endeavouring  to  relieve  him 
without  searching  the  wound.  But  Aiiaxarchus,  wim  had  a  par- 
ticular walk  in  philosophy,  and  looked  upon  his  fellow  laDourers 
in  science  with  comempi,  cried  out,  on  entering  the  room,  *'  Is  this 
Alexander,  upon  whom  the  whole  world  liave  their  eyes?  Can  it 
be  he  who  lies  extended  on  the  ground,  crying  like  a  slave,  in  fear 
of  the  law  and  the  tongues  of  men,  to  whom  he  should  himself  be  a 
law  and  thf'  measure  of  right  and  wrong  ?  What  did  he  conquer  for 
but  to  rule  and  to  comoiand,  not  servilely  to  suumit  to  the  vam  opi. 
nions  of  men:  know  you  not,"  continued  he,  "that  Jupiter  is  re- 
presented with  Themis  and  Justice  by  his  side,  to  show,  that 
whatever  is  done  by  supreme  power  is  right  ?"  By  this,  and  other 
discourses  of  the  same  kind,  he  alleviated  the  king's  grief  m- 
deed,  but  made  mm  more  haugh  y  and  unjus>.  At  the  same  time, 
he  insinuated  himself  into  his  favour  in  so  extraordinary  a  manner, 
that  he  could  no  longer  bear  the  conversation  of  Callisthenes,  who 
before  was  not  very  agreeable  on  account  of  his  forbidding  aus- 
terity. 

When  Alexander  was  upon,  the  point  of  setting  out  for  India,  he 
saw  his  troops  were  so  laden  with  spoils  that  they  were  unfit  to 
march.  Thereft)re,  early  in  the  morning  that  he  was  to  take  his 
departure,  after  the  carnages  were  assembled,  he  first  set  fire  to 
his  own  baggage  and  that  of  his  friends  ;  and  then  gave  orders  that 
the  rest  should  be  served  in  the  same  manner.  The  resolution  ap- 
peared more  diffi<^ult  to  take,  than  it  was  to  execute.  Few  were 
displeased  at  it,  and  numbers  received  it  with  acclamations  of  joy. 
They  freely  gave  part  of  their  equipage  to  such  as  were  in  need, 
and  burnt  and  destroyed  whatever  was  superfluous.  This  greatly 
encouraged  Alexander. 

At  the  siege  of  Nysa,*  the  Macedonians  made  some  difliculty  of 
advancing  to  the  attack,  on  account  of  the  depth  of  the  river  that 
washed  its  walls,  till  Alexander  said,  "  What  a  wretch  am  I,  that 
I  did  not  learn  to  swim !"  and  was  going  to  ford  it  with  his  shield 
in  his  hand.  After  the  first  assault,  while,  the  troops  were  refresh- 
ing themselves,  ambassadors  came  with  an  offer  to  capitulate  ;  and 
along  with  them  were  deputies  froai  some  other  places.  They 
were  surprised  to  see  him  in  armour  without  any  pomp  or  ceremo- 
ny ;  and  their  astonishment  increased,  when  he  bade  the  oldest  of 
the  ambassadors,  named  Acuphis,  take  the  sopha  that  was  brought 
for  himself.  Acuphis,  struck  with  a  benignity  of  reception  so  far 
beyond  his  hopes,  asked  what  they  must  do  to  be  admitted  into  his 
friendship  ?  Alexander  answered,  "  It  must  be  on  condition  that 
they  appoint  you  their  governor,  and  send  me  a  hundred  of  their 

f  A.rrian  calls  it  Nysa;  so  indeed  dcies  the  Vulcob  Ms.  That  hiMorian  places  it 
near  Mount  Vleris,  and  adds,  that  it  was  built  by  Dionysius  or  Baccbus.  Hence  it 
had  the  name  of  Dionysiopolis.    It  is  now  called  Nei^. 


828  ALEXANDER. 

beat  men  for  hostages."  Acuphis  smiled  at  this,  and  said,  "I 
should  govern  belter  it'  you  wuuld  take  the  worst  instead  of  the 
best." 

It  IS  said,  the  dominions  of  Taxiles,  in  India,  were  as  large  as 
E^ypt :  they  atibrded  excellent  paitturuge,  and  were  the  most  fer. 
tile  in  all  respects.  A»  he  was  a  man  of  great  prudence,  he  waited 
on.  Alexander,  and  aOer  the  first  compliments,  thus  addressed  him : 
*'  What  occasion  is  there  for  wars  between  you  and  roe,  if  you  are 
not  come  to  take  from  us  our  water  and  other  necessaries  of  life : 
the  only  things  that  reasonable  men  will  take  up  arms  for  7  As  to 
gold  and  silver,  and  other  possessions,  if  I  am  richer  than  yoa,  I 
am  willing  to  oblige  you  with  part  ;  if  I  am  poorer,  1  have^no  ob- 
jection to  sharing  in  your  bounty."  Charmed  with  his  frankness, 
Alexander  took  his  hand,  and  answered,  "  Think  you,  then,  with 
all  this  civility,  to  escape  without  a  conflict  7  You  are  much  de- 
ceived, if  you  do.  I  will  dispute  it  with  you  to  the  last ;  but  it 
shall  oe  in  favours  and  beneiits ;  for  I  will  not  have  you  exceed 
me  in  generosity."  Therefore,  after  having  received  great  pre- 
sents from  him,  and  made  greater,  he  said  to  him  one  evening,  "  I 
drink  to  you,  Taxiles,  and  as  sure  as  you  pledge  me,  you  shall 
have  a  thousand  talents."  His  friends  were  offended  at  his  giving 
away  such  immense  sums,  but  it  made  many  of  the  barbahana 
look  upon  him  with  a  kinder  eye. 

The  most  warlike  of  the  Indians  used  to  fight  for  pay.  Upon 
this  invasion  they  defended  the  cities  that  hired  them,  with  great 
vigour,  and  Alexander  suffered  by  them  not  a  little.  To  one  of 
the  cities  he  granted  an  honourable  capitulation,  and  yet  seized 
the  mercenaries,  as  they  were  upon  their  march  homewards,  and 
put  ihem  all  to  the  sword.  This  is  the  only  blot  in  his  military 
conduct ;  all  his  other  proceedings  were  agreeable  to  the  laws  of 
war,  and  worthy  of  a  king.* 

The  philosophers  gave  him  no  less  trouble  than  the  mercena- 
ries, by  endeavouring  to  fix  a  mark  of  infamy  upon  those  princes 
thai  de<:lared  for  him,  and  by  exciting  the  tree  nations  to  take  up 
arms  ;   lor  h  hich  reason  he  hanged  many  of  them. 

As  to  his  war  with  Porus,  we  have  an  acconnt  of  it  in  hia  own 
letters.  According  to  them,  the  river  Hydaspes  was  between  the 
two  armies,  and  Porus  drew  up  his  elephants  on  the  banks  oppcs 
site  the  enemy,  with  their  heads  towards  the  stream,  to  guard  it. 
Alexander  caused  u  great  noise  tmd  bustle  lo  he  made  every  day 
in  his  camp,  that  the  barbarians  being  accustomed  to  it,  might  not 
be  so  ready  to  take  the  aJarm.     This  done,  he  look  the  advantage 

•  If  WH<  jiift  anH  Inwfitl.  it  itrrros.  to  tjn  about  hitriiMinK  and  Hi»strovini;  ttmse  im- 

•"'I'                                                                         which  i.t'  h  Mtat 

•^'                                                                           ••>■  f>iii«r«t«l  I'  -ak 

»»>«'''  ■"  L'L  -L'-!;„  h.  :-L- .  .i.t.^c  -;atlM»ruiii«  «»'••-.  ■  r 
tlu'y  h4<l  ttiMHMr  Htui  bnucr  piM — thvy  w*nl  to  verk 


ALE^^ANDER. 


329 


of  a  dark  and  stormy  night,  with  part  of  his  infantry,  and  a  select 
body  of  cavalry,  to  gain  a  little  island  in  the  river,  at  some  dis- 
tance from  the  Indians.      When  he  was  there,  he  and  his  troops 
were  attacked  with  a  most  violent  wind  and  rain,  accompanied  with 
dreadful  thunder  and  lightning.     But,  notwithstanding  this  hurrii 
cane,  in  which  he  saw  several  of  his  men  perish  by  the  lightning, 
he  advanced  from  the  island  to  the  opposite  bank.     The  Hydaspes, 
swelled  with  the  rain,  by  its  violence  and  rapidity,  made  a  breach 
on  that  side,  which  received  water  enough  to  form  a  bay,  so  that 
when  he  came  to  land,  he  found  the  bank  extremely  slippery,  and 
the  ground  broken  and  undermined  by  the  current.     On  this  occa- 
sion he  is  said  to  have  uttered  that  celebrated  saying,  "  Will  you 
believe,  my  Athenian  friends,  what  dangers  I  undergOj-to  have  you 
the  heralds  of  my  fame  ?"    The  last  particular  we  have  from  Onesi- 
critus  :  but  Alexander  himself  only  says,  they  quitted  their  boats, 
and  armed  as  they  were,  waded  up  the  breach  breast  high ;  and 
that  when  they  were  landed,  he  advanced  with  the  horse  twenty 
furlongs  before  the  foot,  concluding  that  if  the  enemy  attacked  him 
with  their  cavalry,  he  should  be  greatly  their  superior,  and  that  if 
they  made  a  movement  with  their  infantry,  his   would  come  up 
time  enough  to  receive  them.     Nor  did  he  judge  amiss.     The  ene- 
my detached  against  him  a  thousand  horse  and  sixty  armed  cha- 
riots, and  he  defeated  them  with  ease.     The  chariots  he  took,  apd 
killed  four  hundred  of  the  cavalry  upon  the  spot.     By  this,  Porus 
understood  that  Alexander  himself  had  passed  the  river,  and  there- 
fore brought  up  his  whole  army,  except  what  appeared  necessary 
to  keep  the  rest  of  the  Macedonians  from  making  good  their  pas- 
sage.    Alexander,  considering  the  force  of  the  elephants,  and  the 
enemy's  superior  numbers,  did  not  choose  to  engage  them  in  front, 
but  attacked  the  left  wing  himself,  while  Coenus,  according  to  his 
orders,  fell  upon  the  right.      Both  wings  being  broken,  retired 
to  the  elephants  in  the  centre,  and  rallied  there.     The  combat 
then   was  of  a  more  mixed  kind  ;  but  maintained  with  such  ex- 
traordinary obstinacy,  that  it  was  not  decided  till  the  eighth  hour 
of  the  day. 

When  Porus  was  taken  prisoner,  Alexander  asked  him,  «  How 
he  desired  to  be  treated  ?"  He  answered,  "  Like  a  king."  "x\nd 
have  you  nothing  else  to  request  ?"  replied  Alexaiider.  "  No," 
said  he,  "  every  thing  is  comprehended  in  the  word  king."  Alex- 
ander  not  only  restored  him  his  own  dominions  immediately,  which 
he  was  to  govern  as  his  lieutenant,  but  added  very  extensive  terri- 
tories to  them.  Another  country,  three  times  as  large,  he  gave  to 
Philip,  one  of  his  friends,  who  was  also  to  act  there  as  his  lieuten- 
ant. In  the  battle  with  Porus,  Bucephalus  received  several  wounds, 
of  which  he  died  some  time  after.  Alexander  showed  as  much 
regret,  as  if  he  had  lost  a  faithful  friend  and  companion.     He  es» 

2t  28* 


390  ALEXANDER. 

teemed  him,  indeed,  at  such ;  and  built  a  city  near  the  Hydaupet, 
io  the  place  where  he  was  buried,  which  he  called  nller  him,  Bu. 
cepbalia. 

The  combat  with  Porus  abated  the  apirit  of  the  Macedoniaot, 
and  made  them  resolve  to  proceed  no  farther  in  India.  It  was 
with  difficulty  they  had  defeated  an  enemy  who  brought  only 
twenty  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse  into  the  field  ;  and 
therefore  they  opposed  Alexander  with  great  firiimess,  when  he 
insisted  that  they  should  pass  the  Ganges,*  which,  they  were  in- 
formed,  was  thirty-two  furlongs  in  breadth,  and  in  depth  an  hun- 
dred fathom.  The  opposite  shore  too  was  covered  with  numbers 
of  squadrons,  battalions,  and  elephants.  For  the  kings  of  the  Gan. 
darites  and  Prtcsians  were  said  to  be  waiting  for  them  there,  with 
eighty  thousand  horse,  two  hundred  thousand  foot,  eight  thousand 
chariots,  and  six  thousand  elephants  trained  to  war. 

Alexander's  grief  and  indignation  at  this  refusal  were  such,  that 
at  first  he  shut  himself  up  in  his  tent,  and  lay  prostrate  on  the 
ground,  declaring  '*  that  he  did  not  thank  the  Macedonians  in  the 
least  for  what  they  done,  if  they  would  not  pass  the  Ganges  ;  for 
he  considered  a  retreat  as  no  other  than  an  acknowledgment  that 
he  was  overcome."  His  friends  omitted  nothing  that  might  com- 
fort him ;  and  at  last  their  remonstrances,  together  with  the  cries 
and  tears  of  the  soldiers,  who  were  suppliants  at  his  door,  melted 
him,  aiul  prevailed  on  him  to  return.  However,  he  first  contrived 
many  vain  and  sophistical  things  to  serve  the  purposes  of  fame ; 
among  which  were  aims  much  bigger  than  his  men  could  use,  and 
higher  mangers,  and  heavier  bits  than  his  horses  required,  left  scat- 
tered up  and  down. 

Alexander,  in  his  march  from  thence,  formed  a  design  to  see  the 
ocean ;  for  which  purpose  he  caused  a  number  of  row-boats  and 
rails  to  be  constructed,  and  upon  them  fell  down  the  nvers  at  his 
leisure.  Nor  was  this  navigation  unattended  with  hostilities.  He 
made  several  descents  by  the  way,  and  attacked  the  adjacent  ci- 
ties, which  were  all  forced  to  submit  to  his  victorious  arms.  How- 
ever, he  was  very  near  beins  cut  ii^  pieces  by  the  Malli,  who  are 
called  the  most  warlike  people  in  India.  He  had  driven  some  of 
them  from  the  wall  with  his  niissive  weapons,  and  was  the  first  who 
ascended  it.  But  immediately  at\er  he  was  up,  the  scaling-ladder 
broke.  Finding  himself  and  his  small  company  much  galled  by 
the  darts  of  the  barbarians  from  below,  he  poised  himself,  and  leap- 
ed down  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy.  By  good  fortune  he  fell 
upon  his  feet ;  and  the  barbarians  were  so  aatoDished  at  the  flash- 
ing  of  his  arms  as  he  came  down,  that  they  thought  they  beheld 
lightning,  or  some  supernatural  splendour,  lataing  from  bis  body. 

•  The  Gantet  it  the  UrgMt  of  all  ib«  n?«rB  in  Um  Umpss  ooathMott,  Um  Indus  tbs 

"--'  the  Ni)«  the  third,  and  the  Datiube  the  fomrtfa. 


ALEXAiSDER.  33] 

At  firet,  therefore,  they  drew  back  and  dispersed.  But  when  they  had 
recollected  themselves,  and  saw  him  attended  by  only  two  of  his 
guards,  they  attacked  him  hand  to  hand,  and  wounded  him  through 
his  armour  with  their  swords  and  spears,  notwithstanding  the  valour 
with  which  he  fought.  One  of  them  standing  farther  off,  drew  an  ar- 
row with  such  strength,  that  it  made  its  way  through  his  cuirass  and 
entered  the  ribs  under  the  breast.  Its  force  was  so  great,  that  he 
gave  back  and  was  brought  upon  his  knees,  and  the  barbarian  ran 
up  with  his  drawn  scimetar  to  despatch  him.  Peucestas  and  Limnseus 
placed  themselves  before  him,  but  the  one  was  wounded  and  the 
other  killed.  Peucestas,  who  survived,  was  still  making  some  re- 
sistance, when  Alexander  recovered  himself,  and  laid  the  barbai'ian 
at  his  feet.  The  king,  however,  received  new  wounds,  and  at  last 
had  such  a  blow  from  a  bludgeon  upon  his  neck,  that  he  was  forced 
to  support  himself  by  the  wall,  and  there  stood  with  his  face  to  the 
enemy.  The  Macedonians,  who  by  this  time  had  got  in,  gathered 
about  him,  and  carried  him  off  to  his  tent. 

His  senses  were  gone,  and  it  was  reported  in  the  army  that  he 
was  dead.  When  they  had,  with  great  difficulty,  sawed  off  the  shaft, 
which  was  of  wood,  and  with  equal  trouble  had  taken  off  the  cuirass, 
they  proceeded  to  extract  the  head,  which  was  three  fingers  broad 
and  four  long,  and  stuck  fast  in  the  bone.  He  fainted  under  the 
operation,  and  was  very  near  expiring ;  but  when  the  head  was 
got  out,  he  came  to  himself.  Yet,  after  the  danger  was  over,  he 
continued  weak,  and  a  long  time  confined  himself  to  a  regular  diet, 
attending  solely  to  the  cure  ot  his  wound  The  Macedonians  could 
not  bear  to  be  so  long  deprived  of  the  sight  of  their  king ;  they  assem- 
bled in  a  tumultuous  manner  about  his  tent.  When  he  perceived 
this,  he  put  on  his  robe,  and  made  his  appearance  ;  but  as  soon  as 
he  had  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  he  retired  again.  As  he  was  on  his 
way  to  the  place  of  his  destination,  though  carried  in  a  litter  by 
the  water  side,  he  subdued  a  large  tract  of  land,  and  many  respect- 
able cities. 

In  the  course  of  this  expedition,  he  took  ten  of  the  GymnosophistSy* 
who  had  been  principally  concerned  in  instigating  Sabbas  to  revolt^ 
and  had  brought  numberless  other  troubles  upon  the  Macedonians. 
As  these  ten  were  reckoned  the  most  acute  and  concise  in  their  an- 
swers, he  put  the  most  difficult  questions  to  them  that  could  be 
thought  of,  and  at  the  same  time  declared,  he  would  put  the  first 
person  that  answered  wrong  to  death,  and  after  him  all  the  rest. 
The  oldest  man  among  them  was  to  be  judge. 

f  These  philosophers,  so  called  from  their  going  naked,  were  divided  into  two  lects, 
the  Brachmani  and  the  Gertnani.  The  Brachmani  were  most  esteemed,  because 
there  was  a  consistency  in  their  principles.  Apnleiiis  tells  ns.  that  not  only  the  scho- 
lars,'but  the  younger  pupils,  were  assembled  about  dinner  time,  and  examined  what 
good  they  had  done  that  day ;  and  such  as  could  not  point  out  some  act  of  humanity, 
or  useful  pursuit  that  they  had  been  engaged  in,  were  not  allowed  any  dinner. 


332  ALEXAMDluR. 

He  demanded  of  the  first,  "  Which  were  most  numerous,  the  U. 
ving  or  the  dead  ?"  He  answered,  "  The  living ;  for  the  dead  no 
longer  exist."* 

The  second  was  asked,  "Whether  ihe  earth  or  thes^a  produced 
the  largest  animals  ?"  He  answered,  ''  The  earth,  for  the  sea  is 
part  of  it." 

The  third,  "  Which  was  the  craAiest  of  all  animals?""  That," 
said  he,  "with  which  man  is  ndt  yet  acquainted. "f 

The  fourth,  "  What  was  his  reason  for  persuading  Sabbasto  re- 
volt ?"  "  Because,"  said  he,  "  I  wished  him  either  to  hve  or  die 
with  honour." 

The  fifth  had  this  question  put  to  him,  "  Which  do  you  think 
oldest,  the  day  or  the  night ?"  He  answered,  "The  day,  by  one 
day."  As  the  king  appeared  surprised  at  this  solution,  the  philo- 
sopher  told  him,  "  Abstruse  questions  must  have  abstruse  an- 
swers." 

Then  addressing  himself  to  the  sixth,  he  demanded,  "  What  are 
the  best  means  for  a  man  to  make  himself  loved  ?"  He  answered, 
"If  possessed  of  great  power,  do  not  make  yourself  feared." 

The  seventh  he  asked,  "  How  a  man  might  become  a  god  ?" 
He  answered,  "  By  doing  what  is  impossible  for  man  to  do. 

The  eighth,  "  Which  is  strongest,  life  or  death  ?"  "  Life,"  said 
he,  "  because  it  bears  so  many  evils." 

The  last  question  that  he  put  was,  "  How  long  is  it  good  (or 
man  to  live  V  "  As  lon^,"  said  the  philosopher,  "  as  he  does  not 
prefer  death  to  life." 

Then  turning  to  the  judge,  he  ordered  him  to  give  sentence. 
The  old  man  said,  "  In  my  opinion,  they  have  all  answered  one 
worse  than  another."  "  If  this  is  thy  judgment,"  said  Alexander, 
"  thou  shalt  die  first."  "  No,"  replied  the  philosopher,  "  not  ex- 
cept you  choose  to  break  your  word :  for  you  declared  the  man 
that  answered  worst  should  first  sufiTcr." 

The  king  loaded  them  with  presents,  and  dismissed  them.  After 
which  he  sent  Onesicritus,  a  disciple  of  Diogenes,  to  the  other  In- 
dian sages  who  were  of  most  reputation,  and  lived  a  retired  life,  to 
desire  them  to  come  to  him.  Onesicritus  tells  us,  Calanus  treated 
liim  with  great  insolence  and  harshness,  bidding  him  to  strip  him- 
self naked,  if  he  desired  to  hear  any  of  his  doctrine  ;  "  You  should 
not  hear  me  on  any  other  condition,"  said  he,  "  though  you  came 
from  Jupiter  himself." 

Dandamis  entered  into  no  discourse  with  the  messenger,  but 
only  askod,  "  Why  Alexander  had  taken  so  long  a  journey  V* 
Taxilcs  prevailed  with  Calanus  to  go  to  Alexander.  His  truo 
name  was  Sphines  ;  but  because  he  addressed  them  with  the  word 

*  They  did  not  bold  in  the  inorulity,  but  the  treeMiigraiion  of  the  soul. 

i  This  we  suppose  to  mesn  tneu  hinitelf,  as  not  being  acquainted  with  himaalf. 


'  ALEXAxNDER.  333 

Cede,  which  is  the  Indian  form  of  salutation,  the  Greek  called  him 
Calanus.  This  philosopher  presented  Alexander  with  a  good 
image  of  his  empire.  He  laid  a  dry  and  shrivelled  hide  before 
him,  anrd  first  trode  upon  the  edges  of  it.  This  he  did  all  round ;  and 
as  he  trode  on  one  side,  it  started  up  on  the  other.  At  last,  he  fixed 
his  feet  on  the  middle,  and  then  it  lay  still.  By  this  emblem  he  sliew- 
ed  him,  that  he  should,  fix  his  residence,  and  plant  his  principal 
force,  in  the  heart  of  his  empire,  and  not  wander  to  the  extremities. 
Alexander  spent  seven  months  in  falling  down  the  rivers  to  the 
Ocean.  When  he  arrived  there,  he  embarked,  and  sailed  to  an 
island  which  he  called  Scilloustis,*\but  others  call  it  Psiltoucis. 
There  he  landed  and  sacrificed  to  the  gods.  He  likewise  con- 
sidered tjhe  nature  of  the  sea  and  of  the  coast,  as  far  as  it  was  ac- 
cessible. And  after  having  besought  Heaven,  "  That  no  man 
might  ever  reach  beyond  the  bounds  of  his  expedition,"  he  pre- 
pared  to  set  out  on  his  way  back.  He  appointed  Nearchus  admi- 
ral, and  Onesicritus  chief  pilot,  and  ordered  his  fleet  to  sail  round, 
keeping  India  on  the  right.  With  the  rest  of  his  forces  he  return- 
ed by  land,  through  the  country  of  the  Orites ;  in  which  he  was 
reduced  to  such  extremities,  and  lost  such  numbers  of  men,  that 
he  did  not  bring  back  from  India  above  a  fourth  part  of  the  army 
he  entered  it  with,  which  was  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  foot,  and  fifteen  thousand  horse.  After  a  march  of  sixty 
days,  he  arrived  at  Gedrosia.  There  he  found  provisions  in  abun- 
dance ;  for  besides  that  the  land  is  fertile  in  itself,  the  neighbour- 
ing  princes  and  grandees  supplied  him.  After  he  had  given  his 
army  some  time  to  refresh  themselves,  he  marched  in  Carmania 
for  seven  days  in  a  kind  of  Bacchanalian  procession.  His  chariot, 
which  was  very  magnificent,  was  drawn  by  eight  horses.  Upon 
it  was  placed  a  lofty  platform,  where  he  and  his  principal  friends 
revelled  day  and  night.  This  carriage  was  followed  by  many 
others,  some  covered  with  rich  tapestry  and  purple  hangings,  and 
others  shaded  with  branches  of  trees,  fresh  gathered  and  flourish- 
ing.  In  these  were  the  rest  of  the  king's  friends  and  generals, 
crowned  with  flowers,  and  exhilirated  with  wine. 

In  this  whole  company  there  was  not  to  be  seen  a  buckler,  a 
helmet,  or  spear ;  but  instead  of  them,  cups,  flagons,  and  gobldts. 
These  the  soldiers  dipped  in  huge  vessels  of  wine,  and  drank  to 
each  other,  some  as  they  marched  along,  and  others  seated  at 
tables,  which  were  placed  at  proper  distances  on  the  way.  The 
whole  country  resounded  with  flutes,  clarionets,  and  songs,  and 
with  the  dances  and  riotous  frolics  of  the  women.  This  disorder- 
ly  and  dissolute  march  was  closed,  with  all  the  licentious  ribaldry 
of  the  Bacchanals,  as  if  Bacchus  himself  had  been  present  to  curry 
on  the  debauch. 

*  Arrian  here  calls  it  Cilluta.  Here  they  first  observed  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of 
the  sea,  which  surprised  them  not  a  little. 


3;M  ALilXANDER. 

Nearchut  joined  him  again  here,  nud  be  was  so  much  delif  hted 
with  the  account  of  hin  voyage,  that  he  formed  a  design  to  sail  in 
person  from  the  Euphrates  with  a  great  fleet,  circle  ihe  coast  of 
Arabia  and  Africa,  and  enter  the  Mediterranean  by  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules.  For  this  purpose  he  constructed,  at  Thapsacus,  a  num- 
ber of  vessels  of  all  sorts,  and  collected  mariners  and  pilots.  But 
the  report  of  the  diflicuhies  he  had  met  with  in  his  Indian  expcdi. 
tion,  and  the  supposition  he  would  never  return  alive  from  the  voy* 
ngo  he  now  meditated,  excited  his  new  subjects  to  revolt,  and  put 
his  generals  and  governors  of  provinces  upon  displaying  their  in* 
justice,  insolence,  and  avarice.  In  short,  the  whole  empire  was  in 
commotion,  and  ripe  for  rebellion.  Olympias  and  Cleopatra, 
leaguing  against  Antipater,  had  seized  his  hereditary  dominions, 
und  divided  them  between  them.  Olympias  took  Epirus,  and  Cle- 
opatra Macedonia.  The  tidings  of  which  being  brought  to  Alezan- 
tier,  he  said,  "  His  mother  had  considered  right ;  for  (he  Macedo- 
nians would  never  bear  to  be  governed  by  a  woman." 

In  consequence  of  this  unsettled  state  of  things,  he  sent  Nearchus 
ugain  to  sea,  having  determined  to  carry  the  war  into  the  maritime 
provinces.  Mean  time  he  marched  in  person  to  chastise  his  lieu- 
tenants for  their  misdemeanours.  Oxyartes,  one  of  the  sons  of  Abu- 
lites,  he  killed  with  his  own  hand,  by  a  stroke  of  his  javelin.  Abu- 
litcs  had  laid  in  no  provisions  for  him  ;  he  had  only  collected  three 
thousand  talents  in  money.  Upon  his  pre^nting  this,  Alexander 
bade  him  ofler  it  to  his  horses ;  and,  as  they  did  not  touch  it,  he 
feaid,  "  Of  what  use  will  this  provision  now  be  to  me  ?"  and  imme- 
diately ordered  Abulites  to  be  taken  into  custody. 

The  first  thing  he  did  after  he  entered  Persia,  was  to  give  mc 
ncy  to  the  matrons,  according  to  the  ancient  custom  of  the  kings, 
who,  upon  their  return  to  their  Persian  dominions,  from  any  excur- 
sion, used  to  give  every  woman  a  piece  of  gold.  For  this  reason, 
several  of  them,  we  are  told,  made  it  a  rule  to  return  but  seldom  ; 
and  Ochus  never  did :  he  banished  himself  to  save  his  money. 
Having  found  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  broke  open,  he  put  the  author  of 
that  sacniege  to  death,  though  a  native  of  Pella,  and  a  person  of 
some  distinction.  His  name  was  Polymachus.  After  he  had  read 
the  epitaph,  which  was  in  the  Persian  language,  he  ordered  it  to  be 
inscribed  alao  in  Greek.  It  was  as  follows  :  Oman!  whotoeter 
thou  art,  and  whenccsoever  thou  earnest^  {for  come  J  know  thou  wUt,) 
I  am  CyruM,  the  fwrndtt  of  the  Persian  empire^  enty  me  mU'the  lit- 
tle earth  that  covert  my  body,  Alexanders  as  much  affected  at 
those  words,  which  placed  before  him  in  so  strong  a  light  the  un- 
certainty and  vicissitude  of  things. 

When  he  arrived  at  Snsa,  he  married  his  friends  to  Persian  la. 
dies.  He  set  them  an  example,  by  taking  Stalira,  the  daughter  of 
Darius,  to  wife,  and  then  distributed  among  his  principal  officers 


ALEXANDER.  335 

the  virgins  of  highest  quality.  As  for  those  Macedonians  who  had 
already  married  in  Persia,  he  made  a  general  entertainment  in  com. 
memoration  of  their  nuptials.  It  is  said,  that  no  less  than  nine  thou- 
sand guests  sat  down,  and  yet  he  presented  each  with  a  golden  cup 
for  performing  the  libation.  Every  thing  else  was  conducted  with 
the  utmost  magnificence ;  he  even  paid  off  all  their  debts ;  inso- 
much that  the  whole  expense  amounted  to  nine  thousand  eight  hun. 
dred  and  seventy  talents. 

The  thirty  thousand  boys,  whom  he  left  under  proper  masters, 
were  now  grown  so  much,  and  made  so  handsome  an  appearance ; 
and,  what  was  of  more  importance,  had  gained  such  an  activity  and 
address  in  their  exercises,  that  he  was  greatly  delighted  with  them. 
But  it  was  matter  of  uneasiness  to  the  Macedonians;  they  were 
apprehensive  that  the  king  would  have  less  regard  for  them.  There- 
fore, when  he  gave  the  invalids  their  route  to  the  sea,  in  order  to 
their  return,  the  whole  army  considered  it  as  an  injurious  and  op- 
pressive measure  :  "  He  has  availed  himself,"  said  they,  "  beyond 
all  reason,  of  their  services,  and  now  he  sends  them  back  with  dis- 
grace,  and  turns  them  upon  the  hzuids  of  their  country  and  their 
parents,  in  very  different  condition  from  that  in  which  he  received 
them.  Why  does  he  not  dismiss  us  all  ?  Why  does  he  not  reckon 
all  the  Macedonians  incapable  of  service,  now  he  has  got  this  body 
of  young  dancers  ?  Let  him  go  with  them  and  conquer  the  world?" 

Alexander,  incensed  at  this  mutinous  behaviour,  loaded  them 
with  reproaches ;  and  ^ordering  them  off,  took  Persians  for  his 
guards,  and  filled  up  other  offices  with  them.  When  they  saw  their 
king  with  these  new  attendants,  and  themselves  rejected  and  spurn, 
ed  with  dishonour,  they  were  greatly  humbled.  They  lamented 
their  fate  to  each  other,  and  were  almost  frantic  with  jealously  and 
anger.  At  last  they  repaired  to  the  king's  tent,  without  arms,  in 
one  thin  garment  only ;  and  with  tears  and  lamentations  delivered 
themselves  up  to  his  vengeance  ;  desiring  he  would  treat  them  as 
ungrateful  men  deserved. 

He  was  softened  with  their  complaints,  but  would  not  appear  to 
hearken  to  them.  They  stood  two  days  and  nights,  bemoaning 
themselves  in  this  manner,  and  calling  for  their  dear  master.  The 
third  day  he  came  out  to  them ;  and  when  he  saw  their  forlorn  con- 
dition, he  wept  a  long  time.  After  a  gentle  rebuke  for  their  mis- 
behaviour, be  condescended  to  converse  with  them  in  a  freer  mau- 
ner ;  and  such  as  were  unfit  for  service  he  sent  home  with  magni- 
ficent presents.  At  the  same  time,  he  signified  his  pleasure  to  An- 
tipater,  that  at  all  public  diversions  they  should  have  the  most  ho- 
nourable seats  in  the  theatres,  and  wear  chaplets  of  flowers  there : 
and  that  the  children  of  those  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  his  service, 
should  have  their  fathers'  pay  continued  to  them. 

When  he  came  to  Ecbatana  in  Media,  and  had  despatched  the 


386  ALEXANDKJt 

most  urgent  aflairs,  he  employed  himself  again  in  the  celebration 
of  games  and  other  public  solenmities.  But  unfortunately  Hephses- 
Hon  fell  sick  of  a  fever  in  the  midst  of  this  festivity,  and  died  a  few 
days  after.  Alexander's  grief  on  this  occasion  exceeded  all  bounds. 
He  immediately  ordered  the  horses  and  mules  to  be  shorn,  that  they 
might  have  their  share  in  the  mourning,  and  with  the  same  view 
pulled  down  the  battlements  of  the  neighbouring  cities.  Glaucus, 
Hephsestion's  physician,  he  crucified.  He  forbade  the  flute  and  all 
other  niusic  in  his  camp  for  a  long  time.  He  intended  to  lay  out 
ten  thousand  talents  upon  his  tomb  and  the  monumental  ornaments, 
which  in  workmanship,  as  well  as  design,  should  exceed  the  ex* 
pense,  great  as  it  was. 

As  he  was  advancing  towards  Babylon,  Nearchus,  who  was  re- 
turned from  his  expedition  on  the  ocean,  and  come  up  the  Euphrates, 
declared  he  had  been  applied  to  by  some  Chaldseans,  who  were 
strongly  of  opinion  that  Alexander  should  not  enter  Babylon.  But 
he  slighted  the  warning  and  continued  his  march.  Upon  his  ap- 
proach to  the  walls,  he  saw  a  great  number  of  crows  fighting,  some 
of  which  fell  down  dead  at  his  feet.  Soon  after  this,  bemg  inform- 
ed that  Apollodorus,  governor  of  Babylon,  had  sacrificed,  in  order 
to  consuh  the  gods  concerning  him,  he  sent  for  Pythagoras  the  di- 
viner ;  and,  as  he  did  not  deny  the  fact,  asked  him  how  the  entrails 
of  the  victim  appeared.  Pythagoras  answered,  the  liver  was  with- 
out a  head.  "  A  terrible  presage,  indeed  !''  said  Alexander.  He 
lot  Pythagoras  go  with  itnpunity  :  but  by  this  time  he  was  sorry  he 
had  not  listened  to  Nearchus.  He  lived  mostly  in  his  pavilion 
without  the  walls,  and  diverted  himself  with  sailing  up  and  down 
the  Euphrates.  For  there  had  happened  several  other  ill  omens 
that  much  disturbed  him.  One  of  the  largest  and  handsomest  lions 
that  were  kept  in  Babylon,  was  attacked  and  kicked  to  death  by 
an  ass.  One  day  he  stripped  for  the  refreshment  of  oil,  and  to 
play  at  ball ;  af\er  the  diversion  was  over,  the  young  men  who 
played  with  him,  going  to  fetch  his  clothes,  beheld  a  man  sitting  in 
profound  silence  on  his  throne,  dressed  in  the  royal  robes,  with  the 
diadem  upon  his  head.  They  demanded  who  he  was,  and  it  was  a 
hns  time  before  he  would  answer.  At  last,  coming  to  himself,  he 
said,  ''  My  name  is  Dionysius,  and  I  am  a  native  of  Messene.  Upon 
a  criminal  process  against  me,  I  left  the  place  and  embarked  for 
Babylon.  There  I  have  been  kept  a  long  time  in  chains.  But  this 
day  the  god  Serapis  appeared  to  me,  and  broke  my  chains ;  after 
which  he  conducted  me  hither,  and  ordered  mc  to  put  on  this  robe 
and  diadem,  and  sit  here  in  silence." 

After  the  man  had  thus  explained  himself,  Alexander,  by  the  ad- 
vice of  his  soothsayers,  put  him  to  death.  But  the  anguish  of  his 
(nind  increased  :  on  one  hand,  he  almost  despaired  of  the  succoura 
of  Heaven,  and  on  the  other  distrusted  his  friends.     He  wat  im)tt 


ALEXAWDER.  337 

afraid  of  Anti pater  and  his  sons;  one  of  which,  named  lolaus,* 
was  his  cupbearer ;  the  other,  named  Cassander,  was  lately  arrived 
from  Macedonia ;  and  happening  to  see  some  barbarians  prostrate 
themselves  before  the  king,  like  a  man  accustomed  only  to  the  Gre- 
cian manners,  and  a  stranger  to  such  a  sight,  he  burst  out  into  a 
loud  laugh.  Alexander  enraged  at  the  affront,  seized  him  by  the 
hair,  and  with  both  hands  dashed  his  head  agamst  the  wall.  Cas- 
sander afterwards  attempted  to  vindicate  his  father  against  his  ac- 
cusers :  which  greatly  irritated  the  king. 

When  Alexander  had  once  given  himself  up  to  superstition,  his 
mind  was  so  preyed  upon  by  vain  fears  and  anxieties  that  he  turn- 
ed  the  least  incident  which  was  any  thing  strange  and  out  of  the 
way,  into  a  sign  or  a  prodigy.  The  court  swarmed  with  sacrificers, 
purifiers,  and  prognosticators  ;  they  were  all  to  be  seen  exercising 
their  talents  there.  So  true  it  is,  that,  though  the  disbelief  of  re* 
ligion,  and  contempt  of  things  divine,  is  a  great  evil ;  yet  supersti* 
tion  is  a  greater  For  as  water  gains  upon  low  grounds,  so  super- 
stition prevails  over  a  dejected  mind,  and  fills  it  with  fear  and  folly. 
This  was  entirely  Alexander's  case.  However,  upon  the  receipt 
of  some  oracles  concerning  Hephaestion,  he  gave  a  truce  to  his 
sorrows,  and  employed  himself  in  festive  sacrifices  and  entertain- 
ments. 

One  day,  after  he  had  given  Nearchus  a  sumptuous  treat,  he 
went,  according  to  custom,  to  refresh  himself  in  the  bath,  in  order 
to  retire  to  rest.  But  in  the  mean  time  Medius  came  and  invited 
him  to  take  part  in  a  carousal,  and  he  could  not  deny  him.  There 
he  drank  all  that  night  and  the  next  day,  till  at  last  he  found  a  fe- 
ver coming  upon  him.  It  did  not  however  seize  him  as  he  was 
drinking  the  cup  of  Hercules,  nor  did  he  find  a  sudden  pain  in  his 
back,  as  if  it  had  been  pierced  with  a  spear.  These  are  circum- 
stances invented  by  writers,  who  thought  the  catastrophe  of  so  no- 
ble a  tragedy  should  be  something  affecting  and  extraordinary. 
Aristobulus  tells  us,  that  in  the  rage  of  his  fever,  and  the  violence 
of  his  thirst,  he  took  a  draught  of  wine,  which  threw  him  into  a 
frenzy,  and  that  he  died  the  thirteenth  of  the  month  DcBsius,  June. 

B'lt  in  his  journals  the  account  of  his  sickness  is  as  follows  : 
"  On  the  eighteenth  of  the  month  Daesius,  finding  the  fever  on  him, 
he  lay  in  his  bath-room.  The  next  day,  after  he  had  bathed,  he 
removed  into  his  own  chamber  and  played  many  hours  with  Medi- 
us at  dice.  In  the  evening  he  bathed  again,  arid  after  sacrificing 
to  the  gods,  he  ate  his  supper.  In  the  night  the  fever  returned. 
The  twentieth  he  also  bathed,  and,  after  the  customary  sacrifice, 
pat  in  the  bath-room  and  diverted  himself  with  hearing  Nearchus 
give  an  account  of  his  voyage,  and  all  that  was  most  observable 
with  respect  to  the  ocean.  The  twenty-first  was  spent  in  the  same 
»  Arrian  and  Cuitius  call  him  loUas.    Plutarch  calls  him  lolas  below. 

2jj  29 


388  ALEXANDER. 

manner.  The  fever  increased,  and  he  bad  a  very  bad  night.  'Hie 
twcnty-second  the  fever  was  violent.  He  ordered  his  bed  to  be 
removed  and  placed  by  the  great  bath.  There  he  talked  to  his 
generals  about  the  vacancies  m  his  army,  and  desired  they  might 
be  filled  up  %vith  experienced  officers.  The  twenty.fourth  he  was 
much  worse.  He  chose,  however,  to  be  carried,  to  assist  at  the 
sacrifice.  He  likewise  gave  orders  that  the  principal  officers  of 
the  army  should  wait  within  the  court,  and  the  oflicers  keep  watch 
all  night  without.  The  twenty.fiflh,  he  was  removed  to  his  palace 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  where  he  slept  a  little,  but  the  fever 
did  not  abate  ;  and  when  his  generals  entered  the  room  he  was 
speechless.  He  continued  so  the  day  following.  The  Macedon- 
ians  by  this  time  thinking  he  was  dead,  came  to  the  gates  with 
great  clamour,  and  threatened  the  great  officers  in  such  a  manner 
that  (hey  were  forced  to  admit  them,  and  suffer  them  all  to  pass 
unarmed  by  the  bedside.  The  twenty  .seventh.  Python  and  Seleu- 
cus  were  sent  to  the  temple  of  Serapis,  to  inquire  whether 
they  should  carry  Alexander  thither  ;  and  the  deity  ordered  that 
they  should  not  remove  him.  The  twenty  .eighth,  in  the  evening, 
he  died."  The  particulars  are  taken  almost  word  for  word  from 
his  diary. 

Roxana  was  now  pregnant,  and  therefore  had  great  attention 
paid  her  by  the  Macedonians.  But  being  extremely  jealous  of 
Statira,  she  murdered  both  her  and  her  sister,  and  threw  their  bo- 
dies  into  a  well,  which  she  filled  up  with  earth.  Perdiccas  was 
her  accomplice  in  this  murder.  Indeed,  he  had  now  the  principal 
power,  which  he  exercised  in  the  name  of  Aridsus,  the  son  of 
Philip,  whom  he  treated  rather  as  a  screen  than  as  a  king. 


339 

JULIUS  CiESAR. 

Flourished  40  years  before  Christ, 

WHEN  Sylla  had  made  himself  master  of  Rome,  he  enaeavour- 
ed  to  bring  Csesar  to  repudiate  Cornelia,  daughter  to  Cinna,  one 
of  the  late  tyrants,  and  finding  he  could  not  effect  it  either  by  hopes 
or  fears,  he  confiscated  her  dowry. 

Indeed,  Caesar,  as  a  relation  to  Marius,  was  naturally  an  enemy 
to  Sylla.  Old  Marius  had  married  Julia,  Caesar's  aunt,  and  there- 
fore young  Marius,  the  son  he  had  by  her,  was  Caesar's  cousin- 
german.  At  first,  Sylla,  amidst  the  vast  number  of  proscriptions 
that  engaged  his  attention,  overlooked  this  enemy.  The  dicta- 
tor afterwards  thought  of  having  him  taken  off.;  and  when  some 
said  there  was  no  need  to  put  such  a  boy  to  death,  he  answered — 
"Their  sagacity  was  small,  if  they  did  not,  in  that,  boy,  see  many 
Mariuses."  •      * 

This  saying  being  reported  to  Csesar,  he  concealed  himself  a 
long  time,  wandering  up  and  down  in  the  country  of  the  Sabines. 
At  last,  he  escaped  by  sea,  and  sailed  to  Bithynia,  where  he  sought 
protection  of  Nicomedes,  the  king.  His  stay  with  him,  however, 
was  not  long.  He  re-embarked,  and  was  taken,  near  the  isle 
of  Pharmacusa,  by  pirates,  who  were  masters  of  that  sea,  and 
blocked  up  all  the  passages  with  a  number  of  galleys  and  other 
vessels.  They  asked  him  only  twenty  talents  for  his  ran- 
som. He  laughed  at  their  demand,  as  the  consequence  of  their 
not  knowing  him,  and  promised  them  fifty  talents.  To  raise  the 
money,  he  despatched  his  people  to  diffetent  cities,  and  in  the 
mean  time,  remained,  with  only  one  friend  and  two  attendants, 
among  these  Cilicians,  who  considered  murder  as  a  trifle.  Caesar, 
however,  held  them  in  great  contempt,  and  used  to  send,  whenev- 
er he  went  to  sleep,  and  order  them  to  keep  silence.  Thus  he 
lived  among  them  thirty-eight  days,  as  if  they  had  been  his  guards 
rather  than  his  keepers.  Perfectly  fearless  and  secure,  he  joined 
in  their  diversions,  and  took  his  exercises  among  them.  He  wrote 
poems  and  orations,  and  rehearsed  them  to  these  pirates :  and  when 
they  expressed  no  admiratio/n,  he  called  them  dunces  and  barbari. 
ans.  Nay,  he  often  threatened  to  crucify  them.  They  were  de- 
lighted with  these  freedoms,  which  they  imputed  to  his  frank  and 
facetious  vein.  But  as  soon  as  the  money  was  brought  from  Mi. 
letus,  and  he  had  recovered  his  liberty,  he  manned  some  vessels  in 
the  port  of  Miletus,  in  order  to  attack  these  corsairs.  He  found 
them  still  lying  at  anchor  by  the  island,  took  most  of  them,  togeth. 


340  JULH;SC^SAR  , 

er  with  the  money,  and  imprisoned  them  at  Pergamus.  After 
which  he  applied  to  Junius,  who  then  commanded  in  Asia,  because 
to  him,  as  prsetor,  it  belonged  to  punish  them.  Junius,  having  ao 
eye  upon  the  money,  which  was  a  conKiderable  sum,  demur, 
red  about  the  matter;  and  Caesar,  perceivmg  his*  intention,  re. 
turned  to  Pergamus,  and  crucified  all  the  prisoners  ;  as  he  had 
often  threatened  to  do  at  Pharmacusa,  when  they  took  him  to  bo 
in  jest. 

When  the  power  of  Sylla  came  to  be  upon  the  decline,  Cecsar's 
friends  pressed  him  to  return  to  Rome.  But  first  he  went  to 
Rhodes  to  study  under  Apollouius,  the  son  of  Molo,*  who  taught 
rhetoric  there  with  great  reputation,  and  was  a  man  of  irreproach. 
able  manners.  Cicero  also  was  one  of  his  scholars.  C«saria 
said  to  have  had  happy  talents  from  nature  (or  a  public  speaker, 
and  he  did  not  want  an  ambition  to  cultivate  them  :  so  that  un- 
doubtedly he  was  the  second  orator  in  Rome  ;  and  he  might  have 
been  the  first,  had  he  not  rather  chosen  pre-eminence  in  arms. 

Indeed,  the  eloquence  he  showed  at  Rome  in  defending  persons 
impeached^  gained  him  considerable  interest,  and  his  engaging 
address  and  conversation  carried  the  hearts  of  the  people.  For  he 
had  a  condescension  not  to  be  expected  from  so  young  a  man.  At 
the  same  time,  the  magnificence  of  his  expense,  gradually  increased 
his  power,  and  brought  him  into  the  administration.  Those  who  en. 
vied  him  imagined  that  his  resources  would  soon  fail,  and  there- 
fore, at  first,  made  light  of  his  popularity,  considerable  as  it  was. 
But  when  it  was  grown  to  such  a  height  that  it  was  scarce  possi- 
ble to  demolish  it,  and  had  a  plain  tendency  to  ruin  the  constitu- 
tion,  they  found  out,  when  it  was  too  late,  that  no  beginnings  of 
things,  however  small,  are  to  be  neglected  ;  because  continu- 
ance makes  them  great  ;  and  the  very  contempt  they  are  held  in, 
gives  them  opportunity  to  gain  that  strength  which  cannot  be  re 
sisted. 

Cicero  seems  to  be  the  first  who  suspected  something  formida- 
bic  from  the  flattering  calm  of  Coesar's  political  conduct,  and  saw 
deep  and  dangerous  designs  under  the  smiles  of  his  benignity.  **I 
perceive,"  said  the  orator,  **an  inclination  for  tyranny  in  all  he 
projects  and  executes ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  when  I  see  bim 
adjusting  his  hair  with  so  much  exactness,  and  scratching  his  head 
with  one  finger,  I  can  hardly  think  that  such  a  man  can  conceive 
so  vast  and  so  fatal  a  design  as  the  destruction  of  the  Roman  com- 
monwealth." 

The  first  proof  he  had  of  the  affection  of  tbe  people,  was  when 
he  obtained  a  tribuneship  in  the  armv,  before  bis  cuinpetitor,  Cai. 
us  Popiliuf.      The  second  was  more  remarkable :  it  was  on  oc- 

*  It  should  tw  Apollfltplus  Molo,  not  Apolloniiii  the  lOo  of  Mola  Accordin|  to 
guetoniut,  Cbmi  had  studied  nnder  him  tt  Rome  belorathit  •dventiire  ofttM  pirttM. 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  341 

casion  of  his  pronouncing  from  the  rostrum  the  funeral  oration  of 
his  aunt  Juha,  the  wife  of  Marius,  in  which  he  failed  not  to  do 
justice  to  her  virtue.  At  the  same  time,  he  had  tho  hardiness  to 
produce  the  image  of  Marius,  which  had  not  been  seen  before  du- 
ring Sylla's  administration ;  Marius  and  all  his  adherents  having 
been  declared  enemies  to  the  state.  Upon  this,  some  began  to 
raise  a  clamour  against  Caesar ;  but  they  were  soon  silenced  by 
the  acclamatioiis  and  plaudits  of  the  people,  expressing  their  admi- 
ration of  his  courage  in  bringing  the  honours  of  Marius  again  to 
light,  after  so  long  a  suppression,  and  raising  them,  as  it  were, 
from  the  shades  below. 

It  had  long  been  the  custom  in  Rome,  for  the  aged  women  to 
have  funeral  panegyrics,  but  not  the  young.  Caesar  first  broke 
through  it,  by  pronouncing  one  for  his  own  wife,  who  died  in  her 
prime.  This  contributed  to  fix  him  in  the  affections  of  the  people : 
they  sympathized  with  him,  and  considered  him  as  a  man  of  great 
good-nature,  and  one  who  had  the  social  duties  at  heart. 

After  the  funeral  of  his  wife,  he  went  out  quaestor  into  Spain, 
with  Antistius  Voter,  the  praetor,  whom  he  honoured  all  his  life 
after ;  and  when  he  came  to  be  praetor  himself^  he  acknowledged 
the  favour  by  taking  Veter's  son  for  his  quaestor.  When  that 
commission  was  expired,  he  took  Pompeia  to  his  third  wife  ;  hav- 
ing a  daughter  by  his  first  wife  Cornelia,  whom  he  afterwards  mar- 
ried to  Pompey  the  Great. 

Many  people  who  observed  his  prodigious  expense,  thought  he 
was  purchasing  a  short  and  transient  honour  very  dear;  but,  in* 
fact,  he  was  gaining  the  greatest  things  he  could  aspire  to,  at  a 
small  price.      He  is  said  to  have  been  a  thousand  three  hundred 
talents  in  debt  before  he  got  any  public  employment. 

When  he  had  the  superintendence  of  the  Appian  Road,  he  laid 
out  a  great  deal  of  his  own  money  ;  and  when  aedile  he  not  on!y 
exhibited  three  hundred  and  twenty  pair  of  gladiators,  but  in  the 
other  diversions  of  the  theatre,  in  the  processions  and  public  tables, 
he  far  outshone  the  most  ambitious  that  had  gone  before  him. 
These  things  attached  the  people  to  him  so  strongly,  that  every 
one  sought  for  new  honours  and  employments,  to  recompense  bis 
generosity. 

There  were  two  factions  in  the  state ;  that  of  Sylla,  which  was 
the  strongest,  and  that  of  Marius,  which  was  in  a  broken  and  low 
condition.  Caesar's  study  was  to  raise  and  revive  the  latter.  In 
pursuance  of  which  intention,  when  his  exhibitions,  as  aedile,  were 
in  the  highest  reputation,  he  caused  new  images  of  Marius  to  be 
privately  made,  together  with  a  representation  of  his  victories 
adorned  with  trophies,  and  one  night  placed  them  in  the  capitol. 
Some  exclaimed,  that  Caesar  plainly  afiected  the  tyranny,  by  open- 
ly producing  those  honours  which  the  laws  had  condemned  to  dark- 
29* 


343  JULIUS  CJESAlt 

nesfl  and  oblivion.  On  the  other  hand,  the  partisans  of  Marine,  en- 
couraging t^nch  other,  ran  to  the  capitot  in  vast  numbers,  and  made 
it  echo  with  their  plaudits.  The  senate  was  assembled  on  the  oc. 
casion,  and  Lutatius  Catulus,  a  man  of  the  greatest  reputation  in 
Rome,  rose  and  accused  Ciesar.  CsBsar,  however,  defended  his 
cause  so  well,  that  the  senate  decided  in  his  favour. 

About  this  time  died  Metellus,  the  principal  pontiff.  "  The  office 
was  solicited  by  Isauricus  and  Catulus,  two  of  the  most  illustrious 
men  in  Rome,  and  of  the  greatest  interest  in  the  senate.  Never- 
theless, Caesar  did  not  give  place  to  them,  but  presented  himself  to 
the  people  as  a  candidate.  The  pretensions  and  prospects  of  the 
competitors  seemed  almost  equal,  and  Catulus,  more  uneasy  than 
the  others  under  the  uncertainty  of  success,  on  account  df  his  su- 
perior dignity,  sent  privately  to  Caesar,  and  offered  him  large  sums, 
on  condition  that  he  would  desist  from  his  high  pursuit.  But  he 
answered,  "  He  would  rather  borrow  larger  sums  to  carry  his  elec- 
tion." 

When  the  day  of  election  came,  Caesar's  mother  attending  him 
to  the  door,  with  her  eyes  bathed  in  tears,  he  embraced  her  and 
said,  "  My  dear  mother,  you  will  see  me  this  day  either  chief  pon- 
tiff* or  an  exile."  There  never  was  any  thing  more  strongly  con- 
tested ;  the"  suffrages,  however,  gave  it  for  Caesar.  The  senate, 
and  others  of  the  principal  citizens,  were  greatly  alarmed  at  this 
success ;  they  apprehended  that  he  would  now  push  the  people  into 
all  manner  of  licentiousness  and  misrule.  Therefore,  Piso  and  Ca- 
tulus blamed'Cicero  much  for  sparing  Ciesar,  when  Catiline's  con- 
spiracy  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  take  him  off*. 

When  Cicero,  as  consul,  took  the  sense  of  the  senators  as  to  the 
punishment  that  should  be  inflicted  upon  the  conspirators  ;  they  all 
voted  for  death,  till  it  came  to  Caesar's  turn,  who  represented, 
"  That  it  seemed  neither  agreeable  to  justice,  nor  to  the  customs  of 
their  country,  to  put  men  of  their  birth  and  dignity  to  death,  with- 
out an  open  triaV,  except  in  cases  of  extreme  necessity.  But  that 
they  should  rather  be  kept  in  prison,  m  any  of  the  cities  of  Italy 
that  Cicero  might  pitch  upon,  till  Catiline  was  subdued;  and  then 
the  senate  might  take  cognizance  of  the  crimes  of  each  conspira. 
tor  in  full  peace,  and  at  their  leisure."  As  there  appeared  some- 
thing humane  in  this  opinion,  and  it  was  powerfully  enforced  by  the 
orator,  those  who  gave  their  voices  atlerwards,  and  even  many  who 
had  declared  for  the  other  side  of  the  question,  came  into  it.  But 
(*ato  and  Catulus  curried  it  for  death.  Cato,  in  a  severe  speech 
against  the  opinion  of  Caesar,  scrupled  not  to  declare  his  suspicions 
oi'  him  ;  and  this,  with  other  arguments,  had  so  much  weight,  that 
the  conspirators  were  delivered  to  the  executioner. 

Cato,  fearing  an  insurrection  of  the  indigent  populace,  who  were 
foremost  in  all  seditions,  and  who  had  fixedtheir  hopes  npon  Cettr, 


f 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  343 

persuaded  the  senate  to  order  a  distribution  df  bread-corn  among 
them  every  mcfnth.  This  expedient  certainly  obviated  the  present 
danger,  by  seasonably  reducing  the  power  of  Caesar,  who  was  now 
praetor  elect,  and  more  formidable  on  that  account.  Caesar's  prae- 
torship,  however,  was  not  productive  of  any  trouble  to  the  common- 
wealth ;  and  the  government  of  Spain  was  allotted  him  after  its  ter- 
mination. But  his  circumstances  were  so  indifferent,  and  his  credi- 
tors so  clamorous  and  troublesome  when  he  was  preparing  for  his  de- 
parture>  that  he  was  forced  to  apply  to  Crassus,  the  richest  man  in 
Rome,  who  stood  in  need  of  Caesar's  warmth  and  vigour  to  keep  up 
the  balance  against  Pompey.  Crassus,  therefore,  took  upon  him 
to  answer  the  most  inexorable  of  his  creditors,  and  engaged  for 
eight  hundred  and  thirty  talents ;  which  procured  him  liberty  to  set 
out  for  his  province. 

It  is  said,  that  when  he  came  to  a  little  town,  in  passing  the  Alps, 
his  friends,  by  way  of  mirth,  took  occasion  to  say,  "  Can  there  here 
be  any  disputes  for  offices,  any  contentions  for  precedency^  or  such 
envy  and  ambition  as  we  see  among  the  great  ?"  To  which  Caesar 
answered,  with  great  seriousness,  "  I  assure  you,  I  had  rather  be 
the  first  man  here,  than  the  second  man  in  Rome." 

In  like  manner  we  are  told,  that  when  he  was  in  Spain,  he  be- 
stowed some  leisure  hours  on  reading  part  of  the  history  of  Alex- 
ander, and  was  so  much  affected  with  it,  that  he  sat  pensive  a  long 
time,  and  at  last  burst  into  tears.  '  As  his  friends  were  wondering 
what  might  be  the  reason,  he  said,  "  Do  you  think  I  have  not  suf- 
ficient  cause  for  concern,  when  Alexander,  at  nay  age,  reigned  over 
so  many  conquered  countries,  and  I  have  not  one  glorious  achieve- 
ment to  boast  ?" 

From  this  principle  it  was,  that  immediately  upon  his  arrival  in 
Spain,  he  applied  to  business  with  great  diligence,  and  having  ad. 
ded  ten  new-raised  cohorts  to  the  twenty  he  received  there,  he 
marched  against  the  Callaecians  and  Lusitanians,  defeated  them, 
and  penetrated  to  the  ocean,  reducing  nations  by  the  way  that  had 
not  felt  the  Roman  yoke.  His  conduct  in  peace  was  not  inferior  to 
that  in  war;,  he  restored  harmony  among  the  cities,  and  removed 
the  occasions  of  quarrel  between  debtors  and  creditors ;  for  he  or- 
dered that  the  creditor  should  have  two-thirds  of  the  debtor's  in- 
come, and  the  debtor  the  remaining  third,  till  the  whole  was  paid.  By 
these  means  he  left  the  province  with  great  reputation,  though  he 
had  filled  his  own  coffers,  and  enriched  his  soldiers  with  booty,  who 
upon  one  of  his  victories,  saluted  him  Imperator, 

At  his  return  to  Rome,  he  found  himself  under  a  troublesome  di- 
lemma ;  those  who  solicit  a  triumph  being  obliged  to  remain  with- 
out the  walls,  and  such  as  sue  for  the  consulship,  to  make  their  per- 
sonal appearance  in  Rome.  Caesar  determined  to  give  up  the  tri- 
umph, and  solicit  the  consulship. 


344  JULIUS  CESAR. 

Ai  tooo  as  ho  haid  entered  the  city,  he  went  to  work  upon  an 
expedient  which  deceived  all  the  world  except  Cato.  It  was  the 
recoDCiling  of  Pompey  and  Crasaus,  two  of  the  most  powerful  men 
in  Rome.  By  making  iheni  friends,  Csrsar  secured  the  interest  of 
both  to  himself;  and  while  he  seemed  to  be  only  doing  an  ofiice  of 
humanity,  he  was  undermining  the  constitution.  For  it  was  not 
the  disagreement  between  Cssar  and  Pompey  that  produced  the 
civil  wars,  but  r|ither  their  union ;  they  first  combined  to  niin  the 
authority  of  the  senate,  and  when  that  was  efiected,  they  parted  to 
pursue  each  his  own  designs. 

Caesar  walked  to  the  place  of  election  between  Crassus  and  Pom* 
pey ;  and,  under  the  auspices  of  their  friendship,  was  declared  con* 
sul,  with  distinguished  honour^  having  Calpurnius  Bibulus  given  him 
for  his  colleague.  He  had  no  sooner  entered  upon  his  office,  than 
he  proposed  laws  not  so  suitable  to  a  consul,  as  to  a  seditious  tri* 
bune  ;  I  mean  the  bills  for  a  division  of  lands  and  a  distribution  of 
com,  which  were  entirely  calculated  to  please  the  plebeians.  At 
the  virtuous  and  patriotic  part  of  the  senate  opposed  them,  he  was 
furnished  with  the  pretext  he  had  long  wanted  :  he  protested,  with 
great  warmth,  "  That  they  threw  him  into  the  arms  of  the  people 
against  his  will,  and  that  the  rigorous  and  disgraceful  opposition  of 
the  senate,  laid  him  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  seeking 
protection  from  the  commons."  Accordingly  he  did  immediately 
apply  to  them. 

Caesar  was  willing  to  avail  himself  still  farther  of  Pofnpey's  inte* 
rest.  His  daughter  Julia  was  betrothed  to  Servilius  Csepio  :  but) 
notwithstanding  that  engagement,  he  gave  her  to  Pompey :  and 
told  Servilius  he  should  have  Pompey*s  daughter,  whose  hand  was 
not  properly  at  liberty,  for  she  was  promised  to  Faustus,  the  son  of 
Sylla.  Soon  after  this,  Caesar  married  Calpumia,  the  daughter  of 
Piso,  and  procured  the  consulship  for  Piso  for  the  year  ensuing. 
Meanwhile  Cato  exclaimed  loudly  against  these  proceedings,  and 
called  both  gods  and  men  to  witness,  how  insupportable  it  was,  that 
the  first  dignities  of  the  state  should  be  prostituted  by  marriagee, 
and  that  this  traffic  of  women  should  gain  them  what  governments 
and  forces  they  pleased.  As  for  Bibulus,  C»sar*s  colleague,  when 
he  found  his  opposition  to  their  new  laws  entirely  unsuccessful,  and 
that  bis  life,  os  well  as  Cato's,  was  oflen  endangered  in  the  public 
assemblies,  he  shut  himself  up  in  his  own  house  daring  the  remain* 
der  of  the  year. 

Immediately  after  this  marriage,  Pompey  filled  the  Fontm  with 
armed  men,  and  got  the  laws  enacted,  which  Cvear  had  propoeed 
merely  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  people.  At  the  same  thne, 
the  govemmeDi  of  Gaul,  both  on  this  ^nd  the  other  side  the  Alpf, 
was  deoreed  to  Ccssar  for  five  years ;  to  which  was  added  lUyri- 
cum,  with  four  legions. 


JULIUS  CfiSAR.  346 

The  most  disgraceful  step  that  Caesar  took  iii  his  whole  consul- 
ship,  was  the  getting  Clodius  elected  tribune  of  the  people  ;  the 
same  who  had  attempted  to  dishonour  his  bed,  and  had  profaned 
the  mysterious  rites  of  the  Good  Goddess.  He  pitched  upon  him 
to  ruin  Cicero  ;  nor  would  he  set  out  for  his  government,  before 
he  had  embroiled  them,  and  procured  Cicero's  banishment.  For 
all  these  transactions  preceded  his  wars  in  Gaul.  The  wars  he 
conducted  there,  and  the  many  glorious  campaigns  in  which  he  re- 
duced that  country,  represent  him  as  another  m.an ;  we  begin,  as 
it  were,  with  a  new  life,  and  have  to  follow  him  in  a  quite  different 
track.  As  a  warrior  and  a  general,  we  behold  him  not  in  the  least 
inferior  to  the  greatest  and  most  admired  commanders  the  world 
ever  produced.  For  whether  we  compare  him  with  the  Fabii,  the 
Scipios  and  Metelli,  with  the  generals  of  his  own  time,  or  those 
who  flourished  a  little  before  him,  with  Sylla,  Marius,  the  two  Lu- 
culli,  or  with  Pompey  himself,  whose  fame,  in  every  raiUtary  ex- 
cellence, reached  the  skies,  Caesar's  achievements  bear  away  the 
palm.  One  he  surpassed  in  the  difficulty  of  the  scene  of  action, 
another  in  the  extent  of  the  countries  he  subdued  ;  this,  in  the  num- 
ber and  strength  of  the  enemies  he  overcame  ;  that,  in  the  savage 
manners  and  treacherous  disposition  of  the  people  he  humanized ; 
one,  in  mildness  and  clemency  to  his  prisoners;  another,  in  bounty 
and  munificence  to  his  trodps ;  and  all,  in  the  number  of  battles 
that  he  won,  and  enemies  that  he  killed.  For  in  less  than  ten 
years'  war  in  Gaul^  he  took  eight  hundred  cities  by  assault,  con- 
quered three  hundred  nations,  and  fought  pitched  battles  at  dif- 
ferent times,  with  three  millions  of  men,  one  million  of  which  he  cut 
in  pieces,  and  made  another  million  prisoners. 

Such,  moreover,  was  the  affection  of  his  soldiers,  and  their  at- 
tachment to  his  person,  that  they  who,  under  other  commanders, 
were  nothing  above  the  common  rate  of  men,  became  invincible 
where  Caesar's  glory  was  concerned,  and  met  the  most  dreadful 
dangers  with  a  courage  that  nothing  could  resist. 

This  courage,  and  this  great  ambition,  were  cultivated  and  cher- 
ished, in  the  first  place,  by  the  generous  manner  in  which  Caesar 
rewarded  his  troops,  and  the  honours  which  he  paid  them.  His 
whole  conduct  showed,  that  he  did  not  accumulate  riches,  to  minis- 
ter to  luxury,  or  to  serve  any  pleasures  of  his  own,  but  that  he 
laid  them  up  in  a  common  bank,  as  prizes,  to  be  obtained  by  dis- 
tinguished valour,  and  that  he  considered  himself  no  farther  rich, 
than  as  he  was  in  a  condition  to  do  justice  to  the  merit  of  his  sol- 
diers. Another  thing  that  contributed  to  make  them  invincible, 
was  their  seeing  Caesar  always  take  his  share  in  danger,  and  ne- 
ver desire  any  exemption  from  labour  and  fatigue. 

As  for  his  exposing  his  person  to  danger,  they  were  not  sun 


346  JULIUS  C.&SAIL 

prised  at  it,  because  (hey  knew  his  passion  for  glory ;  but  (hey 
they  were  astonished  at  his  patience  under  (oil,  so  far,  in  all  ap- 
pearance, above  his  bodily  powers.  For  he  was  of  a  slender  make, 
lair,  of  a  delicate  constitution,  and  subject  to  violent  headaches  and 
epileptic  fits.  He  had  the  first  attack  of  the  falling  sickness  at 
,  Corduba.  He  did  not,  however,  make  these  disorders  a  pretence 
for  indulging  himself.  On  the  contrary,  he  sought  m  war  a  reme- 
dy for  his  infirmities,  endeavouring  to  strengthen  hi>^  constitution 
by  long  marches,  by  simple  diet,  by  seldom  comui^  under  cover. 
Thus  he  contended  with  his  distemper,  and  fortified  iiimself  against 
its  attacks. 

When  he  slept,  it  was  commonly,  upon  a  march,  either  in  a 
chariot  or  a  litter,  that  rest  might  be  no  hinderance  to  business.  In 
the  day-time  he  visited  the  castles,  cities,  and  fortified  camps,  with 
a  servant  at  his  side,  whom  he  employed,  on  such  occasions,  to 
write  for  him,  and  with  a  soldier  behind  who  carried  his  sword. 
By  these  means  be  travelled  so  fast,  and  with  so  little  interruption, 
as  to  reach  the  Rhone  in  eight  days  ader  his  first  setting  out  for 
those  parts  from  Rome. 

•Of  his  indiflference,  with  respect  to  diet,  they  eive  us  this  re- 
xnarkable  proof.  Happening  to  sup  with  Valerius  Leo,  a  friend  of 
his,  at  Milan,  there  was  sweet  ointment  poured  upon  the  aspara- 
gus, instead  of  oil.  Caesar  ate  of  it  freely  notwithstanding,  and 
afierwards  rebuked  his  friends  for  expressing  their  dislike  of  it. 
'*It  was  enough,"  said  he,  *'  to  forbear  eating,  if  it  was  di&agreea- 
<  ble  to  vou.  He  who  finds  fault  with  any  rusticity,  is  himself  a 
rustic.^* 

One  day,  as  he  was  upon  an  excursion,  a  violent  storm  forced 
him  to  seek  shelter  in  a  poor  man's  hut,  where  there  was  only  one 
room,  and  that  scarce  big  enough  for  a  man  to  sleep  in.  Turn- 
ing, therefore,  to  his  friends,  he  said,  "  Honours  for  the  great,  and 
necessaries  for  the  infirm,"  and  immediately  gave  up  the  room  to 
Oppius,  while  himself  and  the  rest  of  the  company  slept  under  a 
shed  at  the  door. 

His  first  expedition  in  Gaul  was  against  the  Helvetians  and  the 
Tigurini :  who,  ai\er  having  burnt  twelve  of  their  own  towns,  and 
four  hundred  villages,  put  themselves  under  march,  in  order  to 
penetrate  into  Italy,  through  that  part  of  Gaul  which  was  subject 
to  the  Romans,  as  the  Cambri  and  Teutones  would  have  done  be- 
fore them.  The  Helvetians  suddenly  attacked  Caesar,  as  he  was 
upon  the  march  to  a  confederate  town. 

It  cost  him  a  long  and  severe  conflict  to  drive  their  army  out  of 
the  field ;  but  he  found  the  greatest  difficulty  when  he  came  to  their 
rampart  of  carriages :  for  not  only  the  men  made  a  most  obstinate 
stand  there,  but  the  very  women  and  children  fought  till  they  were 
cut  in  pieces. 


JULIUS  CESAR.  347 

To  this  great  action  he  added  a  greater.  He  collected  the  bar- 
bariahs  who  had  escaped  out  of  the  battle,  to  the  number  of  a 
hundred  thousand,  and  upwards,  and  obliged  them  to  re-settle  the 
country  they  had  relinquished,  and  to  rebuild  the  cities  they  had 
burnt. 

His  second  war  was  in  defence  of  the  Gauls  against  the  Ger- 
mans, whom  he  pursued  to  the  Rhine.  The  king  of  the  Germans 
reached  the  river  time  enough  to  get  over  with  a  few  troops.  The 
number  of  killed  is  said  to  have  amounted  to  eighty  thousand. 

After  he  had  thus  terminated  the  war,  he  left  his  army  in  winter 
quarters  in  the  country  of  the  Sequani,  and  repaired  to  Gaul  on 
this  side  the  Po,  whifch  was  part  of  his  province,  in  order  to  have 
an  eye  upon  the  transactions  in  Rome.  During  his  stay  there,  he 
carried  on  a  variety  of  state  intrigues.  Great  numbers  came  from 
Rome  to  pay  their  respects  to  him,  and  he  sent  them  all  away 
satisfied ;  some  laden  with  presents,  and  others  happy  in  hope.  In 
the  same  manner  throughout  all  his  wars,  without  Pompey's  obser-  [,  _.^ 
ving  it,  he  was  conquering  his  enemies  by  the  arms  of  the  Roman  J  "  ^ 
citizens,  and  gaining  the  citizens  by  the  money  of  his  enemies,     v 

As  soon  as  he  had  intelligence  that  the  BelgaB,  who  were  the 
most  powerful  people  in  Gaul,  and  whose  territories  made  up  a 
third  part  of  the  whole  country,  had  revolted  and  assembled  a  great 
army,  he  marched  to  that  quarter  with  incredible  expedition,  and 
killed  such  numbers,  that  lakes  and  rivers  were  filled  with  the  dead, 
and  bridges  were  formed  of  their  bodies. 

From  thence  he  led  his  army  against  the  Nervii,  who  live  among 
thick  woods.  After  they  had  secured  their  families  and  mostvalu- 
able  goods,  in  the  best  manner  they  could,  in  the  heart  of  a  large 
forest,  at  a  great  distance  from  the  enemy,  they  marched,  to  the 
number  of  sixty  thousand,  and  fell  upon  Caesar,  as  he  was  fortifying 
his  camp,  and  had  not  the  least  notion  of  so  sudden  an  attack.* 
They  first  routed  his  cavalry,  and  then  surrounded  the  twelfth  and 
seventh  legions,  and  killed  all  the  officers.  Had  not  Caesar  snatched 
a  buckler  from  one  of  his  own  men,  forced  his  way  through  the 

*  As  this  attack  was  unexpected,  Csesar  bad,  in  a  manner,  every  thing  to  do  at  the 
same  instant.  The  banner  was  to  be  erected,  the  charge  sounded,  the  soldiers  at  a 
distance  recalled,  tne  army  drawn  up,  and  the  signal  given.  In  this  surprise  be  ran 
from  place  to  place,  exhorting  his  men  lo  attend  to  theii  former  valour;  an<^  having 
drawn  them  up  m  the  best  manner  he  could,  caused  the  signal  to  be  given-  The  legion- 
aries made  a  vigorous  resistance;  but  as  the  enemy  seenricd  deiemnned  either  to 
conquer  or  die,  the  success  was  different  in  difTerent  places.  In  the  left  wing  :he  ninth 
and  the  tenth  leg'ons  did  wonders,  drove  the  Atrebates  into  a  neighbouring  river,  and 
made  a  great  slaughter  of  them.  In  another  place,  the  eighth  end  eleventh  legions 
repulsed  the  Vermandui,  and  drove  them  before  them.  But  in  the  right  wing,  the 
seventh  and  twelfth  legions  suffered  extremely.  They  were  (?ntirely  surrounded  by  the 
Nervii,  all  the  centurions  of  tiie  fourth  cohort  hemg  slain,  and  most  of  the  other  oflS- 
oers  wounded.  In  this  extremity,  Cxsar  snatched  a  buckler  from  one  of  the  private 
men,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  broken  wing,  snd  being  joined  by  the  two  legions 
which  he  had  left  to  guard  the  baggage,  fell  upon  the  Nervii,  already  fatigued,  with 
fresh  vigour,  and  made  a  dreadful  havock  of  tbem. 


348  Jt'UUS  C£:!iAR. 

combatants  before  bim,  and  ruahed  upon  the  barbarians ;  or  had 
not  the  tenth  legion,  seeing  bis  danger,  run  fro^n  the  heights  nhere 
they  were  posted,  and  mowed  down  tlie  enemies'  ranks,  in  att  pro- 
bability not  one  Roman  would  have  survivjed  the  battle.  But  though, 
encouraged  by  this  bold  act  of  Caesar,  they  fought  with  a  spirit 
above,  tbeir  strength,  they  were  not  able  to  make  the  Nervii  tarn 
their  backs.  Those  brave  men  maintained  their  ground,  and  were 
hewed  to  pieces  on  the  spot.  It  is  said,  tbat  out  of  sixty  thousand 
not  above  Ave  hundred  were  saved,  and. out  of  four  hundred  Ner- 
vian  senators  not  above  three. 

Upon  the  news  of  this  great  victory,  the  senate  of  Rome  decreed 
that  sacrifices  should  be  offered,  and  all  manner  of  festivities  kept 
up,  for  fifteen  days  together,  which  was  n  longer  term  of  rejoicing 
than  had  ever  been  known  before.  Indeed  the  danger  appeared 
very  great,  on  account  of  so  many  nutions  rising  ut  once ;  and 
aa  CKsar  was  the  man  who  surmounted  it,  the  aflfection  the 
people  had  for  him  made  the  rejoicing  more  brilliant.  AOer  he 
had  settled  the  affairs  of  Gaul,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps,  he 
crossed  them  again,  and  wintered  near  the  Po,  in  order  to  n>ain. 
tain  his  interest  in  Rome  ;  where  the  candidates  for  the  great  ofH- 
oes  of  state  were  snpplied  with  money  out  of  his  funds  to  corrupt 
the  people,  and,  afler  they  had  carried  their  election,  did  every 
thing  to  extend  his  power. 

CaDsar,  at  his  return  to  his  army  in  Gaul,  found  another  furious 
war  lighted  up  in  the  country ;  the  Usipetes  and  the  Teuchteri, 
two  great  German  nations,  having  crossed  the  Rhine  to  make  con- 
qoMta.  Of  the  invaders  four  hundred  thousand  were  killed.  The 
few  wha  escaped,  repassed  the  river,  and  were  sheltered  by  a  pec 
pie  of  Germany  called  Sicambri.  Cesar  laid  hold  on  this  pretence 
against  that  people,  but  his  motive  was  an  avidity  of  fame,  to  be 
the  first  Roman  that  ever  crossed  the  Rhine  in  an  hostile  manner. 
In  pursuance  of  his  design,  be  threw  a  bridge  over  it.  Having 
laid  waste  the  enemy's  country  with  fire,  and  confirmed  the 
better-disposed  Gennans  in  the  interest  of  Rome,  he  returned 
into  GauL 

AOer  conquering  Gaul,  he  undertook  an  expedition  into  Britain, 
which  discovered  the  most  daring  spirit  of  enterprise  :  for  he  was 
the  first  who  entered  the  Western  Ocean  with  a  fleet,  and  embark- 
ing his  troops  on  the  Atlantic,  carried  war  into  an  island  whoae 
very  existence  had  been  doubted.  Some  writers  had  repreeented 
it  so  incredibly  large,  that  others  contested  its  being,  and  considered 
both  the  name  and  the  thing  as  a  fiction.  Yet  Csaar  attempted  to 
conquer  it,  and  to  extend  the  Roman  empire  beyond  the  bounds  of 
the  habitable  world.  He  sailed  thither  twice  from  the  oppoeita 
coast  in  Gaul,  and  fought  many  battles,  by  which  the  Britona  m»t» 
(bred  troro  than  the  Romans  gained ;  for  there  waa  nothing  worth 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  349 

taking  from  a  people  who  were  so  poor,  and  lived  in  so  much  wretch- 
edness.* He  did  not,  however,  terminate  the  war  in  the  manner  he 
could  have  wished :  he  only  received  hostages  of  the  king,  and  ap- 
pointed the  tribute  the  island  was  to  pay^  and  then  returned  to  Gaul. 

There  he  received  letters,  by  which  his  friends  in  Rome  in- 
formed him  of  the  death  of  his  daughter,  the  wife  of  Pompey. 
This  was  a  great  affliction  both  to  Pompey  and  Caesar.  Their 
friends,  too,  were  very  sensibly  concerned  to  feee  that  alliance  dis- 
solved which  kept  up  the  peace  and  harmony  6f  the  state,  other- 
wise in  a  very  unsettled  condition.  The  people  took  the  body  of 
Julia,  and  carried  it,  notwithstanding  the  prohibition  of  the  tribunes, 
to  the  Campus  Martius,  where  it  was  interred. 

As  Caesar's  army  was  now  very  large,f  he  was  forced  to  divide 
it  for  the  convenience  of  winter  quarters  ;  after  which  he  took  the 
road  to  Italy  according  to  custom.  But  he  had  not  been  long  gone, 
before  the  Gauls  rising  again,  traversed  the  country  with  consider, 
able  armies,  fell  upon  the  Roman  quarters  with  great  fury,  and 
insulted  their  intrenchments.  The  most  numerous  and  the  strong- 
est body  of  the  insurgents  was  under  Ambiroix,  who  attacked  Cotia 
and  Titurius  in  their  camp,  and  cut  them  off  with  their  whole  party. 
After  which  he  besieged  the  legion  under  the  command  of  Q.  Ci- 
cero, with  sixty  thousand  men  :  and  though  the  spirit  of  those  brave 
Romans  made  a  resistance  above  their  strength,  they  were  very 
near  being  taken,  for  they  were  all  wounded. 

Caesar,  who  was  at  a  great  distance,  at  last  getting  intelligence  of 
their  danger,  returned  with -all  expedition;  and  havmg  collected  a 
body  of  men,  which  did  not  exceed  seven  thousand,  hastened  tb  the 
relief  of  Cicero.  The  Gauls,  who  were  not  ignorant  of  his  motions, 
raised  the  siege,  and  went  to  meet  him ;  for  they  despised  the 
smallness  of  his  forccj  and  were  confident  of  victory.  Caesar,  to 
deceive  them,  made  a  feint  as  if  he  fled,  till  he  came  to  a  place 
convenient  for  a  small  army  to  engage  a  great  one,  and  there  he 
fortified  his  camp.  He  gave  his  men  strict  orders  not  to  fight,  but 
to  throw  up  a  strong  rampart,  and  to  barricade  their  gates  in  the 
securest  manner ;  contriving  by  all  these  manoeuvres  to  increase 
the  enemy's  contempt  of  him.  It  succeeded  as  he  wished ;  the 
Gauls  came  up  with  great  insolence  and  disorder  to  attack  his 
trenches.  Then  Cassar  making  a  sudden  sally,  defeated  and  de- 
stroyed the  greatest  part  of  them.  This  success  laid  the  spirit  of 
revolt  in  those  parts ;  and  for  farther  security  he  remained  all  the 

*  It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  much  corn  in  Britain  in  Caesar's  time  ;  for  the 
inhabitants,  he  says,  lived  chiefly  on  milk  and  flesh  :  Lactett  came  vivunt. 

f  This  army  consisted  of  eight  legions,  and  as  there  was  almost  a  famine  in  the 
country,  the  consequence  of  excessive  drought,  Caesar  was  obliged  to  separate  his 
troops  for  their  better  subsistence.  He  was,  therefore,  under  the  necessitv  of  fixtng 
the  quarters  at  such  a  distance,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  impolitic.  He  tells 
us,  (lib  V  )  that  ail  the  legions,  except  one,  which  was  in  a  quiet  country,  were  posted 
within  the  compass  of  a  hundred  miles. 

30 


3S0  JULIUS  c^sar 

winter  in  Gaul,  visiting  all  the  quarters,  and  keeping  a  sharp  eyv 
upon  every  motion  towards  war.  Besides,  he  received  a  reinforce- 
inent  of  three  legions  io  the  room  of  those  be  had  lost ;  two  of 
which  were  lent  him  by  Pompey,  and  one  lately  raised  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul. 

After  this,  the  seeds  of  hostilities,  which  had  long  before  been 
privately  scattered  m  the  more  distant  parts  of  the  country  by  the 
chiefs  of  the  more  warlike  nations,  shot  up  into  one  of  the  greatest 
and  most  dangerous  wars  that  was  ever  seen  in  Gaul.  It  was  then 
the  most  severe  season  in  the  year ;  the  rivers  were  covered  with 
ice,  the  forests  with  snow,  and  the  fields  overflowed :  the  roads 
lay  concealed  in  snow  or  in  floods  disembogued  by  the  lakes  and 
rivers ;  so  that  it  seemed  impossible  for  Cssar  to  march,  or  to  pur- 
sue any  other  operations  against  them. 

The  chief  direction  of  the  war  was  given  to  Vercingetorix,  whose 
father  the  Gauls  had  put  to  death,  for  attempting  at  monarchy. 
Vercingetorix  having  divided  his  forces  into  several  parts,  and 
given  them  in  charge  to  his  lieutenants,  had  the  country  at  com- 
mand as  far  as  the  Arar.  His  intention  was  to  raiee  all  Chuil 
against  CsBsar,  now  when  his  enemies  were  rising  agaimt  him  at 
Rome. 

Cssar,  who  knew  perfectly  how  to  avail  himself  of  every  advan. 
tage  in  war,  particularly  of  time,  was  no  sooner  informed  of  this 
great  defection,  than  he  set  out  to  chastise  its  authors ;  and  by  the 
rapidity  of  his  march,  in  spite  of  all  the  difliculties  of  a  severe 
winter,  he  showed  the  barbarians  that  his  troops  could  neither  be 
conquered  nor  resisted ;  for  where  a  courier  could  scarce  have 
been  supposed  to  come  in  many  days,  Ctesar  was  seen  with  his 
whole  army,  ravaging  the  country,  destroying  the  castles,  storming 
the  cities,  and  receiving  the  submission  of  such  as  repented.  Thus 
be  went  on,  till  the  y£dui  also  revolted,  who  had  styled  themselves 
brothers  to  the  Romans,  and  had  been  treated  with  particular 
regard.  Their  joining  the  insurgents  spread  uneasiness  and  dis- 
may  through  Cssar's  army.  He,  therefore,  decamped  in  all  haste ; 
but  the  enemy  followed  him  in  prodigious  numbers,  and  surrounded 
him.  Cesar,  without  being  in  the  least  disconcerted,  sustained  the 
conflict,  and  after  a  long  and  bloody  action,  in  which  the  Germans 
were  particularly  serviceable  to  him,  gave  them  a  total  defeat. 
Most  of  those  who  escaped  out  of  tlie  battle,  retired  into  Aleaa 
with  their  king.  Cesar  immediately  invested  the  town,  though  it 
appeared  impregnable,  as  well  on  account  of  the  height  of  the  walls, 
as  the  number  of  troops  there  was  to  defend  it.  During  the  siege 
be  found  himself  exposed  to  a  great  danger  from  without.  All  the 
bravest  men  in  Gaul  assembled  from  every  quarter,  and  came 
armed  to  the  reUef  of  the  place,  to  the  niirobei  of  three  hundred 
thoiiHand  ;  and  there  were  not  less  than  seventy  thousand  comba- 


Jl/LIUS  CiESAlL  861 

lants  withiu  the  walla.,  Thus  shut  up  between  two  armies,  he  was 
forced  to  draw  two  lines  of  circumvallation,  the  interior  one  against 
the  town,  and  that  without  against  the  troops  that  came  to  its  suc- 
cour ;  for,  could  the  two  armies  have  joined,  he  had  been  abso- 
lutely lost.  This  dangerous  action  of  Alesia  contributed  to  Caesar's 
renown  on  many  accounts.  Indeed,  he  exerted  a  more  adventu- 
rous courage  and  greater  generalship,  than  on  any  other  occasion. 
But  what  seems  very  astonishing,  is,  that  he  could  engage  and 
conquer  so  many  myriads  without,  and  keep  the  action  a  secret  to 
the  troops  in  the  town.*  It  is  still  more  wonderful  that  the  Romans, 
who  were  left  before  the  walls,  should  not  know  it,  till  the  victory 
was  announced  by  the  cries  of  the  men  in  Alesia,  and  the  lamen- 
tatrons  of  the  women,  who  saw  the  Romans  on  each  side  of  the 
town  bringing  to  their  camp  a  number  of  shields  adorned  with  gold 
and  silver,  helmets  stained  with  blood,  drinking  vessels,  and  tents 
of  Gaulish  fashion.  Thus  did  this  vast  multitude  vanish  and  dis- 
appear like  a  phantom,  or  a  dream,  thd  greatest  part  being  killed 
on  the  spot. 

The  besieged  at  last  surrendered.  Their  general,  Vercingetorix, 
armed  himself  and  equipped  his  horse  in  the  most  magnificent  man- 
ner, and  then  sallied  out  at  the  gate.  After  he  had  taken  some 
circuits  about  Caesar  as  he  sat  upon  the  tribunal,  he  dismounted, 
put  off  his  armour,  and  placed  himself  at  Caesar's  feet,  where  he 
remained  in  profound  silence,  till  Caesar  ordered  a  guard  to  take 
him  away,  and  keep  him  for  his  triumph. 

Caesar  had  been  some  time  resolved  to  ruin  Pompey,  and  Pom- 
pey  to  destroy  Caesar ;  for  Crassus,  who  alone  could  have  taken 
up  the  conqueror,  being  killed  in  the  Parthian  war,  there  remained 
nothing  for  Caesar  to  do,  to  make  himself  the  greatest  of  mankind, 
but  to  annihilate  him  that  was  so ;  nor  for  Pompey  to  prevent  it, 
but  to  take  off  the  man  he  feared.  It  is  true,  it  was  no  long  time 
that  Pompey  had  entertained  any  fear  of  him ;  he  had  rather  looked 
upon  him  with  contempt,  imagining  he  could  as  easily  pull  him 
down  as  be  had  set  him  up  :  whereas  Caesar,  from  the  first,  design- 
ing to  ruin  his  rivals,  had  retired  at  a  distance,  like  a  champion, 
for  exercise.  By  long  service  and  great  achievements  in  the  wars 
of  Gaul,  he  had  so  improved  his  army,  and  his  own  reputation  too, 
that  he  was  considered  as  on  a  footing  with  Pompey  ;  and  he  found 
pretences  for  carrying  his  enterprise  into  execution,  in  the  times  of 
the  misgovernment  at  Rome.  These  were  partly  furnished  by  Pom- 
pey himself;  and  indeed  all  ranks  of  men  were  so  corrupted,  that 
tables  were  publicly  set  out,  upon  which  the  candidates  for  offices 
were  professedly  ready  to  pay  the  people  the  price  of  their  votes ; 
and  the  people  came  not  only  to  give  their  voice  for  the  man  who 
had  bought  them,  bat  with  all  manner  of  offensive  weapons  to  fight 

*  C»aar  says,  that  those  in  the  to\'wi  bad  a  distinct  view  of  the  battle. 


301  JtUUS  CASAH. 

for  him.  Hence  it  often  happened,  that  they  did  not  part  withost 
polluting  the  tribunal  with  blood  and  murder,  and  the  city  was  a 
perpetual  scene  of  anarchy.  In  this  dismal  situation  of  tbin|r8,  in 
these  storms  of  epidemic  madness,  wise  men  thought  it  would  be 
happy  if  they  ended  in  nothing  worse  than  monarchy.  Nay,  there 
were  many  who  scrupled  not  to  declare  publicly,  that  monarchy 
was  the  only  cure  for  the  desperate  di^rders  of  the  state,  and  that 
the  physician  ought  to  be  pitched  upon,  who  would  apply  that 
remedy  with  the  gentlest  hand ;  by  which  they  hinted  at  Pompey. 

Pompey,  in  all  nis  discourse,  pretended  to  decline  the  honour  of 
a  dictatorship,  though  at  the  same  time  every  step  he  took  was 
directed  that  way.  Cato,  understanding  his  dnf>,  persuaded  the 
senate  to  declare  him  sole  consul ;  that,  satisfied  with  a  kind  of 
monarchy  more  agreeable  to  law,  he  might  not  adopt  any  violent 
measures  to  make  himself  dictator.  The  senate  not  only  agreed 
to  this,  but  continued  to  him  his  governments  of  Spain  and  Africa, 
the  administration  of  which  he  committed  to  his  lieutenants ;  keep- 
ing armies  there,  tor  whose  maintenance  he  was  allowed  a  thou- 
sand talents  a  year  out  of  the  public  treasury. 

Upon  this,  Cffisar  applied,  by  his  friends,  for  another  consulship, 
and  for  the  continuance  of  his  commission  in  Gaul,  answerable  to 
that  of  Pompey.  As  Pompey  was  at  first  silent,  Marcellus  and  Len- 
tulus,  who  bated  Caesar  on  other  accounts,  opposed  it  with  great 
violence,  omitting  nothing,  whether  right  or  wrong,  that  might  re- 
fleet  dishonour  upon  him  r  for  they  disfranchised  the  inhabitants  of 
Novocomuni  in  Gaul,  which  had  lately  been  erected  into  a  colony 
by  Caesar ;  and  Marcellus,  then  consul,  caused  one  of  their  sena- 
tors,  who  was  come  with  some  complaints  to  Rome,  to  be  beaten 
with  rodb,  and  telling  him,  "  The  marks  on  his  back  were  so  many 
additional  proofs  that  he  was  not  a  Roman  citizen/*  bade  him  go 
show  them  to  Csesar. 

But,  after  the  consulship  of  Marcellus,  Csesar  opened  the  trea- 
sures he  had  amassed  in  Gaul,  to  all  that  were  concerned  in  the 
administration,  and  satisfied  their  utmost  wishes.  Pompey,  now 
alarmed  at  the  increase  of  Casar's  faction,  openly  exerted  his  own 
interest,  and  that  of  his  friends,  to  procure  an  order  for  a  successor 
to  Caesar  in  Gaul.  He  also  sent  to  demand  the  troops  he  had  lent 
him  for  his  wars  in  that  county,  and  Csesar  returnea  them  with  a 
gratuity  of  two  hundred  aud  fifty  drachmas  to  each  man. 

Those  who  conducted  these  troops  back,  spread  reports  among 
the  people  which  were  neither  favourable  nor  fair  with  respect  to 
Caesar,  and  which  ruined  Pompey  with  vain  hopes.  They  asserted 
that  Pompey  had  the  hearts  oi  all  Ca*sar*s  army,  and  that  if  envy 
and  a  corrupt  administration  hmdered  him  from  gaining  what  he 
desired  at  Rome,  the  forces  in  Gaul  would  declare  for  htm  immo« 
diately  upon  their  entering  Italy ;  00  obnosious  was  Ceair  bocomet 


JbLlUS  cjiSAlL  353 

by  hurrying  them  perpetually  from  one  expedition  to  another,  and 
by  the  suspicions  which  they  had  of  his  ainning  at  absolute  power. 
Pompey  was  so  elated  with  these  assurcinces,  tbat  he  neglected  to 
levy  troops,  as  if  he  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  opposed  the  enemy 
only  with  speeches  and  decrees,  which  Caesar  made  no  account  of. 

Caesar's  requisitions  had  a'  great  appearance  of  justice  and 
honour.  He  proposed  to  lay  down  his  arms,  on  condition  Pom- 
pey would  do  the  same,  and  that  they  should  both,  as  private  citi- 
zens, leave  it  to  their  country  to  reward  their  services.  For  to 
deprive  him  of  his  commission  and  troops,  and  continue  Pompey's, 
was  to  give  absolute  power  to  the  one,  to  which  the  other  was  un- 
justly accused  of  aspiring.  Curio,  who  made  these  propositions 
to  the  people  in  behalf  of  Caesar,  was  received  with  the  loudest 
plaudits  ;  and  there  were  some  who  even  threw  chaplets  of  flowers 
upon  him,  as  they  would  upon  a  champion  victorious  in  the  ring. 

Antony,  one  of  the  tribunes  of  the  people,  then  produced  a  letter 
from  Ca3sar  to  the  same  purport,  and  caused  it  to  be  read,  notwith- 
standing the  opposition  it  met  with  from  the  consuls.  Hereupon, 
Scipio,  Pompey's  father-in-law,  proposed  in  ihs  senate,  that  if 
Caesar  did  not  lay  down  his  arms  by  such  a  day,  he  should  be 
declared  an  enemy  to  the  state  ;  and  the  consuls  putting  it  to  the 
ijuestion, "'  Whether  Pompey  should  dismiss  his  forces?"  and  again, 
"  Whether  Caesar  should  disband  his?"  few  of  the  members  were 
for  the  first,  and  almost  all  for  the  second.*  After  which  Antony 
put  the  question,  "  Whether  both  should  lay  down  their  commis- 
sions?" and  all  with  one  voice  answered  in  the  affirmative.  But 
the  violent  rage  of  Scipio,  and  the  clamours  of  the  consul  Lentulus, 
who  cried  out,  that  '^  Not  decrees,  but  arms,  should  be  employed 
against  a  public  robber,"  made  ttie  senate  break  up ;  and  on 
account  of  the  unhappy  dissension,  all  ranks  of  people  put  on 
black,  as  in  a  time  of  public  mourning. 

Soon  after  this,  other  letters  arrived  from  Caesar  with  more 
moderate  proposals.  Pompey  was  on  the  point  of  acceding  to  a 
compromise,  when  Lentulus,  the  consul,  rejecting  it  with  disdain, 
treated  Antony  and  Curio  with  great  indignity,  and  drove  them  out 
of  the  senate-house.  Thus  he  furnished  Cassar  with  the  most 
plausible  argument  imaginable,  and  he  failed  not  to  make  use  of 
it  to  exasperate  his  troops,  by  showing  them  persons  of  distinction, 
and  magistrates,  obliged  to  fly  in  hired  carriages,  and  in  the  habit 
of  slaves  ;f  for  their  fears  had  made  them  leave  Rome  in  that  dis- 
guise. 

Caesar  had  not  then  with  him  above  three  hundred  horse  and 
five  thousand  fool.     The  rest  of  his  forces  were  left  on  the  other 

*  Dio  says,  there  was  not  a  man  for  the  first  questioa,  whereas  the  whole  house  was 
for  the  second,  except  Cselius  and  Curio.  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at ;  Pompey  was 
men  at  the  gates  of  Rome  with  his  army. 

-  Cassius  Longinus  weut  with  them  in  the  same  di^uise. 

y2  30* 


354  JULIUS  Ci&SAR 

side  of  the  Alps,  and  he  had  sent  them  orders  to  joiu  him.  But  he 
saw  the  beginning  o^  his  enterprise,  and  the  attack  that  he  niedita* 
ted  did  not  require  any  great  numbers :  his  enemies  were  rather 
to  be  struck  with  consternation  by  the  boldness  and  expedition  with 
which  he  began  his  operations ;  for  an  unexpected  movement  would 
be  more  likely  to  make  an  impression  upon  them  then,  than  great 
preparations  afterwards.  He,  therefore,  ordered  his  lieutenants 
and  other  officers  to  take  their  swords  without  any  other  armour, 
and  make  themselves  masters  of  Ariminum,  a  great  city  in  Gaul, 
but  to  take  all  possible  care  that  no  blood  should  be  shed  or  dis* 
turbancc  raised.  Hortensius  was  at  the  head  of  this  party.  As 
for  himself,  he  spent  the  day  at  the  public  show  of  gladiators, 
and  a  little  before  evening  bathed,  and  then  went  into  the  apart- 
ment where  he  entertained  company.  When  it  was  growing  dark, 
he  left  the  company,  after  having  desired  them  to  make  merry  till 
his  return,  which  they  would  not  have  long  to  wait  for.  To  some 
of  his  friends  he  had  given  previous  notice  to  follow  him,  not  alto- 
gether, but  by  diilerent  ways.  Then  taking  a  hired  carriage,  he 
set  out  a  different  way  from  that  which  led  to  Ariminum,  and  turned 
into  that  road  atlerwards. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  banks  of  the  Rubicon,  which  divides 
Cisalpine  Gaul  from  the  rest  of  Italy,  his  reflections  became  more 
interesting  in  proportion  as  the  danger  drew  near.  Staggered  by 
the  greatness  of  his  attempt,  he  stopped  to  weigh  witii  himself  its 
inconveniences ;  and  as  he  stood  revolving  in  silence  the  argu- 
ments on  both  sides,  he  many  times  changed  his  opinion.  After 
which  he  deliberated  upon  it  with  such  of  his  friends  as  were  by, 
nmong  whom  was  Asinius  PoUio  ;  enumerating  the  calamities 
which  the  passage  of  that  river  would  bring  upon  the  world,  and 
the  reflections  that  might  be  made  upon  it  by  poitehty.  At  last, 
upon  some  sudden  impulse,  bidding  adieu  to  his  reasonings,  and 
plunging  into  the  abyss  of  futurity,  in  the  words  of  those  who  em. 
bark  in  doubtful  and  arduous  enterprizes,  he  cried  out,  ''The  die 
is  cast !"  and  immediately  passed  the  river.  He  travelled  so  fast 
the  rest  of  the  way,  that  he  reached  Ariminum  before  day.light, 
and  took  it. 

After  the  taking  of  Ariminum,  as  if  war  had  opened  wide  ita 
gates  both  by  sea  and  land,  and  Ciesar,  by  going  beyond  the 
bounds  of  his  province,  had  infringed  the  laws  of  hia  country  ;  not 
individuals  were  seen,  as  on  other  occasions,  wandering  in  distrac 
tion  about  Italy,  but  whole  cities  broken  up,  and  seeking  refuge  by 
flight.  Most  of  the  tumultuous  tide  flowed  into  Rome,  and  it  was 
so  filled  with  the  hasty  conflux  of  the  circling  people,  that  aroidat 
the  violent  agitations  it  would  hardly  either  obey  the  magistrate. 
or  listen  to  the  voice  of  reason,  but  waa  in  the  utmost  danger  of 
fulling  by  its  own  violence.     Pompey  himself,  who  was  already 


JtLiUS  C^SAR.  355 

confounded  at  the  turn  things  had  taken,  was  still  more  disturbed 
by  a  variety  of  censures  on  his  conduct.  Fie,  however,  at  that 
time,  was  not  inferior  in  numbers  to  Ca3sar,  but  his  partisans  would 
not  suffer  him  to  proceed  accordmg  to  his  own  opinion.  By  false 
reports  and  groundjess  terrors,  as  if  the  enemy  were  at  the  gates, 
and  had  carried  all  before  him,  they  forced  him  along  with  the 
general  torrent.  He  had  it  decreed,  therefore,  that  things  were 
in  a  tumultuous  stat.e,  and  nothing  to  be  expected  but  hostilities, 
and  then  left  Rome,  having  first  ordered  the  senate,  and  every  man 
to  follow,  who  preferred  his  country  and  liberty  to  the  rod  of  a 
tyrant.  The  consuls  fled  with  him,  and  most  of  the  senators  join- 
ed in  the  flight. 

CaBsar  would  have  followed  him  immediately,  but  he  wanted 
ships.  He  therefore  returned  to  Rome,  with  the  glory  of  having 
reduced  Italy  without  spilling  a  drop  of  blood.  Finding  the  city 
in  a  more  settled  condition  than  he  expected,  and  many  senators 
there,  he  addressed  them  in  a  mild  and  gracious  manner,  and  de- 
sired them  to  send  deputies  to  Pompey  to  ofler  honourable  terms  of 
peace.  But  not  one  of  them  would  take  upon  him  the  commis- 
sion :  whether  it  was  that  they  were  afraid  of  Pompey,  whom  they 
had  deserted,  or  whether  they  thought  Caesar  not  in  earnest  in  the 
proposal,  and  that  he  only  made  it  to  save  appearances. 

Caesar's  first  movement  was  to  Spain,  whence  he  was  resolved 
to  drive  Afranius  and  Varro,  Pompey 's  lieutenants,  and  at\er  hav- 
ing  made  himself  master  of  their  troops  and  provinces,  to  march 
against  Pompey,  without  leaving  any  enemy  behind  him.  In  the 
course  of  this  expedition,  his  life  was  often  in  danger  from  ambus- 
cades, and  his  army  had  to  combat  with  famine  ;  yet  he  continued 
his  operations  against  the  enemy,  either  by  pursuit,  or  offering 
them  battle,  or  forming  lines  of  circumvallation  about  them,  till  he 
forced  their  camp,  and  added  their  troops  to  his  own.  The  officers 
made  their  escape,  and  retired  to  Pompey. 

Upon  his  return  to  Rome,  his  father-in-law,  Piso,  pressed  him 
to  send  deputies  to  Pompey  to  treat  of  an  accommodation ;  but 
Isauricus,  to  make  his  court  to  Caesar,  opposed  it. 

The  senate  declared  him  dictator,  and  while  he  held  that  office, 
he  recalled  the  exiles  ;  he  restored  to  their  honours  the  children  of 
those  who  had  suffered  under  Sylla  ;  and  relieved  debtors  by  can- 
celling  part  of  the  usury.  These,  and  a  few  more,  were  his  acts 
during  his  dictatorship,  which  he  laid  down  in  eleven  days.  After 
this,  he  caused  himself  to  be  declared  consul  with  Servilius  Isau- 
ricus,  and  then  went  to  prosecute  the  war.  He  marched  so  fast 
to  Brundusium,  that  all  his  troops  could  not  keep  up  with  him. 
However,  he  embarked  with  only  six  hundred  select  horse  and  five 
legions;  and  crossing  the  Ionian,  made  himself  master  of  Oricum 
and  Apollonia,  and  sent  back  his  ships  to  Brundusium  to  bring 


3oC  JUUUS  CJKSAH. 

over  the  forces  that  were  lefl  behind.^  Finding  that  these  troop:) 
delayed  to  join  him,  he  undertook  a  most  astonishing  encerprise. 
'i'hough  the  sea  was  covered  wiih  ihe  enemy's  fleets,  he  resolved 
to  embark  in  a  vessel  of  twelve  oars,  without  acquainting  any  per- 
son with  his  intention,  and  sail  to  Urundusium.  .  In  the  night,  there, 
fore,  he  took  the  habit  of  »  slave,  and  throwing  himself  into  the 
vessel  like  a  man  of  no  account,  sat  there  in  silence.  They  fell 
down  liie  river  Anias  for  the  sea,  where  the  entrance  is  generally 
easy,  because  the  land.wind  rising  in  the  morning,  used  to  beat  otf 
the  waves  of  the  sea  and  smooth  (he  mouth  of  the  river.  But  un- 
luckily thut  night  a  strong  :;ea.wind  sprung  up,  which  overpowered 
that  from  the  land  ;  so  that  by  the  ra^eof  the  sea  and  the  counter- 
action of  the  stream,  the  river  became  extremely  rough,  the  waves 
dashed  against  each  other  with  a  tumultuous  noise,  and  formed  such 
dangerous  eddies,  that  the  pilot  despaired  of  making  good  his  pas- 
sage, and  ordered  the  mariners  to  turn  back.  Caesar  perceiving 
this,  rose  up,  and  showing  himself  to  the  pilot,  who  was  greatly 
astonished  at  the  sight  of  him,  said,  *'  Go  forward,  my  friend,  and 
fear  nothing  ;  thou  earnest  CsBsar  and  bin  fortune."  The  marl- 
ners  then  forgot  the  storm,  and  plying  tin  ir  oars  with  the  utnnost 
vigour  and  alacrity,  endeavoured  to  overcome  the  resistance  of  the 
waves.  But  such  was  their  violence  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  the  u'ater  flowed  so  fast  into  the  vessel,  that  Csesar  at  last, 
though  with  great  reluctance,  permitted  the  pilot  to  turn  back. 
Upon  his  return  to  his  camp,  the  soldiers  met  him  in  crowds,  pour- 
ing  out  Uieir  complaints,  and  expressing  tlie  greatest  concern  that 
he  did  not  assure  himself  of  conquering  with  them  only,  but,  in 
distrust  of  their  support,  gave  himself  so  much  uneasiness,  and  ex. 
posed  his  person  to  so  much  danger  on  account  of  the  absent. 

Soon  after,  Antony  arrived  from  Brundusium  with  the  troops  ;t 
Caesar,  then  in  the  highest  spirits,  offered  battle  to  Pompey,  who 
was  encamped  in  an  advantageous  manner,  and  abundantly  sup. 
plied  with  provisions  both  from  sea  and  land  ;  whereas  Csssar  at 
first  had  no  great  plenty,  and  allerwards  was  in  extreme  want. 
There  were  frequently  skirmishes  about  Poropey's  entrenchments^ 

*  He  Mill  them  tMck  under  the  conduct  of  Galenut.  That  officer  loiinf  %hm  op- 
}>ortunity  of  tt>e  wind,  fell  lu  with  Bibulut  who  took  thirty  of  nu  snipe  smI  burut 
them  ail.  together  with  thrir  piioi»  and  inarioers,  in  order  to  iatiinidet«the  reel 

t  \n(oiiv  nitd  Talrnus embarked  on  board  the  vesaelt  which  had  ewap«d  BitMilut, 
eiichi  hundred  hoite  and  four  legioiii :  that  n,  three  old  oott,  and  ooe  thai  had  bean 
newly  raiaad  .  aud  when  tbey  irara  landad.  Antony  laai  back  tae  shipe  tot  Uia  rati  of 
the  force* 

I  Cvtwr  obeer^red  an  old  camp  which  be  had  occupiad  in  tba  pUca  whara  Pninpty 


wat  encloeed,  and  afterward*  abaodonad.    Upon  hie  qutttiof  it.  Pompay  bad  takan 
po*ae*»ion  of  ii,  and  left  a  legion  to  fuard  it     Thi*  poai  Caaar  attem|>tcd  to  rad 
and  t<  was  m  thi*  attempt  that  ha  suflared  lo  much  losa.      Ha  loet  nine  hundra<i 


sixty  foot,  four  hundred  h«»rM'.  amonf  whom  there  wara  aavaral  R-Mian  knifht*.  fiva 
tribune*,  and  thirty  two  centurion*,  ^e  niaatiooad,  joai  now.  that  Pofipey  was 
encioced,  a^in  fact  be  wss  on  the  land  •ule,  bv  a  line  of  circumvMllaiinn  drawn  bv 
Ciesar 


JOLIL'S  CiiuSAR.  357 

and  Caesar  had  the  advantage  in  them  all,  except  one,  iu  which  his 
party  was  iorced  to  fl>  with  such  precipitation,  that  he  was  in  dan- 
ger  of  having  hi^  camp  taken.  Pompey  headed  the  attack  in  per- 
son,  and  not  a  man  couid  stand  before  him.  Ha  drove  them  upo.'i 
their  own  hnes  into  the  utmost  confusion,  and  filled  their  trenches 
with  ihe  dead. 

Caesar  ran  to  meet  them,  and  would  have  rallied  the  fugitives, 
but  it  was  not  in  his  power.  He  laid  hold  on  the  ensign-staves  to 
stop  them,  and  some  left  them  m  his  hands,  and  others  threw  them 
upon  the  ground,  insomuch  that  no  less  than  thirty-two  standards 
were  taken.  Caesar  himself  was  very  near  losmg  his  life  ;  for 
having  laid  hold  of  a  tall  and  strong  man,  to  stop  him  and  make 
him  face  about,  the  soldier,  in  his  terror  and  contusion,  lifted  up 
his  sword  to  strike  him ;  but  Caesar's  armour-bearer  prevented  it 
by  a  blow  which  cut  off  his  arm. 

Cassar  saw  his  affairs  thaX  day  in  so  bad  a  posture,  that,  after 
Pompey,  either  through  too  much  caution,  or  the  caprice  of  for- 
tune,  instead  of  giving  the  finishing  stroke  to  so  great  an  action, 
stopped  as  soon  as  he  had  shut  up  the  enemy  within  their  entrench- 
ments,  and  sounded  a  retreat,  he  said  to  his  friends,  as  he  with- 
drew, "This  day  victory  would  have  declared  for  the  enemy,  if 
they  had  had  a  general  who  knew  how  to  conquer."  He  sought 
repose  in  his  tent :  but  it  proved  the  most  melancholy  night  of  his 
life,  for  he  gave  himself  up  to  endless  reflections  on  his  own  mis- 
conduct in  the  war.  He  considered  how  wrong  it  was,  when  the 
wide  countries  and  rich  cities  of  Macedonia  and  Thessaly  were  be- 
fore him,  to  confine  himself  to  so  narrow  a  scene  of  action,  and  sit 
still  by  the  sea,  while  the  enemy's  fleets  had  the  superiority,  and 
in  a  place  where  he  suff*ered  the  inconveniences  of  a  siege  from 
the  want  of  provisions,  rather  than  besiege  the  enemy  by  his  arras. 
Thus  agitated  and  distressed  by  the  perplexities  and  difficulties  of 
his  situation,  he  resolved  to  decamp,  and  march  against  Scipio  in 
Macedonia ;  concluding,  that  he  should  either  draw  Pompey  after 
him,  and  force  him  to  fight  where  he  could  not  receive  supplies 
as  he  had  done  from  the  sea  ;  or  else  that  he  should  easily  crush 
Scipio,  if  he  found  him  unsupported. 

Pompey's  troops  and  officers  were  greatly  elated  at  this  retreat 
of  CaDsar  ;  they  considered  it  as  a  flight  and  an  acknowledgnient 
that  he  was  beaten,  and  therefore  wanted  to  pursue.  But  Pompey 
himself  was  unwilling  to  hazard  a  battle  of  such  consequence. 
He  was  well  provided  with  every  thing  requisite  for  waiting  the 
advantages  of  time,  and  for  that  reason  chose,  by  protracting  the 
war,  to  wear  out  the  little  vigour  the  enemy  had  left.  The  most 
valuable  of  Caesar's  troops  had,  indeed,  an  experience  and  courage 
which  were  irresistible  in  the  field ;  but  age  bad  made  them  unfit 
for  long  marches,  for  throwing  up  intrenchments,  for  attacking 


358  JUUUS  CAISAR 

walls,  and  pasaing  whole  nights  under  arms.  They  w#fe  loo  un- 
wieldy  to  endui-e  much  fatigue,  and  their  incHnation  for  labour  les« 
sened  wiih  their  strength.  Besides,  there  was  said  to  be  a  conta' 
ginuH  distemper  among  them,  which  arose  from  their  strange  and 
bad  diet ;  ami  Cirsar  warned  both  money  and  provisions,  so  that  it 
seemed  as  if  he  must  shortly  fall  of  himself. 

These  were  Pompey's  reasons  for  declining  a  battle  ;  but  not  a 
man,  except  Cato,  was  of  his  opinion  ;  and  he,  only,  because  be 
was  willing  to  spare  the  blood  of  his  countrymen  ;  for  when  he  saw 
the  bodies  of  the  enemy,  who  fell  in  the  late  action,  to  the  number 
of  a  tiiousand,  lie  dead  upon  the  field,  he  covered  his  face,  and  re- 
tired weeping.  All  the  rest  censured  Pompey  for  not  deciding  the 
affair  immediately  with  the  sword. 

Piqued  at  these  reproaches,  Pompey,  against  his  own  judgment, 
marched  after  Csesar,  who  proceeded  on  his  route  with  great  dif- 
ficulty ;■  for  on  account  of  his  late  loss,  all  looked  upon  hmi  with 
contempt,  and  refused  to  supply  him  with  provisions.  When  the 
two  armies  were  encamped  opposite  each  other  on  the  plains  of 
Pharsalia,  Pompey  returned  to  his  old  opinion.  But  the  cavalry 
testified  the  greatest  iiiipHiience  for  a  iiattle.  Nor  were  the  num- 
bers of  infant  rv  equal;  for  Pompey  hod  forty. five  thousand,  and 
Caesar  only  twenty-iwo  thousand.  Ccesar  called  his  soldiers  to- 
gether, and  told  them,  "  Thai  Cornificus  was  well  advanced  on  bis 
way  with  two  more  legions,  and  that  he  had  fi(\een  cohorts  under 
the  command  of  Calenus,  in  the  environs  of  Megaraand  Athens.'* 
He  then  asked  them,  '*  Whether  the »  chosu  to  wait  for  those  troops 
or  to  risk  a  battle  without  them  .'"  The\  answered  aloud,  "  Let 
us  not  wait  ;  but  do  you  find  out  some  stratagem  to  bring  the  ene- 
my, as  soon  as  possible,  to  un  action." 

The  night  before  the  battle,  as  ho  walked  the  rounds  about  mid. 
night,  there  appeared  a  luminous  phenomenon  in  the  air,  like  a 
torch,  which,  as  it  passed  over  his  camp,  flamed  out  with  great 
brightness,  and  seemed  to  fall  in  that  of  Pompey.  And  in  the  mor- 
ning, when  the  guards  were  relieved,  a  tumult  was  observed  in  the 
enemy's  camp,  not  unlike  a  panic  terror.  Cccaar,  however,  so  lit- 
tle expected  an  action  that  day,  that  he  hod  ordered  his  troope  to 
decamp  and  march  to  Scotusa.* 

But,  as  they  were  striking  their  tents,  his  scouts  rode  up,  and 
told  him  the  enemy  were  coming  to  give  him  battle.  Happy  in 
the  newM,  he  made  his  prayer  to  the  gods,  and  il>  tiis 

army,  which  he  di\ided  into  three  bodies.     Donui  us 

to  coinmaiid  the  centre,  Antony  the  left  wins.and  hiiuseirihc  right, 
where  he  intended  to  charge  at  the  hcau  of  the  tenth  legion. 
Struck  with  the  number  and  magnificent  appearance  of  the  enemy's 

*  Cl«Mr  hoptd.  by  hit  fretiiiciu  dfcitiiiniiiK*,  lo  jirovide  bcwrt  fnr  hit  Uoopf,  and 
pwaiip«,  |(»iii  a  ravAtimMn  O|*pofitiiiit\  ci  Aghtihs: 


JULIUS  CiiSAK.  359 

cavalry,  who  were  posted  over  against  him,  he  ordered  six  cohorts 
privately  to  advance  from  the  rear.  These  he  placed  behind  the 
right  wing,  and  gave  them  instructions  what  to  do  when  the  ene- 
my's horse  came  to  charge. 

When  the  signal  was  ready  to  be  given,  Pompey  ordered  his 
infantry  to  stand  in  close  order,  and  wait  the  enemy's  attack,  till 
they  were  near  enough  to  be  reached  by  the  javelin.  Caesar  bla- 
med this  conduct.  He  said  Pompey  was  not  aware  what  weight 
the  swift  and  fierce  advance  to  the  first  charge  gives  to  every  '  . 
blow,  nor  how  the  courage  of  each  soldier  is  inflamed  by  the  rapid  ^  ' 
motion  of  the  whole. '^  •:   \ 

He  was  now  going  to  put  his  troops  in  motion,  when  he  saw  a 
trusty  and  experienced  centurion  encouraging  his  men  to  distinguish 
themselves  that  day.  Caesar  called  him  by  his  name,  and  said — 
"  What  cheer,  Caius  Crassinus  ?  How  think  you  do  we  stand  ?" 
"  Caesar,"  said  the  veteran,  in  a  bold  accent,  and  stretching  out 
his  hand,  "  The  victory  is  ours.  It  will  be  a  glorious  one  \  and 
this  day  I  shall  have  your  praise,  either  alive  or  dead."  So  say- 
ing, he  ran  in  upon  the  enemy,  at  the  head  of  his  company, 
which  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  men.  He  did  great  ex- 
ecution among  the  first  ranks,  and  was  pressing  on  with  equal 
fierceness,  when  one  of  his  antagonists  pushed  his  sword  with 
such  force  into  his  mouth,  that  the  point  came  out  at  the  nape  of 
his  neck. 

While  the  infantry  were  thus  warmly  engaged  in  the  centre,  the 
cavalry  advanced  from  Pompey's  left  wing  with  great  confidence, 
and    extended  their    squadron  to  surround   Caesar's  right  wing. 
But  before  they  could  begin  the  attack,  thesixcohorts  which  Caesar 
had  placed  behind,  came  up  boldly  to  receive  them.  They  did  not, 
according  to  custom,  attempt  to  annoy  the  enemy  at  a  distance 
with  their  javehns,  nor  strike  at  the  legs  and  thighs  when  they 
oame  nearer,  but  aimed  at  their  eyes,  and  wounded  them  in  the 
face,  agreeably  to  the  orders  they  had  received.     For  Caesar  ho- 
ped  that  these  young  cavaliers,  who  had  not  been  used  to  wars      - 
and  wounds,  and  who  set  a  great  value  upon  their  beauty,  would 
avoid,  above  all  things,  a  stroke  in  that  part,  and  immediately  give     ^ 
way,  as  well  on  account  of  the  present  danger,  as  the  fuuire  defer-       'si 
raity.     The  event  answered  his  expectation.     They  could  not  bear      j    / 
the  spears  pointed  against  their  faces,  or  the  steel  gleaming  upon     /     j 
their  eyes,  but  turned  away  their  faces  and  covered  them  with     / 
their  hands.     This  caused  such  confusion,  that  at  last  they  fled  m    / 
the  most  infamous  manner,  and  ruined  the  whole  cause.  i 

When  Caesar  entered  the  camp,  and  saw  what  numbers  of  the 

*  Caesar  was  so  confident  of  success,  that  he  ordered  ;jis  entrenchments  to  be 
filled  up,  assuring  his  troops  that  they  would  be  masters  of  the  enemv's  camp  befort; 
niaht. 


360  JULIUS  CiKSAK. 

eneniy  lay  dead,  and  those  they  were  then  despatching,  he  said, 
wiih  a  sigh,  **  This  they  would  have ;  to  ihi*  cruel-necessity  they 
reduced  me  :  for,  hiid  Caesar  dismii^sed  his  troops,  aAer  s<^  many 
great  and  successful  wars,  he  .vouid  have  been  condcmoed  as  a 
crimirifll." 

Cesar  granted  the  whole  nation  of  Thcssaly  their  liberty,  for 
the  sake  of  the  victory  he  had  gained  there,  and  then  went  in  pur- 
suit  of  Pompey.  He  bestowed  the  same  privilege  on  the  Cnidi- 
ans,  in  comphmenl  to  Theopompus,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for 
a  collection  of  fables ;  and  he  discharged  the  inhabitants  of  Asia 
from  a  third  part  of  their  imposts. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Alexandria,  he  found  Pompey  assassinated  ; 
and  when  Theodotus  presented  the  head  to  him,  he  turned  from 
the  sight  with  great  abhorrence.  The  signet  of  that  general  was 
the  only  thing  he  took,  and  on  taking  it  he  wept.  As  uflen  as  any 
of  Pompey 's  friends  and  companions  were  taken  by  Ptolemy,  wan- 
dering about  the  country,  and  brought  to  Ctesar,  he  loaded  them 
with  tavours,  and  took  them  into  his  own  service.  He  wrote  to 
his  friends  at  Rome,  *'  That  the  chief  enjoyment  he  had  of  his  viC' 
tory  was,  in  saving  every  day  one  or  other  of  his  fellow  citizens, 
who  had  borne  arms  against  him." 

As  for  his  Egyptian  war,  some  assert  that  it  was  undertaken 
without  necessity,  and  that  his  passion  for  Cleopatra  engaged  him 
in  a  quarrel  which  proved  botli  prejudicial  to  his  reputation  and 
dangerous  to  his  person.  Others  accuse  the  king's  ministers,  par. 
ticuTarly  the  eunuch  Photinus,  who  had  the  greatest  influence  at 
court,  and  who,  having  taken  off  Pompey,  and  removed  Cleopatra, 
priNaielv  meditated  an  attempt  against  Caesar.  Hence,  it  is  said, 
that  Crvn^r  began  to  pass  the  night  in  entertainments  among  his 
friends,  for  the  greater  security  of  his  person.  The  behaviour,  in- 
deed, of  this  eunuch  in  pubhc,  all  he  said  and  did  with  respect  to 
Cxsar,  was  intolerably  insolent  and  invidious.  The  com  he  sup. 
plied  his  soldiers  with,  was  old  and  musty,  and  he  told  them  "They 
ought  to  be  satisfied  with  it,  since  they  lived  at  other  people's 
cost."  He  caused  only  wooden  and  eaithen  vessels  to  be  served 
up  at  the  king's  table,  on  pretence  that  Coisar  had  taken  all  the 
gold  and  silver  ones  for  debt.  For  the  father  of  the  reigning 
prince  owed  Cssar  seventeen  million  five  hundred  thousand  drach. 
mas.  Ca»ar  had  formerly  remitted  to  his  children  the  rest,  but 
thought  flt  to  demand  the  ten  millions  at  ihistime,  for  the  maintc 
nance  of  his  army.  Photinus,  instead  of  paying  the  money,  advi. 
sed  him  to  go  and  finish  the  great  affairs  he  had  upon  his  hands, 
after  which  he  should  have  his  money  with  thanks.  But  Cictar 
told  him  **  He  had  no  need  of  Egyptian  counsellors/'  and  privately 
sent  for  Cleopatra  out  of  the  country. 

This  princess,  taking  only  one  frtood,  ApoHodorus,  the  Siltcian, 


JULIUS  C^SAk  361 

with  her,  got  into  a  small  boat,  and  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening 
made  for  the  palace.  As  she  saw  it  difficult  to  enter  it  undisco. 
vered,  she  rolled  herself  up  in  a  carpet:  Apollodorus  tied  her  up 
at  full  length,  like  a  bale  of  goods,  and  carried  her  in  at  the  gates 
to  Caesar.  This  stratagem  of  hers,  which  was  a  strong  proof  of 
her  wit  and  ingenuity,  is  said  to  have  first  opened  her  way  to  Cae- 
sar's heart ;  and  the  conquest  advanced  so  fast  by  the  charms  of 
her  conversation,  that  he  took  upon  him  to  reconcile  her  brother  to 
her,  and  insisted  thai  she  ohould  reign  with  him 

An  entertainment  was  given  on  account  of  this  reconciliation, 
and  all  met  to  rejoice  on  the  occasion  ;  when  a  servant  of  Caesar's, 
a  timorous  and  suspicious  man,  who  was  his  barber,  led  by  his 
natural  caution  to  inquire  into  every  thing,  and  to  listen  every 
whereabout  the  palace,  found  that  Achillas  the  general,  and  Pho- 
tinus  the  eunuch,  were  plotting  against  Caesar's  life.  Caesar  being 
informed  of  their  design,  planted  his  guards  about  the  hall,  and 
killed  Photinus.  Bur  Achillas  escaped  to  the  armv,  and  involved 
Caesar  in  a  very  difficult  and  dangerous  war  ;  for,  with  a  few  troops 
he  had  to  make  head  against  a  great  city  and  a  powerful  army. 
At  last,  the  king  joining  the  insurgents,  Caesar  attacked  and  defeat- 
ed him.  Great  numbers  of  Egyptians  were  slain,  and  the-  king 
was  heard  of  no  more.  This  gave  Caesar  an  opportunity  to  esia- 
bhsh  Cleopatra  queen  of  Egypt.  Soon  after,  she  had  a  son  by 
him,  whom  the  Alexandrians  called  Caesario. 

He  then  departed  for  Syria,  and  from  thence  marched  into  Asia 
Minor,  against  Pharnaces,  the  son  of  Mithridates,  whom  he  defeat- 
ed in  a  great  battle  near  Zera,  which  deprived  him  of  the  kingdom 
of  Pontus,  as  well  as  ruined  his  whole  army.  In  the  account  he 
gave  Amintius,  one  of  his  friends  in  Rome,  of  the  rapidity  and  de- 
spatch with  which  he  gained  this  victory,  he  made  use  only  of  three 
words  :  "I  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered." 

After  this  extraordinary  success  he  returned  to  Italy,  and  arrived 
at  Rome  as  the  year  of  his  second  dictatorship,  an  office  that  had 
never  been  annual  before,  was  on  the  point  of  expiring.  He  was 
declared  consul  for  the  year  ensuing. 

Cato  and  Scipio,  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  had  escaped  into 
Africa,  where  they  raised  a  respectable  army,  with  the  assistance 
ofkingJuba.  Caesar  now  resolved  to  carry  the  war  into  tbeir 
quarters,  and,  in  order  to  do  it,  first  crossed  over  to  Sicily,  though 
it  was  about  the  time  of  the  winter  solstice.  To  prevent  his  offi- 
cers from  entertaining  any  hopes  of  having  the  expedition  delayed, 
he  pitched  his  own  tent  almost  within  the  wash  of  the  sea  ;  and  a 
favourable  wind  springing  up,  he  re-embarked*  with  three  thousand 

*  He  embarked  six  legions  and  two  tbousanri  norse  :  but  the  pamber  rnentioned 
by  Plutarch  was  all  that  he  landed  at  first,  many  of  the  ships  iiaviDg  been  sepamted 
by  a  storm. 

2ii  31 


aea  julius  c^sak 

foot  and  a  small  body  of  horsd.  After  ho  bad  landed  them  aafe. 
ly  and  privately  on  the  African  coast,  he  set  sail  again  in  quest  of 
the  remuining  part  of  his  troops,  whose  numbers  were  more  con- 
siderable, and  for  whom  he  was  undrr  great  concern.  He  found 
them,  however,  on  their  way  at  sea,  and  conducted  them  ail  to  hij 
African  camp. 

One  day,  when  Cscsar*s  cavalry  had  nothing  else  to  do,  they  dt. 
verted  themselves  with  an  African,  who  danced  and  pla\ed  upon 
the  flute  with  great  perfection.  'ITiey  had  left  their  horses  to  the 
care  of  boys,  and  sat  attending  to  the  entertamment  with  great  de. 
light,  when  the  enemy,  coming  upon  them  at  once,  kiiifd  part  and 
entered  the  camp  with  others,  who  fled  with  great  precipiiation. 
Had  not  Ceesar  himself  and  Asinius  Pollio  come  to  their  assist, 
ance  and  stopped  their  flight  the  war  would  have  been  ai  an  end 
that  hour.  In  another  engagement,  the  enemy  had  the  advantage 
again,  on  which  occasion  it  was,  that  Caesar  took  an  ensign  who 

I  was  running  away,  by  the  neck,  and  making  him  face  about,  said 

/  **  Look  this  way  for  the  enemy." 

I  Scipio,  flushed  with  these  successful  preludes,  was  desirous  to 
come  to  a  decisive  action.  Therefore,  leaving  Afranius  ano  Juba 
in  their  respective  camps,  which  were  at  no  gr^at  distance,  ho 
went  in  person  to  the  camp  above  the  lake,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Thapsus,  to  raise  a  fortification  for  a  place  of  arms  and  an  oc 
casionai  retreat.  While  Sicpio  wat  constructing  his  wallb  and 
ramparts,  Csesar,  with  incredible  despatch,  made  his  way  through 
a  country  almost  impracticable,  by  reason  of  its  woods  and  diffi. 
cult  passes,  and  coming  suddenly  upon  him,  attacked  one  part  of 
his  army  in  the  rear,  another  in  the  front,  and  put  the  whole  to 
flight.  Then,  making  the  best  use  of  his  opportunity,  and  of  the 
favour  of  fortune,  with  one  tide  of  succetts  he  took  the  camp  of 
Afranius,  and  destroyed  that  of  the  Numidians  ;  Juba,  their  king, 
being  glad  to  save  himself  by  flight.  Thus,  in  a  small  part  of  one 
day,  he  made    himself  master  of  three  comps,    and    killed  fiOy 

(thousand  of  the  enemy,  while  he  sustained  a   loss  only  of  hAy 
men. 

Many  persons  of  consular  and  pnDtorian  dignity  escaped  out  of 
the  battle.  Some  of  them  being  afterward.-*  taken  despatched  them* 
selves,  and  a  numtier  were  put  to  death  by  Caesar.  Having  a 
strong  desire  to  take  Cato  olive,  the  conqueror  hastened  lu  IMica,'* 
which  Cato  had  charge  of,  and  for  that  reason  was  not  in  the  bat. 
lie.  But  by  the  way  he  was  informed  that  ho  had  killed  hmiselt*, 
and  his  uneasiness  at  the  news  was  very  visible.     As  his  officers 

•  Beforn  (  etnr  left  Utica.  hfl  |ave  order*  for  th«  rebuilding  of  tarthane,  ••  b«  did 
•oon  afier  hu  return  to  Itnly  for  the  rebuilding  oi  Corinth     to  that  thew  "*••  ••.i.»« 
were  destroyed  in  the  game  year,  and  in  the  »ame  year  r<»i«ed  out  of  t»). 
which  ibey  had  Uin  nhout  a  hundred  year*.     Two  vear»  afur,  iliev  were 
nW<\  with  Hotnaii  colonies 


f 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  3a3 

were  wondering  what  might  be  the  cause  of  tliat  nneasmess,  he    • 
cried  out,  "  Cato,  I  envy  thee   thy  death,  since  thou  enviedst  me     ;      7 
the  glory  of  giving  thee  thy  life." 

Ooesar,  after  his  return  from  Africa  to  Rome,  spoke  in  high  terms 
of  his  victory  to  the  people.  He  told  them  he  had  subdued  a  coun^ 
try  so  extensive,  that  it  would  bring  yearly  into  the  public  stores 
two  hundred  thousand  Attic  measures  of  wheat,  and  three  million 
pounds  of  oil.  After  this,  he  led  up  his  several  triumphs  over 
Egypt,  Pontus,  and  Africa.  In  the  title  of  the  latter,  mention  was 
not  made  of  Scipio,  but  of  Juba  only.  Juba,  the  son  of  that  prince, 
then  very  young,  walked  in  the  procession.  It  proved  a  happy 
captivity  for  him;  for  of  a  barbarous  and  unlettered  Numidian, 
he  became  a  historian  worthy- to  be  numbered  among  the  most 
learned  of  Greece.  The  triumph  was  followed  by  large  dona- 
tions to  the  soldiers,  and  feasts  and  public  diversions  to  the 
people. 

Being  elected  consul  the  fourth  time,  he  marched  into  Spain, 
against  the  sons  of  Pompey,  who,  though  young,  had  assembled  a 
numerous  army,  and  showed  a  courage  worthy  the  command  they 
had  undertaken.  The  great  battle  which  put  a  period  to  that  war 
was  fouglit  under  the  walls  of  Munda.  Caesar  at  first  saw  his  men 
80  hard  pressed,  and  making  so  feeble  a  resistance,  that  he  ran 
through  the  ranks,  amidst  the  swords  and  spears,  crying,  "Are 
you  not  ashamed  to  deliver  your  general  into  the  hands  of  boys  ?" 
The  great  and  vigorous  eff<»rts  this  reproach  produced,  at  last  made 
the  enemy  turn  their  backs,  and  there  were  more  than  thirty  thou, 
eand  of  them  slain,  whereas  Ceesar  lost  only  a  ihousand,  but  those 
were  some  of  the  be.»t  men  he  had.  As  he  retired  after  the  battle, 
he  told  his  friends,  "  He  had  often  fought  for  victory,  but  that  was 
the  first  time  he  had  fought  for  his  life."  The  younger  of  Pom- 
pcy's  sons  made  his  escape  :  the  other  was  taken  by  Didius  a  few 
days  after,  who  brought  his  head  to  Caesar. 

This  was  the  last  of  his  wars;  and  his  triumph  on  account  of  it 
gave  the  Romans  more  pain  than  any  other  step  he  had  taken.  He 
did  not  now  mount  the  car  for  having  conquered  foreign  generals, 
or  barbarian  kings,  but  for  ruining  the  children  and  destroying  the 
race  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  Rome  had  ever  produced,  though 
he  proved  at  last  unfortunaie.  All  the  world  condemned  his  tri- 
umphing  in  the  calamities  of  his  country,  and  rejoicing  in  things 
which  nothing  could  excuse,  either  before  the  gods  or  men,  but  ex- 
treme necessity.  And  it  was  the  more  obvious  to  condemn  it,  be- 
cause, after  this,  he  had  never  sent  any  messenger  or  letter  to  ac- 
quaint the  public  with  any  victory  he  had  gained  in  the  civil  wars, 
but  was  rather  ashamed  of  such  advantages.  The  Romans,  how- 
ever, bowing  to  his  power,  and  submitting  to  the  bridle,  because 
they  saw  no  other  respite  from  intestine  wars  and  jijiseries,  but  the 


364  JULIUS  CiESAR. 

taking  one  man  for  th^ir  master,  created  him  dictator  for  life.  Thit 
was  a  complete  tyranny,  for  to  ab^oluic  jiower  ihey  added  per||9« 
tuit> . 

Cicero  wan  the  first  who  proposi-d  that  the  senate  should  confer 
great  honours  upon  Cucsur,  bui  honoura  wiihiii  the  measure  of  hu- 
manity. ThoM!  who  followed,  coiittMiduig  with  each  other  who 
should  make  hini  the  most  extraordinary  coiuplimenis,  b\  the  absur. 
ditv  and  extravuKance  of  their  decrees  rendered  lum  <»diou8  and 
unsupportabh*  even  to  persons  of  candour.  His  eiie!iiie8  were  sup- 
posed io  viti  with  his  tlatterers  in  these  sacrifices,  that  they  might 
have  the  beiier  pretence,  and  the  more  cause,  to  uft  up  their  hand* 
against  him.  This  is  probable  enough,  bccuuse  in  otiier  re8|>ccts, 
al\er  the  civil  wars  were  brought  to  an  end,  his  conduct  ^slb  irre- 
proachuhle  :  for  he  not  onlv  pardoned  most  of  those  who  had  ap- 
peared against  him  in  the  field,  but  oit  suine  of  them  he  iiestowed 
honours  and  preferments  ;  on  Brutus  and  Cassius  lor  uHunce  :  for 
tbev  Mere  both  prsetnrs.  The  statues  of  Pompey  bad  been  thrown 
down  b\  his  partisans,  but  he  did  not  sutier  them  to  he  in  that 
posture ;  he  erected  them  again.  On  which  occasion  Cicero 
said,  *'  That  Caesar,  bv  rearing  Pompey*s  statues,  had  established 
/      his  own." 

His  friends  pressed  him  to  have  a  guard,  and  many  offered  to 

serve  in  that  capacity,  but  he  would  not  suffer  it.  For  he  said,  **It 

was  better  to  die  once,  than  to  live  alwa\8  in  fear  of  death."     He 

-j  esteemed  the  afiection  of  the  people  the  most  honourable  and  the 

I  safext  guard,  and  therefore  endeavoured  to  gain  them  by  feasts  and 

/  distril>utions  of  corn,  as  he  did  the  soldiers  by  placing  them  in 

agreeable  colonies. 
I       The  nobility  he  gained  by  promising  them  consulates  and  pre- 
I  torshipfl,  or,  if  they  were  engaged,  by  giving  them  other  places  of 
/i^  I  honour  and  profit.     T<»  all  he  opened  the  pro8{»ecta  of  hope ;  for 
I  be  was  desirous  to  reign  over  a  willing  people. 

Ctesar  had  such  talents  for  great  attempts,  and  so  vast  an  ambi. 
tion,  that  the  many  actions  he  performed,  b\  no  meauM  induced  him 
to  sit  down  and  enjoy  the  glor>  he  had  ucquired;  the\  rather  whet- 
ted his  appetite  for  other  conquests,  produced  new  designs  equally 
gre.it,  together  with  equal  confidence  of  success,  and  inspired  him 
witii  a  passion  for  fresh  renown,  as  if  he  had  exhiiusied  all  the  plea. 
surcH  of  the  old.  This  passion  was  nothing  but  h  comest  with  him- 
self, (as  eager  as  if  it  had  been  with  another  man,)  to  makf^  his  fu- 
ture  achievements  outshine  the  pant.  In  this  spirit  he  had  foimed 
a  design,  and  was  making  preparations  for  war  against  the  Par- 
tbians.  After  he  had  subdued  ih»'m.  ho  intended  to  iruverse  Hyr- 
cania,  and  marching  along  by  the  Cnspian  Sea  >ind  Mount  Cauca- 
sus, to  enter  Scytbia  ;  to  rnrry  hn  coiniuering  arm*,  through  the 
countries  adjoining  to  Germany,  and  through  Germany  itself:  and 


JULIUS  C^SAR. 


365 


then  to  return  by  Gaul  to  Rome;  thus  finishing  the  circle  of  the 
Roman  eiiipire,  as  well  as  extending  iis  bounds  to  the  ocean  en 
every  side. 

During  the  preparations  for  this  expedition,  he  attempted  to  dig 
through  the  Isthmus  of  (^orinth,  and  committed  the  care  of  that 
work  to  Anienus.  He  designed  also  to  convey  the  Tiber  b\  a  deep 
channel  direct  from  Rome  to  Circsei,  and  so  into  the  sea  near  Tar- 
racina,  for  the  convenience  as  well  as  security  of  merchants  who 
traded  to  Rome.  Another  publicspirited  work  that  he  meditated, 
was  to  drain  all  the  marshes  by  Nomentum*  and  Setia,  by  which 
ground  enough  would  be  gained  from  the  water  to  employ  many 
thousands  of  hands  in  tillage.  He  proposed  farther  to  raise  bank's 
on  the  shore  nearest  Rome,  to  prevent  the  sea  from  i)reakmg  m 
upon  the  land ;  to  clear  the  Ostian  shore  of  its  secret  and  danger- 
ous obstructions,  and  to  build  harbours  tit  to  receive  the  many  ves- 
sels that  came  in  there.  These  things  were  designed,  but  did  not 
take  effect. 

He  completed,  however,  the  regulation  of  the  calendar,  and  cor- 
rected the  erroneous  computation  of  time,"|"  agreeable  to  a  plan 
which  he  had  ingeniously  contrived,  and  which  proved  of  the  great- 
est utility. 

The  principal  thing  that  excited  the  public  hatred,  and  at  last 
caused  his  death,  was  his  passion  for  the  title  of  king.  It  was  ihe 
first  thing  that  gave  offence  to  the  multi  ude,  and  it  afforded  his  in- 
veterate enemies  a  very  plausible  plea.  Those  who  wanted  to  pro- 
cure him  that  honour,  gave  it  out  among  the  people,  thai  it  appear- 
ed from  the  Sibylline  boi)ks,  "  The  Romans  could  never  conquer 
the  Parthians,  except  they  went  to  war  under  the  conduct  of  a  king." 
And  one  day,  when  CaBsar  returned  from  Alba  io  Rome,  some  of 
his  retainers  ventured  to  salute  him  by  that  title.  Observing  that 
the  people  were  troubled  at  this  strange  compliment,  he  put  oci  an 
air  of  resentment,  and  said,  *'  He  was  not  called  king,  but  Caesar." 
Upon  this,  a  deep  silence  ensued,  and  he  passed  on  in  no  good  hu- 
mour. 

Another  time  the  senate  having  decreed  him  some  extravaijant 
honours,  the  consuls  and  praetors,  attended  by  the  whole  body  of 
pa  riciaiis,  went  to  inform  him  of  what  they  had  done.  When  they 
came,  he  did  not  rise  to  receive  them,  but  kept  his  seat,  as  if  they 
had  been  persons  in  a  private  station,  and  his  answer  to  their  ad- 
dress, was,  *'  That  there  was  more  need  to  retrench  his  honours, 
than  to  enlars^e  them."  This  haughtiness  gave  pain  not  only  to  the 

*  It  appears  from  a  passage  in  Suetonius.  Vii  Cces  c.  4A,  Siccarc  Pomptinas pa- 
ludes.  as  well  as  from  am.tner  m  Strabo.  Ed  Par.  I.  v  p.  231.  V.  D.  that  for  JVbmen- 
ium  we  snoiilfi  here  read  Pomentium 

f    Forough  means  of  tnat  erroneois  computation,  the  Roman  calendar  ha<i  gained 
near  rnree  months  in  th*  lime  of  <  aesar.     Before  this,  endeavours  had  been  used  to 
correct  the  irregularity  \  but  it  never  could  be  done  with  exactness. 
31* 


300  JULIUS  CiESAR. 

senate,  but  the  people,  who  thought  th(*  contempt  of  that  body  re* 
fleeted  dishonour  upon  the  wh«>le  coiniiion wealth  ;  lor  all  who  could 
decfUtly  witlidiuw.  went  •)!!' ^really  <lej»  clt;d. 

Perceiving  the  litlse  siep  he  had  taken,  he  retired  immediately 
to  his  uy^n  iioijte ;  and  laxing  his  neck  bare,  told  his  IViendM,  **Ue 
was  ready  lor  the  tirsi  hand  that  would  slnke."  lie  then  bethought 
himseir  ot' alleging  his  distemper  as  an  excuse  ;  and  asserted,  that 
those  who  are  under  its  intluence,  are  apt  to  find  iheir  laculies  tail 
them,  when  they  speak  standing ;  a  irembling  giddiness  coming 
upon  tliem,  which  bereaves  (hem  of  their  senses.  This,  however, 
was  not  really  the  case  ;  for  it  is  said,  he  was  desirous  to  rise  to 
the  senate  ;  but  Cornelius  Balbus,  one  of  his  friends,  or  rather  flat- 
terers,  held  him,  and  had  servility  enough  to  say,  ^  Will  you  not 
remember  that  you  are  Ceesar,  and  sutfer  them  to  pay  their  court 
to  you  as  their  superior." 

A  few  days  after,  his  statues  were  seen  adorned  with  royal  dia- 
dems;  and  Flavms  and  Mnrullus,  two  of  the  tribunes,  weni  and 
tore  I  hem  ofl*.  They  also  foumi  out  the  persons  who  saluted  Cae- 
sar king,  and  committed  them  to  prison.  The  people  tbilowed  with 
cheerful  acclamations  and  called  them  lirututesy  because  Brutus 
was  (he  man  who  expelled  the  kings,  and  put  the  guverninenl  in 
the  hands  f>f  the  senate  and  people. 

Upon  this,  many  applied  to  Marcus  Brutus,  who,  by  the  father's 
side,  was  supposed  (o  be  a  descendam  of  (ha(  ancient  Brutus,  and 
whose  mother  was  of  the  illustrious  house  of  the  Servilii.  He  was 
also  nephew  and  son. in-law  to  Caio.  No  man  was  more  inclined 
than  he  to  lift  his  hand  aguinsi  moiiarchy.  but  he  was  withheld  by 
the  honours  and  fuvours  he  had  received  irom  Cssar,  who  had  not 
only  given  him  his  lite  after  the  deteai  of  Pompey  at  Pharsalia,  and 
pardoned  many  of  his  friends  at  his  request,  but  cimtinued  lo  ho. 
nour  him  with  his  confidence.  'I'hat  very  year  he  had  procured 
him  the  most  honourable  prsBtorship,  and  he  had  named  him  f(»r  the 
consulship  four  years  after,  in  preference  to  Cassius,  who  wtui  his 
competitor.  On  whieh  ocoision  Csesar  is  reported  to  have  said, 
"Cassius  assigns  the  slronj^est  reasons,  but  i  cannot  refuse  Bru- 
tus." Some  impcHched  Brutus,  after  the  conspiracy  was  formed; 
but,  instead  of  listemiii;  t<^thein,  he  laid  his  hand  on  his  bod>,aiid 
said,  **  Brutus  will  wait  (or  this  skin:"  intimating,  (hat,  though  the 
virtue  of  Brutus  rendered  him  worthy  of  empire,  he  would  not  be 
guilty  of  any  ingratitude  or  baseness  to  obtain  it.  Those,  howe- 
ver, who  were  desirous  of  a  change,  kept  their  eyes  upon  hini  only, 
or  principally  at  leuNt ;  iind  as  they  durst  not  speak  out  plain,  they 
put  billets  night  after  night  in  the  tribunal  and  seal  which  ho  used 
as  praetor,  mostly  in  these  terms,  **  Thou  sleepest  Bruius;"  or, 
*'  Thou  art  not  Brutus." 

Cassms,  perceiving  his  friend's  ambition  a  littlo  stimulated  by 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  367 

these  papers,  began  to  ply  him  closer  than  bei'or^,  and  spur  him  on 
to  the  great  enterprise  :  for  tie  had  a  particular  enmity  ai>ainst  Cae- 
sar. Caesar,  too.  had  some  suspicion  of  inuj,  and  he  even  said  one 
day  to  his  friends,  "  What  think  you  of  Cassms  ?  1  do  not  like  his 
pale  looks." 

We  are  told,  there  were  c-'trong  signs  and  presages  of  the  death 
of  Caesar.  Many  report,  that  a  <  ertam  s«»'>ihsayer  forewarned  him 
of  a  jjreat  danger  which  threatened  him  on  the  ides  of  Mnrcb,  and 
that  when  the  day  was  come,  as  he  was  going  to  the  senate. hows?;, 
he  called  to  the  soothsayer,  and  said  iaughmg,  "The  ides  of  March 
are  come  :"  to  which  he  answered  softly,  "  Yes  :  but  thev  are  not 
gone."  The  evening  before,  he  supped  with  Marcus  Lepidus,  and 
signed,  according  to  custom,  a  number  of  letters,  as  he  sat  at  ta- 
ble. While  he  was  so  employed,  there  arose  a  question,  '*  What 
kind  of  death  was  the  best  ?"  and  Caesar  answering  before  them 
all,  cried  out,  "  A  sudden  one."  The  same  night,  as  he  was  m  bed 
with  his  wife,  the  doors  and  windows  of  the  room  fle.'  open  at 
once.  Disturbed  both  with  the  noise  and  the  light,  he  observed, 
by  moonshine,  Calpurnia  in  a  deep  sleep,  utteriritr  broken  words 
and  inarticulate  groans.  She  dreamed  that  she  was  wt  eping  over 
him,  as  she  held  him,  murdered,  m  her  arms.  Be  that  as  it  may, 
next  mtirning  she  conjured  Caesar  not  to  go  out  that  day,  if  he 
could  possibly  avoid  it,  but  to  sojourn  the  senate,  and,  if  he  paid 
no  regard  to  her  dreams,  to  have  recourse  to  some  other  species 
of  divination,  or  to  sacrifices,  for  information  as  to  his  fare.  This 
gave  him  some  suspicion  and  alarm;  for  he  had  iiever  known,  be- 
fore, in  Calpurnia,  any  thing  of  the  weakness  or  superstition  of  her 
sex,  though  she  was  now  so  much  affected. 

He  therefore  offered  a  number  of  sacrifices,  and  as  the  diviners 
found  no  auspieious  token>  in  them  he  sent  Antony  to  dismiss  the 
senate.  In  the  mean  time,  Deems  Brums,*  surnamed  Albinus, 
came  in.  He  was  a  person  in  whom  Caesar  placed  such  confidence, 
that  he  had  appointed  him  his  second  heir,  yet  he  was  engaged  in 
the  conspiracy  with  «he  othei  Brutus  and  Cassius.  This  man,  fear- 
ing that  if  Caesar  adjourned  the  senate  to  another  day  the  affair 
might  be  discovered,  laughed  at  the  diviners,  and  told  Caesar  he 
would  be  highly  to  blame,  if,  by  such  a  slight,  he  gave  the  senate 
an  occasion  to  complain  against  him.  "  For  they  were  met/'  he 
said,  "  at  his  summons,  and  came  prepared  w»th  one  voice  to  ho- 
nour him  with  the  title  of  king  in  the  provinces,  and  to  grant  that  he 
should  wear  the  diadem  both  by  land  and  sea  every  where  out  of 
Italy.  But  if  any  one  go  and  tell  them,  now  they  have  taken  their 
places,  they  must  go  home  again,  and  return  when  Calpurnia  hap- 
pens to  have  better  dreams,  what  room  will  your  enemies  have  to 

»  Plutarch  finding  a  D  prefixed  to  Brutus,  took  it  f^i:  Decius,  but  iiis  name  was 
Decrrnus  Brutus.     See  J]ppian  and  Suetonius. 


» I 


359  JULIUS  C£SAK. 

launch  out  aurainst  you  ?  Or  who  will  bear  your  friend*  when  thev 
attempt  to  show,  that  this  m  not  an  open  wirviiude  on  the  one  hand, 
and  tyranny  on  the  other?  if  you  are  absolutely  persuaded  that 
this  is  an  unlucky  day,  it  is  certainly  better  to  go  yourself,  and  tell 
them  \  ou  have  stroni;  reasons  tor  putting  off  business  till  another 
tiniH.**     So  saving,  h^-  took  Cssar  b>  the  hand,  aitd  led  him  out. 

He  was  not  gone  far  from  the  d<K)r,  when  a  slave,  who  belonged 
to  some  other  person,  utteinpted  to  get  up  to  speak  to  him,  but  tind> 
ing  it  impossible,  by  reason  of  the  crowd  that  was  about  hint,  he 
made  his  way  into  the  house,  and  putting  himself  into  the  bauds  of 
Calpurnia,  desired  her  to  keep  him  safe  till  Csesar's  reium,  beeame 
he  had  matters  of  great  importance  to  communicate. 

Artemidorus  the  Ciiidian,  who,  by  teaching  the  Greek  eloquence, 
became  acquainted  with  some  of  Brutus's  friends,  and  had  got  iq. 
telligence  of  most  of  the  transactions,  approa<hed  Caesar  with  a  pa- 
per, explaining  what  he  had  to  discover.  Observing  that  he  gave 
the  papers,  as  fast  as  he  received  them,  to  his  officers,  he  got  up 
us  close  as  possible,  and  said,  **  Cssar,  read  this  to  yourself,  and 
quickly  ;  for  it  contains  matters  of  great  consequence,  and  «if  the 
last  concern  to  you."  He  took  it,  and  attempted  several  limes  to 
read  it,  but  was  always  prevented  by  one  application  or  other.  He 
therefore  kept  that  paper,  and  that  only,  in  his  own  hand,  when  he 
entered  the  house. 

In  the  place  where  the  senate  was  that  day  assembled,  and  which 
proved  the  scene  of  that  tragedy,  there  was  a  statue  of  Ponipey, 
and  it  was  an  edifice  which  Pumpey  had  consecrated  for  an  oma- 
ment  to  his  theatre.  Even  Cassius  himself,  though  inclined  to  the 
doctrines  of  Epicurus,  turned  his  eye  to  the  statue  of  Pompey,  and 
ftecretly  invoked  his  aid,  before  the  great  attempt.  Antony,  who 
was  a  faithful  friend  to  Csesar,  and  a  man  of  great  strength,  was 
held  in  discourse  without  by  Brutus  Albinus,  who  had  contrived  a 
long  s'ory  to  detain  him. 

When  Ctesar  entered  the  house,  the  senate  rose  to  do  him  ho- 
nour. Some  of  Brutus's  accomplices  came  up  behind  his  chair, 
and  others  before  it,  pretending  to  intercede,  along  with  Metiliiot 
Ciinbri,*  for  the  recul  of  his  brother  from  exile.  They  continued 
their  instances  till  he  came  to  his  seat.  When  he  was  seated,  he 
gave  them  a  positive  denial ;  and  as  they  continued  their  importu- 
nities with  an  air  of  compulsion,  he  grew  angry.  Cimber,  then, 
with  both  hands,  pulled  his  gown  off  his  neck,  which  was  the  sig- 
nal  for  the  attack.  Casca  gave  him  the  first  blow.  It  was  a  stroke 
upon  the  neck  with  his  sword,  but  the  wound  was  not  dangerous : 

*  Metilliut  11  pininlv  «corriipiion  Su«inniU9  call*  him  Cmbtr  T\ilUu$.  In  Ap- 
pian  hf>  iH  called  JlntUiu$  Cimher.  and  ih«re  is  a  medal  whicn  hean  that  name :  bat 
thai  •»ertal  it  believed  lo  be  iMMiriout.  Some  call  him  Mttellut  Cimtwr  j  and  oUMrs 
mippoce  we  should  /end  M.  TulliusCimber. 


JULIUS  CiBSAR.  369 

for  in  the  beginning  of  so  tremendous  an  enterprise  he  was  proba- 
bly in  some  disorder.  Caesar  therefore  turned  upon  him,  and  laid 
hold  of  his  sword.  At  the  same  lime  ihey  both  cried  out,  the  one 
in  Latin,  "  Villam  !  Casca  !  what  dost  thou  mean  ?"  and  the  other 
in  Greek,  to  his  brother,  "  Brother,  help  !" 

After  such  a  begi.nnmj;,  those  who  knew  nothing  of  the  conspi- 
racy  were  seized  with  consternation  and  horror,  insomuch  that  they 
durst  neither  fly,  nor  as>ist,  nor  even  utter  a  word.  AH  the  conspi- 
rators now  drew  their  swords,  and  surrounded  him  in  such  a  man- 
ner,  that  whatever  way  he  turned,  he  saw  nothing  but  steel  gleam- 
ing in  his  face,  and  met  nothing  but  wounds.  Like  some  savage 
beast  attacked  by  the  hunters,  he  foiind  every  hand  lifted  against 
him,  lor  they  all  agreed  to  have  a  share  m  the  sacrifice  and  taste 
of  his  blood.  Theretore  Brutus  himself  gave  hiin  a  stroke  in  the 
groin.  Some  say,  he  opposed  the  resr,  and  coniinu»-d  struggling 
and  crying  out,  till  he  perceived  the  sword  of  Brutus  ;  then  he  drew 
his  robe  over  his  face,  and  yielded  to  his  fate.  Either  by  accident, 
or  pushed  thither  by  the  conspirators,  he  expired  on  the  .pedestal  of 
Pompey's  ssatue,  and  dved  it  with  his  blood  :  so  that  Pompey  seem- 
ed to  preside  over  the  work  of  vengeance,  to  tread  his  enemy  un- 
der his  feet,  and  to  enjoy  his  agonies.  Those  agonies  were  great, 
for  he  received  no  less  than  three  and  twenty  wounds.  And  many 
of  the  conspirators  wounded  each  other,  as  they  were  aiming  their 
blows  at  him. 

Caesar  thus  despatched,  Brutus  advanced  to  speak  to  the  senate, 
and  to  assign  his  reasons  for  what  he  had  done,  but  they  could  not 
bear  to  hear  him ;  they  fled  out  of  the  house,  and  filled  the  people 
with  inexpressible  horror  and  dismay.  Some  shut  up  their  houses; 
others  left  their  shops  and  counters.  All  were  in  motion  :  one  was 
running  to  see  the  spectacle  ;  another  running  back.  Antony  and 
Lepidus,  Caesar's  principal  friends,  withdrew  and  hid  themselves 
in  other  people's  houses.  Mean  time  Bruti>s  and  his  confederates, 
yet  warm  from  the  slaughter,  marched  in  a  body  with  their  bloody 
swords  in  their  hands,  from  the  senate-house  to  the  capitol,  not  like 
men  that  flwl,  bur  with  an  air  of  gaiety  and  confidence,  calling  the 
people  to  liberty,  and  stopping  to  talk  with  every  man  of  conse- 
quence whom  they  met.  There  were  some  who  even  joined  them, 
and  mingled  with  their  train ;  desirous  of  appearing  to  have  had  a 
share  in  the  action,  and  hoping  for  one  in  the  glory.  Of  this  num-  ; 
ber  were  Caius  Octavius  and  Lentulus  Spinther,  who  afterwards/ 
paid  dear  for  their  vanity  ;  being  put  to  death  by  Antony  and  young 
Caesar.  So  that  they  gained  not  even  the  honour  for  which  they 
lost  their  lives ;  for  nobody  believed  that  they  had  any  part  in  the 
enterprise ;  and  they  were  punished,  not  for  the  deed,  but  for  th© 
will. 

Next  day  Brutus,  and  the  rest  of  the  conspirators^  can»e  do^vn. 
3a 


3Y9  di/LIUS  C£9A& 

from  the  capitol,  and  addressed  the  people,  who  attended  to  thoir 
discourse,  without  expressing  either  dit<hk«^  or  approbation  ut  what 
was  done.  But  bv  their  silence  it  appeared  that  thit\  piiied.C'flesar 
at  the  same  time  that  they  revered  Brutus.  The  senate  passed  a 
general  amiiest\  ;  and  to  reconcile  all  parties^  they  decreed  Ce. 
ear  divine  honours,  and  confirmed  all  the  acts  of  his  dictatorship ; 
while  on  Brutus  and  his  friends  they  bestowed  governmeuts,  and 
such  honours  as  were  suitable  :  so  that  it  was  geiieruUy  imagined 
the  commonwealth  was  firmly  established  again,  and  all  brought 
into  the  best  order. 

But  when,  upon  the  opening  of  Ceesar^s  will,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  left  every  Roman  citizen  a  considerable  legacy,  and  tho\  be. 
held  the  body,  as  it  was  carried  through  the  forum,  ail  mangled 
with  wounds,  the  multitude  could  no  longer  be  kept  withm  bounds. 
They  stopt  the  procession,  and  tearing  up  the  benches,  with  the 
doora  and  tables,  heaped  them  into  a  pile,  and  burnt  the  corpse 
there.  Then  snatching  flaming  brands  from  the  pile,  some  ran  to 
burn  the  houses  of  the  assassins,  while  others  ranged  the  city,  to 
find  the  conspirators  themselves,  and  tear  them  in  pieces  ;  but  they 
had  taken  such  care  to  secure  themselves,  that  they  could  not  meet 
with  one  of  them. 

Caesar  died  at  the  age  of  fiAy-six,  and  did  not  survive  Pompey 
above  four  years.  His  object  was  sovereign  power  and  authority, 
which  he  pursued  through  innumerable  dangers,  and  which  by  pro- 
digious efforts  he  gained  at  last.  But  he  reaped  no  other  fruit 
from  it,  than  an  empty  and  invidious  title.  It  is  true,  the  divine 
power  which  conducted  him  'hrough  life,  attended  him  after  his 
death,  as  his  avenger  pursued  and  hunted  out  the  assassins  oversea 
and  land,  and  rested  not  till  there  was  not  a  man  left,  either  of 
those  who  dipt  their  hands  in  his  blood,  or  of  those  who  gave  their 
sanction  to  the  deed. 


371 

DEMOSTHENES. 

Flourished  360  years  before  Christ. 

Whoevee  it  was,  my  Sossius,  that  wrote  the  encomium  upon 
Alcibiades,  for  his  victory  in  the  chariot-race  ai  the  Olympic  games, 
whether  Euripides,  (which  is  the  common  opinion,)  or  some  other, 
he  asserts,  that  **  The  first  requisite  to  happiness  is,  that  a  man  be 
born  in  a  famous  city."  But  as  to  real  happiness,  which  consists 
principally  in  the  disposition  and  habit  of  the  mind,  for  my  part,  I 
think  it  would  make  no  difference  though  a  man  should  be  born  in 
an  inconsiderable  town,  or  of  a  mother  who  had  no  advantages 
either  of  siz«  or  beauty  :  for  it  is  ridiculous  to  suppose  that  Julis, 
a  small  town  in  the  isle  of  Ceos,  which  is  itself  not  great,  and 
jEgina,*  which  an  Athenian  "  wanted  to  take  away,  as  an  eye-sore 
to  the  Piraeus,"  should  give  birth  to  good  poets  and  players,  and 
not  be  able  to  produce  a  man  who  might  attain  the  virtues  of  justice, 
of  contentment,  and  of  magnanimity.  Indeed,  those  arts,  which 
are  to  gain  the  masters  of  them  considerable  profit  or  honour,  may 
probably  not  flourish  in  mean  and  insignificant  towns.  But  virtue, 
like  a  strong  anci  hardy  plant,  will  take  root  in  any  place,  where  it 
can  find  an  ingenuous  nature,  and  a  mind  that  has  no  aversion  to 
labour  and  discipline.  Therefore,  if  our  sentiments  or  conduct  fall 
short  of  the  point  they  ought  to  reach,  we  must  not  impute  it  to  the 
obscurity  of  that  place  where  we  were  born,  but  to  our  little  selves. 

These  reflections,  however,  extend  not  to  an  author,  who  would 
write  a  history  of  events  which  hapf)ened  in  a  foreign  country,  and 
carmot  be  come  at  in  his  own.  As  he  has  his  materials  to  collect 
from  a  variety  of  books  dispersed  in  different  libraries,  his  first 
care  should  be  to  take  up  his  residence  in  some  populous  town 
which  has  an  ambition  for  literature.  There  he  will  meet  with 
many  curious  and  valuable  books ;  and  the  particulars  that  are 
wanting  in  writers,  he  may,  upon  inquiry,  be  supplied  with  by  those 
who  have  laid  them  up  in  the  faithful  repository  of  memory.  This 
will  prevent  his  work  from  being  defective  in  any  material  point. 
As  to  myself,  I  live  in  a  little  town,  and  I  choose  to  live  there,  lest 
it  should  become  still  less.  When  I  was  in  Rome,  and  other  parts 
of  Italy,  I  had  not  leisure  to  study  the  Latin  tongue,  on  account  of 
the  public  commissions  with  which  I  was  charged,  and  the  number 
of  people  that  came  to  be  instructed  by  me  in  philosophy.  It  was 
not,  therefore,  till  a  late  period  in  life,  that  I  began  to  read  the 

«  The  poet  Sioionides  were  of  Ceos  and  Folos  the  aetnr  was  of.^gma. 


372  DLMOSTHENKS. 

Roman  authors.  Tho  process  may  seem  strange,  and  yet  it  is  vcrry 
true.  1  did  nor  ho  much  gain  the  knowledge  ot'  ttiuigii  by  ttie  words, 
a:}  words  by  the  knowledge  I  had  of  thingn.  1  nhull  only  ad«i,  that 
to  attain  spch  a  skill  in  the  languace'.  as  to  be  maxtpr  of  rhe  beauty 
and  fluency  of  its  expressions,  with  its  tigures,  its  narmony,  and  ail 
the  other  graces  of  its  structure,  would,  wdedd,  be  an  elegant  and 
agreeable  uccoinphshmeut.  But  the  prHcicf  and  pauis  ii  requires, 
are  more  than  1  liave  lime  for,  and  1  must  leave  the  ambition  to 
excel  in  that  walk  to  young  mea. 

We  intend  now  to  give  the  Lives  of  Demosthenes  and  Cicero, 
and,  from  thetr  actions  and  poliiicul  conduct,  we  shall  collect  and 
compare  their  manners  and  dispositions;  but,  for  the  reason  already 
assigned,  we  .vbuU  not  pretend  to  exiimine  their  orations,  or  to  de- 
termine which  of  them  was  the  most  agreeable  speaker.  For,  as 
Ion  says, 

What's  the  gay  dulphin  whmo  be  quits  the  waves, 
Aud  t)o«ii>ds  upon  ine  shore  f 

Calius,  a  writer  at  all  times  much  too  presumptuous,  paid  little 
regard  to  that  maxim  of  the  poet's,  when  he  so  boldl\  attempted  a 
comparison  between  Demosthenes  and  Cicero.  But  perhaps  the 
precept,  Know  thyself ^  would  not  be  considered  as  divine,  if  ever)' 
man  could  casilj  reduce  it  to  practice. 

It  seems  to  me  that  Demosthenes  and  Cicero  were  originally 
formed  by  nature  in  tlie  same  mould,  so  great  is  tlie  resemblance 
in  their  disposition.  The  same  ambition,  the  same  love  of  liberty, 
appears  in  their  whole  administration,  and  the  same  timidity  amidst 
wars  and  dangers.  Nor  did  they  less  resemble  each  other  in  thoir 
fortunes.  For  I  think  it  impossible  to  5nd  two  other  orators,  who 
raised  themselves  from  obscure  beginnings  to  such  authority  and 
po\yer ;  who  both  opposed  kings  and  tyrants;  who  both  lost  their 
daughters  ;  were  banished  their  country,  and  returned  with  honour  ; 
were  forced  (o  fly  again  ;  were  taken  by  their  enemies,  and  at  last 
expired  the  same  hour  with  the  liberties  of  their  countrj.  So  that, 
if  nature  and  fortune,  like  two  artificers,  were  to  descend  upon  tho 
Bcene,  and  dispute  about  their  work,  ii  would  be  difHrult  to  decide 
whether  the  former  had  produced  a  greater  resemblance  in  their 
dispttsitions,  or  the  latter  in  the  circumstances  of  their  Uvr^  Wr; 
shall  begin  with  the  more  ancient. 

Demosthenes,  the  father  of  Demosthenes,  was  one  of  liie  pnn. 
cipal  citizens  of  Athens.  Theoi>ompus  tells  us,  he  was  called  tho 
sword.cutler,  because  he  employed  a  great  number  of  slaves  in 
that  business.  He  had  a  large  fortune  \e\\  him  by  his  father  who 
died  when  he  was  rmly  seven  years  of  aite ;  the  whole  being  e.sti. 
muted  at  little  less  than  fifteen  talents.    But  he  was  greatly  w  rongcd 

•Casrilius  WHS  a  ceieiirnte'1  rneioricMin.  who  livrd  m  the  iinie  of  AugUMuti  H% 
Wrt>i«  a  TfeeiiM  on  the  StwhliMie,  which  is  inentiunvd  by  Lonninus. 


DEMOSTHENES.  373 

by  his  guardians,  who  converted  part  to  their  own  use,  and  suffered 
psyt  to  lie  nejilected.  Nay,  they  were  vile  enough  fo  deiVaud  his 
tutors  of  their  salaries.  This  was  the  chief  r^tason  that  he  had  not 
those  advantages  of  education,  to  which  his  quality  entitled  him. 
His  mother  did  not  choose  that  he  should  be  put  to  hard  and  labo- 
ri'ius  exercises,  on  account  of  the  weakness  and  neluacy  «»f  his 
frame  ;  and  his  preceptors,  being  ill  paid,  did  not  press  him  to 
attend  them. 

His  ambition  to  speak  in  pul^ic  is  said,  to  have  taken  its  rise  on 
this  occasion.     Ttie  orator  Callistratus  was  (0  plead  in  the  cause 
which  the  city  of  Oropus*  had  depending ;  and  the  expectation  of 
the  public  was  greailv  raised  boih  by  the  powers  of  the  orator, 
which  were  then  in  the  highest  repute,  and  by  the  importance  of 
the  trial.     Demosthenes  hearing  the  goveritors  and  tutors  agree 
among  themselves  to  attend  the  trial,  with  much  importunity  pre- 
vailed on  his  master  to  take  him  to  hear  the  pleadings.     The  mas- 
ter having  some  acquaintance  with  the  officers  who  opened  the 
court,  got  his  young  pupii  a  seat  where  he  t-ould  hear  the  orators 
without  being  seen.    Callistratus  had  great  success,  and  his  abilties 
were  extremely  admired.     Demosthenes  was  fired  with  a  spirif  of 
emulation.      VVhen  he  saw  with  what   distinction  the  orator  was 
conducted  home,  and  complimented  by  the  people,  he  was  struck 
still  more  with  the  power  of  that  commanding  eloquence,  which 
could  carry  all  before  it.     From  this  time,  therefore,  he  badn  adieu 
to  the  <»iher  studies  and  exercise  in  which  boys  are  engaged,  and 
applied  himself  with  great  assiduity  to  declaiming,  m  hopes  of  being 
one  day  numbered  among  the  orators.    Isasus  was  the  man  he  made 
use  of  HS  his  preceptor  in  eloquence,  th«)Ugh  Isocratesthen  taught  it. 
When  his  minority  was  expired,  he  called   his  guardians  to  ac- 
count at  law,  and  wrote  orations  against   them..     As  they  found 
many  methods  of  chicane  and  dela\ ,  he  had  great  opportunity,  as 
Thucvdides  says,  to  exercise  his  talents  tor  the  bar.f     It  was  not 
without  much  pains  and  some  risk  that  he  gained  his  cause  ;  and, 
at  last,  it  was  but  a  very  small  part  of  his  patrimonv  that  he  could 
recover.    By  this  means,  however,  he  acquired  a  proper  assurance, 
and  some  experience  ;  and  having  tasted  the  honour  and  power  that 
go  in  the  train  of  eloquence,  he  attempted  to  speak  in  the  public 
debates,  and  take  a  share  in  the  adniinisi ration. 

However,  in  his  first  address  to  the  people,  he  was  laughed  at, 

*  Oropus  was  a  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Euripus.  on  the  frontiers  of  Attica  The 
Thebans.  though  they  had  been  relieveri  in  iheirrtistress  by  Chabriasanri  the  Athenians, 
forgot  meir  former  services,  anrt  took  Oropus  from  them  C'habrias  was  suspecteri  uf 
treachery,  and  Callistratus.  the  orator  was  retained  to  plead  ngainst  him.  Demos- 
thenes mentions  this  in  his  orations  against  Phinias  At  the  time  of  this  trial,  he  was 
about  sixteen. 

+  He  lost  his  father  at  the  age  of  seven  :  and  he  was  ten  years  in  the  hands  of  guar- 
dians.    He.  tnerefore,  began  to  plead  in  his  eighteenth  year,  which,  as  it  was  only  in 
his  own  private  affairs,  was  not  forbidden  by  the  laws. 
^2 


3^4  DEMOSTHE!«S. 

and  interrupted  by  their  clamours :  for  the  vioJettce  of  his  manner 
threw  him  into  a  confusion  ot  periods,  and  a  dinortion  ol  his  argu- 
mem.  Besides,  he  hud  u  weakm-ss  and  a  siammering  in  his  voice, 
and  a  want  ol'  brea|h,  which  caused  such  a  disirartioii  in  his  dis« 
course,  ihni  ir  was  difficult  tor  ihe  audwiice  to  iindir^tand  him.  At 
last,  upon  ius  quMing  the  asstrniblx ,  tluiiomus  the  'I'hriasian,  a  man 
now  extremely  old,  found  him  wauderiiig  in  a  drjecied  cundiiion 
in  Ihe  Pirceus,  and  took  upon  him  to  sei  him  right.  **  Vou,'*  said 
he,  **  have  a  manner  of  speaking  ver\  like  that  ot*  Periclfs ;  and 
yet  you  lose  yourseit'  out  of  utere  timidity  and  cowardice.  Yoa 
neither  bear  up  against  the  tumults  of  a  popular  assembK,  nor  pre- 
pare your  bodj  by  exercise  for  he  labour  of  the  mstrum,  but  suffer 
your  parts  to  wither  awa\  in  negligence  and  indolence." 

Another  time,  we  are  told,  when  his  speeches  had  been  ill  recei- 
ved, and  he  was  going  home  with  his  head  covered,  and  in  great 
distress,  Satyrus  the  pla\er  followed  and  went  in  with  him.  De- 
mosthenes lamented  to  him,  *'  That,  though  he  was  the  mi>st  labo- 
nous  of  all  the  orators,  and  had  almost  sacrificed  his  health  tu  that 
upplicatntn,  yet  he  could  gam  no  favour  with  the  pe<iple :  but 
dninken  seamen,  and  other  unlettered  persons,  were  heard  ;  and 
kept  the  rostrum,  while  he  was  entirel\  disregarded."*  **  You  say 
true,"  answered  Satyrus;  ♦*  but  1  will  soon  provide  a  remedy,  if 
you  will  repeat  lo  me  some  speech  in  Euripides  or  Soph  cles," 
When  Demosthenes  had  done,  Satyrus  pronounced  the  same 
speech  ;  and  he  did  it  with  so  much  proprietv  of  action,  and  so 
much  in  character,  that  it  appeared  to  the  «.rator  quite  a  different 
passage.  He  now  understood  so  well  how  much  grace  and  dignity 
action  adds  to  tfie  best  oration,  that  he  thought  it  a  Hmall  matter  to 
premeditate  and  compose,  though  with  the  utmost  care,  if  th«  pro- 
num-iation  and  propriety  of  gesture  were  not  attended  to.  Tpon 
this  he  built  himself  a  subtrnmeous  study,  whither  he  repaired 
every  day,  to  form  his  action,  and  exercise  his  voice :  and  he 
would  often  8ta\  there  for  two  or  three  months  together;  shaving 
one  side  of  his  head,  thai,  if  he  should  happen  to  be  ever  so  desi- 
reus  of  going  ahroad,  the  shame  of  appearing  in  that  condition 
miffht  keep  him  in. 

When  he  did  go  out  upon  a  visit,  or  received  one,  he  would  lake 
something  that  passed  in  conversation,  some  business  or  fact  that 
was  reported  to  him,  for  a  subject  to  exercise  himself  upon.  As 
soon  us  he  had  parted  from  his  friends,  he  went  to  his  study,  where 
be  repeated  the  matter  in  order  as  it  passed,  together  with  the 
arguments  for  and  against  it.  The  substance  of  the  speeches 
which  he  heard,  he  committed  to  memory,  and  afterwards  reduced 

*  This  w««  tha  pnviisf*  of  all  demoemiic  »uim     Stmie  Uiink  that  t>]r 
psant  Demsdw,  wIkms  pwimion  was  mat  of  a  mariner. 


DEMOSTHENES.  375 

them  to  regular  sentences  and  periods,*  meditating  a  variety  of 
corrections  and  new  forms  of  expression,  boih  tor  what  others  had 
said  to  him,  and  he  had  addressed  to  them.      Hence  it  was  con- 
cluded that  he  was  not  a  man  of  much  genius ;   and  that  all  his 
eloquence  was  the  effect  oi  labour.    A  strong  proof  of  this  seemed 
to  be,  I  hat  he  was  seldom  heard  to  speak  aiiv  thmg  extempore,  and 
though  the  people  often  called  upon  him  by  name,  as  he  sat  in  the 
assembly,  to  speak  to  the  point  debated,  he  would  not  do  it  unless 
he  came  prepared.    For  this  many  of  the  orators  ridiculed  him  ;  and 
Pyiheas,  in  particular,  t<ild  him,  "  That  all  his  arguments  smelled 
of  the  lamp."     DenK)sthenes  retorted  sharply  upon  him.     '*  Yes, 
indeed  ;   but  your  lamp  and  mine,  my  friend,  are  not  conscious  to 
the  same  labours."    To  others  he  did  not  pretend  to  deny  his  pre- 
vious application,  but  told  them,  •'  He  neither  wrote  the  whole  of 
his  orations,  nor  spoke  without  first  committing  part  to  writing." 
Another  proof  they  give  us  of  his  want  of  confidence  on  any  sudden 
occasion,  is  that  when  he  happened  to  be  put  in  disorder  by  the 
tumultuary  behaviour  of  the  people,  Demades  often   rose  up  to 
support  him  in  an  extempore  address^  but  he  never  did  the  same 
for  Demades. 

Wherefore,  then,  it  may  be  said,  did  iEschines  callhim  an  orator 
of  the  mosf  admirable  assurance?  How  could  he  stand  up  alone 
and  refute  Python  the  Bvzatitian,f  whose  eloquence  poured  against 
the  Athenians  like  a  torreui  ?  And  when  Lama<-hus  the  .Vlvrrhene-anij: 
pronounced  at  the  Olympic  games  an  encomium  which  he  had 
written  upon  Philip  and  Alexander ;  and  in  which  he  had  asserted 
many  severe  and  reproachful  things  against  the  Thebans  and 
Olynthians,  how  could  Demosthenes  rise  up  and  prove,  by  a  ready 
deduction  of  facts,  the  many  benefits  for  which  Greece  was  indented 
to  the  Thebans  and  Chalcidians,  and  the  many  evils  that  the  flat- 
terers of  the  Macedonians  had  brought  upon  iheir  country  ?  This, 
too,  wrought  such  a  change  in  the  minds  of  the  great  audience, 
that  the  sophist,  his  antagonist,  apprehending  a  tumult,  stole  out  of 
the  assembly. 

*  Cicero  did  the  same,  as  we  find  in  his  epistles  to  Atticus.  These  arguments  he 
calls  Theses  Poltticct. 

+  This  was  one  of  the  mosjt  glorious  circumstances  in  the  life  of  Demosthenes.  The 
fate  of  his  country,  in  a  great  measure,  depended  on  his  eloquence.  After  Plataca  was 
lost,  and  Philip  threatened  to  march  against  Athens,  the  Athenians  applied  for  succours 
to  the  Boeotians.  Wtien  the  league  was  established,  and  the  troops  assemhied  at 
Ohaeronea.  Philip  sent  ambassadors  to  the  council  of  Boeotia,  the  chief  of  whom  was 
Python,  one  of  the  ablest  orators  of  his  time  When  he  had  inveighed  with  all  the 
powers  of  eloquence  against  the  Athenians  and  their  cause.  Demosthenes  answered 
him.  and  carried  the  point  in  their  favour.  He  was  so  elevated  with  this  victory,  that 
be  nrentions  it  in  one  of  his  orations  in  almost  the  same  terms  that  Plutarch  has  used 
here. 

t  If  we  suppose  this  Lamachus  to  have  been  of  Attica,  the  text  should  be  altered  from 
Myrrhendan  to  Myrrhinusian  ;  for  Myrrhimts  was  a  borough  of  Attica.  But  there 
jvas  a  town  called  Myrrhioe  in  .^oUa,  and  another  in  Leninog,  and  probably  Lama- 
chus wus  of  on«  of  thejSR 


S76 

Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  that  Demosthenes  did  not  take  Peri- 
cles entirel)  for  hi8  mod*-!.  He  oiiIn  adopted  hiH  action  asd  delivery, 
and  iii^  prudent  resolution  not  to  make  a  practice  of  speaking  from 
a  sudoen  inipuUe,  or  on  anv  occasion  thai  might  present  Itself; 
being  persuaded,  that  it  was  to  that  conduct  he  owed  his  greatnass. 
Yet,  while  he  chose  not  often  to  trust  the  succesn  of  his  powers  to 
fortune,  he  did  not  absolutelx  negiect  the  reputation  which  may  be 
acquired  bx  speaking  oii  a  tHiddt-n  occaMion.  Erat(»slhenes  says, 
that,  ill  his  extemp4»raueouH  harangues,  he  often  spoke  as  lironi  a 
supernatural  impulse  ;  and  Deinetnus  tell  us,  that,  in  an  address 
to  the  people,  like  a  man  inspired,  he  once,  uttered  this  oath  io 
verse, 

By  csrth,  by  all  her  fountains,  •irsamt,  and  floods. 

As  for  his  pergonal  defects,  Demetrius  the  Phalerian  gives  us  an 
account  of  the  remedies  he  applied  to  them ;  and  he  shvr  he  had 
it  front  Demosthenes  in  his  old  age.  The  hesitation  and  fttanimer* 
ing  of  his*  u»iigue  he  corrected  by  practising  to  spenk  with  pebbles 
in  his  mouth  ;  and  he  strengthened  his  voice  by -running  or  walking 
up-hill,  and  pronouncing  some  passage  in  an  orntinn  or  a  poem, 
during  the  difficulty  of  breath  whirti  that  caused.  He  hnd,  more- 
over, a  lookiiig-glass  in  Um  house,  before  which  he  used  to  declaim, 
and  a<iju>4t  all  Wit*  motions. 

It  is  said,  that  a  man  came  to  him  one  day,  and  desired  hrm  (o 
be  Wm  advocate  agaioHt  a  person  from  wh(»m  he  had  suffered  by 
assault.  **  Not  you,  indeed,"  said  Demosthenes,  **  you  have  suf. 
fered  iif)  such  thing."  *•  What !"  said  the  man,  raising  his  voice, 
"  hnve  I  not  received  those  blows?"  **  Ay,  now,"  replied  Demos. 
fluiirs,  •♦  you  do  speak  like  a  person  that  has  been  injured."  So 
much,  in  his  opinion,  do  the  tone  of  voice  and  the  action  contribute 
to  gain  the  speaker  credit  in  what  he  affirms.  His  action  pleased 
the  commonalty  much  ;  but  people  of  taste  (amotig  whom  was 
Demetrius  the  Phalerian,)  thought  there  was  something  in  it  low, 
imiegant,  and  unmanly.  Hermippus  acquaints  us,  that  if^ian 
being  asked  his  opmion  of  the  ancient  orators,  and  those  of  that 
time,  said,  '*  Whoever  has  heard  the  orators  of  former  timen  roust 
admire  the  decorum  and  dignit>  with  which  they  spoke.  Yet  when 
we  read  the  orations  of  Demosthenes,  we  .must  allow  they  have 
more  art  in  the  composition,  and  greater  force.  In  his  written 
orations,  there  was  something  extremely  cutting  and  severe ;  but, 
in  his  f<udden  repartees,  there  was  also  something  of  humour. 

He  telU  ii.s  himself,  that  he  entered  upon  public  business  in  the 
time  of  the  Pl.ocian  war;  and  the  same  may  be  collected  from  his 
Philippics.  For  8<»me  of  the  last  of  them  were  delivered  aOer  that 
war  was  fininhed,  and  the  former  relate  to  the  immediate  transac 
fions  of  it.     It  appears  alto,  that  he  w:i  1  thirty  years  old, 

\\!irn  he  was  preparing  his  oration  ogu I  >s:  and  yct^ot  that 


DEMOSTHENES.  ($77 

time  he  had  attained  no  name  or  power  in  the  administration.  This, 
indeed,  seems  to  be  the  reason  of  his  droppmg  the  prosecution  fox 
a  sam  of  money.     For, 

No  prayer,  no  moving  art, 

E'er  bent  thai  fierce,  inexoraole  heart.         Pope. 

He  was  vindictive  in  his  nature,  and  implacable  in  his  resent, 
ments.  He  saw  it  a  difficuh  thing,  and  out  of  the  reach  of  his  m- 
terest,  to  pull  down  a  man  so  well  supported  on  all  sides,  as  Midias, 
by  wealth  and  friends :  and  therefore  he  listened  to  the  application 
in  his  behalf.  Had  he  seen  any  hopes  or  pussibiUty  of  crushing 
his  enemy,  I  cannot  think  that  three  thousand  drachmas  could  have 
disarmed  his  anger. 

He  had  a  glor'ous  subject  for  his  political  ambition,  to  defend  the 
cause  of  Greece  against  Philip.     He  defended  it  like  a  champion 
worthy  of  such  a  charge,  and  soon  gained  great  reputation  both  for 
eloquence  and  for  the  bold  truths  which  he  spoke.     He  was  ad- 
mired in  Greece,  and  courted  by  the  king  of  Persia.     Nay,  Philip 
himself  had  a  higher  opinion  of  him  than  the  other  orators  ;  and  his 
enemies  acknowledged  that  they  had  to  contend  with  a  great  man. 
Panaetius,  the  philosopher,  asserts,  ttiat  m(Kst  of  his  orations  are 
written  upon  this  principle,  that  virtue  is  to  be  chosen  lor  her  own 
sake  only  ;   that,  for  instance,  Of  the  Crown,   ihat  again**  Arista. 
crates,  that  For  the  Immunities,  and  the  Philippics,   ^'^  ^1'  these  ora- 
tions,  he  does  not  exhort  his  countrym^"  'O  that  which  is  most 
agreeable  or  easy,  or  advantageous,*  but  points  out  honour  and 
propriety  as  the  first  objects,  an<i  leaves  the  safety  of  the  state  as  a 
matter  of  inferior  consideration.     So  that,  if,  beside  that  noble  am. 
bition  which  animated  his  measures,  and  the  generous  turn  of  his 
addresses  to  the  people,  he  had  been  blest  with  the  courage  that 
war  demands,  and  had  kept  his  hands  clean  of  bribes,  he  would 
not  have  been  numbered  with  such  orators  as  Mirocles,  Polyeuctus, 
and  Hyperides,  but  have  deserved  to  be  placed  in  a  higher  sphere 
with  Crinon,  Thucydides,^nd  Pericles.  Though  he  bore  up  against 
the  assaults  of  corruption  from  Ptrilip  aud  the  Macedonians,  yet  he 
was  taken  by  the  gold  of  Susa  and  Ecbaiana  :  so  that  he  was  much 
better  qualified  to  recommend,  than  to  imitate,  the  virtues  of  oup 
ancestors.     It  must  be  acknowledged,  however,  that  he  excelled 
all  the  orators  of  his  time,  except  Phocion,  in  his  life  and  conver- 
sation.    And  we  find  in  his  orations,  that  he  told  the  people  the 
boldest  truths,  that   he  opposed  their  inclinations,  and  corrected 
their  errors  with  the  greatest  spirit  and  freedom.   When  the  Athe- 
nians were  for  having  him  manager  of  a  certain  impeachment,  and 
insisted  upon  it  in  a  tumultuary  manner,  he  would  not  comply,  but 
rose  up  and  said,  "  My  friends,  I  will  be  your  counsellor,  whethep 
you  will  or  no  ;  but  a  false  accuser  1  will  not  be,  how  much  ga. 
ever  you  wish  it." 

3b  82r£ 


978  DEMOSTHEiNES. 

Demosthenes,  through  the  whole  course  of  his  political  conduci, 
left  none  of  the  actions  of  the  king  of  Macedun  uudispuruged. 
Even  in  time  of  peace,  he  laid  hold  on  everv  opportunity  l«»  raise 
suspicions  against  him  among  the  Athenians  and  to  excite  their 
resentment.  Hence,  Philip  l(»oked  upon  hini  as  a  penxin  ot  the 
greatest  importance  in  Athens  ;  and  when  he  went  with  nine  other 
deputies  to  the  court  of  that  prince,  after  having  ^iven  them  all  au> 
dience,  he  answered  the  speech  ot  Demosthenes  with  greater  care 
than  the  rest.  As  to  other  marks  of  honour  and  respect,  Demos- 
thenes had  not  an  equal  8hare  in  them ;  thev  were  tiestuwed  prin> 
cipally  upon  iEschines  and  Philocrates.  The>,  therefore,  praised 
Philip  on  all  occasions;  and,  insisted,  in  particular,  on  hitf  elo* 
qtience,  his  beauty,  and  even  his  being  able  t«i  drink  a  great  guan- 
tity  of  liquor.  Demosthenes,  who  could  not  bear  to  heai  him  com- 
mended, turned  these  things  off  as  triHes.  *'  The  first,"  he  said, 
"  was  the  property  of  a  sophist,  the  second  of  a  woman,  and  the 
third  of  a  sponge  ;  and  not  one  uf  them  could  dti  any  credit  to  a 
king." 

At>erwards  it  appeared,  that  nothing  was  to  be  expected  but  war, 
for,  on  one  hand,  Philip  knew  not  how  to  sit  down  in  tranquillity  ; 
and,  on  the  other,  Demosthenes  lutlamed  the  Athenians.  In  this 
case,  Uio  first  step  the  orator  look,  was  to  put  the  people  upon  send, 
ing  an  armament  to  Eubcea,  which  was  brought  under  the  yoke  of 
Philip  by  its  petty  tyianta.  Acrordmgly  he  iirew  up  an  edict,  in 
pursuance  of  which  they  passed  over  to  that  penuisula,  and  drove 
out  the  Macedonians.  His  second  operation  was  the  sending  sue- 
coursto  the  Byzantians  and  Permthians,  with  whom  Philip  was  at 
war.  He  persuaded  the  people  lo  drop  ih«ir  resentment,  to  forget 
the  faults  which  both  those  nations  had  conimittt:d  m  the  confede- 
rate war,  and  to  send  a  body  of  troops  to  their  assi>iaiice.  They 
did  BO,  and  it  saved  them  trom  rum.  Aftei  this  he  went  anibassa- 
dor  to  I  he  AtateM  of  Greece,  and,  by  his  animating  address,  orouobt 
them  almost  all  to  join  in  the  league  against  Philip.  Beside  the 
troops  of  the  several  cities,  they  took  an  army  ot  mercenaries,  to 
the  number  of  fiHeen  thousand  foot,  and  two  thousand  horse,  into 
pay,  and  readily  contributed  to  the  charge.  Theophrastus  tells  us. 
that,  when  the  allies  desired  their  contributions  might  be  settled, 
Crobylus,  the  orator  answered,  *'  That  war  could  not  be  brought  to 
any  set  diet." 

So  powerful  were  the  efforts  of  the  orator,  that  Philip  inunediaialy 
sent  ambassadors  to  Athens  to  apf>ly  for  peace;  lircece  >  ^  I 
her  spirits,  whilst  she  stood  waiting  for  the  event;  and  u>  >t> 

Athenian  generals,  but  the  governors  of  BoDotia  were  reudv  to  cz 
ecute  the  commands  of  Demosthenes.     All  the  asfiemblies,'  as  well 
those  of  Theb<>s,  as  those  of  Athens,  were  under  his  direction ;  ho 
t^Qs  equally  beloved  and  powerful  in  both  places :  and,  as  Tbeo- 


DEMOSTHENES.  379 

pompus  shows,  it  was  no  more  than  his  merit  claimed.  But  the 
superior  power  ot"  tortune,  which  seems  to  have  been  working  a  re- 
vohinoii,  and  drawing  the  hberties  of  Greece  to  a  period,  at  that 
time  opposed  and  battled  all  the  measures  that  Cfiuld  be  taken. 

Demosthenes  is  said  to  have  had  such  confidence  m  the  Grecian 
arms,  and  to  have  been  so  much  elated  with  the  courage  and  spi- 
rit of  so  many  brave  men  calling  for  the  enemy,  that  he  would  not 
sutler  them  to  regard  any  oracles  or  prophecies.  He  told  them, 
thai  he  suspected  he  prophetess  herself  of  Philippizing,  He  put 
the  Thebans  in  mind  of  Epaminondas,  and  the  Athenians  of  Pe- 
ricles, how  they  reckoned  such  things  as  mere  pretexts  of  coward- 
ice, an*l  pursued  the  plan  which  their  reason  had  dictated.  Thus 
far  Demosthenes  acquitted  himself  like  a  man  of  spirit  and  honour. 
But  ill  the  battle  of  Chajronea  he  performed  nothing  worthy  of  the 
glorious  thinjjs  he  had  spoken.  He  quitted  his  post;  he  threw  away 
his  arms;  he  tied  in  the  most  infamous  manner;  and  was  not 
ashamed  to  bely  the  inscription  which  he  had  put  upon  his  shield 
in  golden  characters,  to  «ood  fortune. 

Iiiiinediately  afier  the  victory,  Philip,  in  the  elation  of  his  heart, 
comtnitied  a  thousand  excesses.  He  drank  to  intoxication,  and 
danced  over  the  dead,  making  a  kind  of  song  of  the  first  part  of  fhe 
decree  which  Demosthenes  had  procured,  and  beating  time  to  it— 
Demosthenes,  the  PcBncan,  son  of  Demosthenes,  has  decreed.  But 
when  he  came  to  be  sober  again,  and  considered  the  dangers  with 
which  he  had  lately  been  surrounded,  he  trembled  to  think  of  the 
prodigious  force  and  power  of  that  orator,  who  had  obliged  him  to 
put  both  empire  and  life  on  the  cast  of  a  day,  on  a  few  hours  of 
that  day.* 

The  fame  of  Demosthenes  reached  the  Persian  court ;  and  the 
king  wrote  letters  to  his  lieutenants,  commanding  them  to  supply 
him  with  money,  and  to  attend  to  him  more  than  to  any  other  man 
in  Greece ;  because  he  best  knew  how  to  make  a  diversion  in  his 
favour,  by  raising  fresh  troubles,  and  finding  employment  for  the 
Macedonian  arms  nearer  home.  This  Alexander  afterwards*  dis- 
covered by  the  letters  of  D<}mosthenes  which  he  found  at  Sardis; 
and  the  papers  of  the  Persian  governors  expressing  the  sums  which 
had  been  given  him. 

When  the  Greeks  had  lost  this  great  battle,  those  of  the  contrary 
faction  attacked  Demosthenes,  and  brought  a  variety  of  public  ac- 
cusations against  him.  The  people,  however,  not  only  acquitted 
him,  but  treated  him  with  the  same  respect  as  before,  and  called 
him  to  the  helm  again,  as  a  person  whom  they  knew  to  be  a  well- 
wisher  to  his  country  :  so  that,  when  the  bones  of  those  who  fell  at 

»  Deinades  the  orator  contributed  to  bring  him  to  the  right  use  of  his  reason,  wHeo 
he  tcld  him  with  such  distinguished  magnanimity.  '•  That  fortune  bad  placed  Iiira  in 
the  character  of  Agamemnon,  but  that  he  chose  to  play  the  part  of  Thersites." 


3A  DEMOSTHENES. 

Cheronea  were  brought  home  to  be  interred,  they  pitched  upon 
Demusthenea  to  make  the  funeral  oration.  They  were,  ihtrelbre, 
so  far  from  beunng  their  misfortune  mi  a  mean  and  ungentfro^t 
manner,  that,  by  the  great  honour  they  did  the  counsellor,  ibey 
showed  they  did  not  repent  of  having  followed  his  auvice. 

Demosthenes  accordingly  made  the  oration.  But,  after  this,  be 
did  not  prefix  his  own  nauie  to  h^s  edicts,  because  he  considered 
fortune  as  inauspicious  to  him  ;  but  sometimes  that  ot  one  friend, 
sometimes  that  of  another,  till  he  recovered  his  spirits  u\hju  the 
death  of  Philip,  for  that  prince  did  not  long  survive  bis  victory  at 
Chaeronea. 

Demosthenes  had  secret  intelligt^nce  of  the  death  of  Philip;  and, 
in  order  to  prepossess  the  people  with  the  hopes  of  s<}me  good  suc> 
cess  to  come,  he  entered  the  assembly  with  u  gay  countenance, 
pretending  he  hud  seen  a  vision  which  announced  something  great 
for  Athens.  Soon  after,  messengers  came  with  an  account  of  Phi« 
lip*8  death.  The  Athenians  immediately  offered  sacritices  of  ac 
knowledgment  to  the  gods  for  so  huppy  un  event,  and  voted  a  cmwn 
for  Pausanias,  who  killed  him.  Demosthenes  on  this  occasion, 
made  his  appearance  in  magnificent  attire,  and  with  a  garland  oo 
his  head,  though  it  was  only  the  seventh  day  vfter  his  daughter's 
death,  as  iEschines  tells  us,  who,  on  thai  account,  reproaches  liim 
as  an  unnatural  father.  But  he  must  himself  have  been  of  an  un* 
generous  and  effeminate  disposition,  if  he  considered  leais  and  la- 
mentations as  marks  of  a  kind  and  affectionate  parent,  and  con. 
demned  the  man  who  bore  such  a  loss  with  moderation.  On  the 
contrary,  I  commend  Demosthenes,  for  leaving  ihe  tears  and  oiber 
instances  of  mourning,  which  his  domestic  misfurtunes  mighi  claim, 
to  the  women,  and  going  ahnut  such  actions  as  h»*  thought  condu- 
cive to  the  welfare  of  his  country  :  for  1  think  u  man  uf  such  firm- 
ness and  other  abilities  as  a  statesman  ought  to  possess,  should  al- 
ways have  the  common  concern  in  view,  and  look  upon  his  private 
Qccid^ents  or  business  as  a  consideration  much  inferior  to  the 
public. 

Demosthenes  now  solicited  the  states  of  Greece  afcain,  and  they 
entered  once  more  into  a  league.  The  Thebans  being  furnished 
with  arms  by  him,  attacked  the  garrison  in  their  citadel,  and  killed 
great  numbers ;  and  the  Athenians  prepared  lo  joii<  them  in  the 
war.  Demosthenes  mounted  the  rostrum  almost  every  day  ;  and 
he  wrote  to  the  kin^  of  Persia's  lieutenants  in  Asia,  to  invite  them 
to  commence  hostilities  from  that  quarter  againsl  Alexander,  whom 
he  called  a  boy. 

But  when  Alexander  had  settled  the  affairs  of  his  own  country, 
and  marched  into  Bceotia  with  all  his  forces,  the  pride  of  the  Athe- 
nians was  humbled,  and  the  spirit  of  Derooathenes  died  away. 
Tli^y  deserted  the  Tbobans ;  and  that  unhappy  people  hed  to  stand 


DEMOSTHENES.  381 

the  whole  fury  of  the  war,  in  consequence  of  which  they  lost  their 
city.     The  Athenians  were   in  great  trouble  and  confusion  ;  and 
they  could  think  of  no  better  measure,  than  sending  Demosthenes, 
and  some  others,  ambassadors  lo  Alexander.      But  Demosthenes 
dreading  the  anger  of  tha    monarch,  turned  back  at  Mouni  Cithae. 
ron,  and  rehnquished    his  commission.       Alexander  immediately 
sent  deputies  to  Athens,  who,  (according  toldoineneus  and  Duns,) 
demanded  that  they  would  deliver  up  ten  of  their  orators.    Bin  the 
greatest  part,  and  those  the  most  repu.able  of  the  historians  say, 
that  he  demanded  only  these  eight,  Demosthenes,  Polyeuctus,  Ephi- 
altes,  Lycurgus,  Myrocles,  Damon,  Calisthenes,  and  Charidemus. 
On  this  occasion,  Demosthenes  addressed  the  pe(»ple  m  the  fable  of 
the  sheep,  who  were  to  give  up  their  dogs  to  the  wolves,  before  they 
would  grant  them  peace  :   by  which  he  msiimated,  that  he  and  the 
other  orators  were  the  guards  of  the  people,  as  the  d<»gs  were  of 
the  flock  :  and  that  Alexander  was  the  great  wolf  rhey  had  to  treat 
with.      And  again  :   "  As  we  see  the  merchants  carrying  about  a 
small  sample  in  a  dish,  by  which  they  sell  large  quanities  of  wh-  at, 
so  you,  in  us,  without  knowing  it,  deliver  up  the  whole  body  of  ci- 
tizens." 

The  Athenians  dehberated  upon  the  point  in  full  assembly  ;  and 
Demades  seeing  ihem  in  great  perpiexit\ ,  oflTered  to  go  alone  to  the 
king  of  Macedon,  and  intercede  for  the  orators,  on  condition  that 
each  of  them  would  give  him  five  talents  ;  whether  it  was  that  he 
depended  upon  the  friendship  that  prince  had  for  him;  or  whether 
he  hoped  to  find  him,  like  a  li<  n,  satiated  with  blood.  He  succeed- 
ed, however,  in  his  application  for  the  orators,  and  reconciled  Alex- 
ander to  the  city. 

When  Alexander  returned  to  Macedon,  the  reputation  of  De- 
mades, and  the  other  orators  of  his  party,  greatl\  increased  ; 
and  that  of  Demosthenes  gradually  declined.  It  is  true,  he  rais- 
ed his  head  a  little,  when  Agis,  king  of  Sparta,  took  the  field  ; 
but  it  soon  fell  again ;  for  the  Athenians  refused  to  join  hiin. 
Agis  was  killed  in  battle,  and  the  Lacedaemonians  were  eniiiely 
routed. 

About  this  time,  the  affair  concerning  the  crovm*  came  again  upon 
the  carpet.  The  information  was  first  laid  under  the  arehonship  of 
Chaerondas  ;  and  the  cause  was  not  determined  tnl  ten  years  after, 
under  Anstophon.  It  was  the  most  celebrated  cause  that  ever  was 
pleaded,  as  well  on  account  of  the  reputation  of  the  orators,  as  the 
generous  behaviour  of  'he  judges  ;  for,  though  ihe  prosiecutors  of 
Demosthenes  were  then  in  great  power,  as  being  entirely  m  the 
Macedonian  interest,  the  judges  would  not  give  their  voices  against 
»  De.nnstheiies  reouih  tne  walls  ol  Athens  at  his  own  expense,  for  which  the  peo- 
pte,  at  the  luoiion  of  CUesiphon,  decreed  him  a  crown  of  gold  I'ljis  excited  the  envy 
and  jeal«)usy  of /Escnines,  who  tticreupon  brought  that  fa-nous  impeachment  against 
Demosthenes,  which  occasioned  his  inimitable  oration  d»  Corona, 


3bd  DEMOSTHENES. 

him  ;  but  acquitted  him  so  honourably,  that  iEacliines  had  not  a 
fifth  part  ot  tiie  ^ulfrage8.'''  .£tichiiie»  immediatt'K  <|uiit(*d  Athens, 
and  spent  the  rest  of  bis  days  in  teaching  rhetoric  at  Rhodex  and 
in  iuina. 

It  was  not. long  after  this,  thai  Harpalus  came  from  Asia  to 
Atheiiti.|  He  had  fled  fr«»m  the  service  of  \lexaiider,  b««fh  beeauae 
he  was  conscious  of  having  betra\ed  hia  trust,  and  because  he  dread, 
ed  his  master,  who  now  was  become  terrible  to  his  best  ineiidtt.  As 
he  applied  to  the  people  uf  Athens  for  shelter,  and  desired  protection 
for  his  ships  and  treasures,  most  of  the  orators  had  an  eye  upon 
the  gold,  and  supported  his  application  with  all  their  interest  De- 
mosthenes at  first  advised  them  to  order  Harpalus  off  immediately, 
and  to  be  particular!)  careful  not  to  involve  the  city  m  war  again, 
without  any  just  or  necessary  cause. 

Yet  a  tew  days  after,  \^hen  thev  were  taking  an  account  of  the 
treasure,  Harpalus  perceiving  that  Demosthenes  was  much  pleased 
with  one  of  the  king's  cups,  ai^d  stood  aiiniiring  the  workmanship 
and  fashion,  desired  hiin  to  take  it  in  his  hand,  and  feel  'he  weight 
of  the  gold.  Deiiiosiheries  being  surprised  at  the  Heii^ht  and  ask> 
ing  Harpalus  how  much  it  might  bring,  he  smiled,  and  said,  *'  It 
wilt  hring  you  twenty  talents."  And  as  soon  as  it  was  night,  he 
sent  him  ihe  cup  with  that  sum  :  for  Harpalus  knew  well  how  to 
distiiiguisii  a  man's  passion  for  gold,  b\  his  pleasure  at  the  sight, 
and  the  k*'en  looks  he  cast  upon  it.  Demosthenes  could  not  resist 
the  temptation  ;  it  made  all  the  impression  upon  him  that  was  ex- 
peeled  :  he  received  the  money,  lik«  a  gariison  into  his  house,  and 
went  over  to  the  lntere^t  of  Harpalus.  Next  day,  he  came  inn>  the 
assembly  with  a  «)uantity  of  wool  and  bandages  about  his  neck  ; 
and  when  the  people  called  upon  him  tt>  get  up  and  speak,  he  made 
signs  that  he  had  h)8t  his  voice.  U|>un  which  S4ime  that  were  by, 
said,  ''It  was  no  common  hoarseness  that  he  got  in  the  night  ;  it 
was  a  hoarseness  occasioned  by  swallowing  gold  and  silver."  Af. 
terwards,  when  ail  the  people  were  apprised  of  his  taking  the  bribe, 
and  tie  wanted  to  speak  in  his  own  defence,  they  would  not  sutfer 
him,  but  raised  a  clamour,  and  expressed  their  indignation.  \l  the 
same  time,  soniebody  stood  up  and  said  sneeringly,  ''  Will  you  not 
hsten  to  the  man  with  the  cup  H  The  Athenians  then  immediaiely 
sent  Harpalus  off;  and,  fearing  they  might   be  called  to  account 

*  This  wa<  a  very  innoMtiniouH  circuuistHnce  for  if  ihe  aocuMr  Had  not  a  Alth 
part  of  )ho  tuffrai^fa,  he  wvh  fine<i  a  ihuuMiiid  (irachinaa. 

f  Hari>alM*  hMit  ine  ctiar^r  ol  Aiexaii(irr*«i  irciniure  m  Baoylon.  Atui.  flMneriim  bun- 
•elf  that  he  wnulti  nr^nr  return  frot)>  hl^  InHmn  fK|M>ni(ioii  he  gMV»  in  m  an  uaontr 
of  criiiifii  an<i  exce«>*<»'».     A-  •  ^Mitier  wa>  reiilU  rviuoiiof, 

■nil  mat  hr  ioi»k  A  M'vert  >ii»eil    ne  iiioufhi  prupet  lo 

march  off  Hiih  5.000  trtirn' 

1  Thii  atUidei  ii>  a  ruMOM.  at  inc  aitcu  iti»  *i  ii.tiu  ItMStk,  whera.ii  ii  was  uminI  lor 
the  cup  lu  pau  fi(i<i.  hand  lu  hand;  and  the  peraon  who  Mid  it  MiDf  a  to»c,  to  wtiieb 
the  reat  gave  aiieniron. 


DEMOSTHENES.  383 

for  the  money  with  which  the  orators  had  been  corrupted,  they 
made  a  etrict  inquiry  after  it,  and  searched  all  iheir  houses. 

At  the  same  time,  Demosthenes,  seemingly  with  a  design  to 
prove  his  mnocence,  moved  tor  an  order,  that  the  affair  should  be 
brought  before  the  court  of  Areopagus,  and  all  person?,  punished 
who  should  be  found  guilty  of  taking  bribes.  In  consequence  of 
which,  he  appeared  before  that  courtj  and  was  one  of  the  first  that 
were  convicted.  Being  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  oi  fifty  talents,  and 
to  be  imprisoned  till  it  was  paid,  the  disgrace  of  his  conviction,  and 
the  weakness  of  his  constitution,  which  could  not  bear  close  con- 
finement, determined  him  to  fly  ;  and  this  he  did,  undiscovered  by 
some,  and  assisted  by  others.  It  is  said,  that  when  he  was  not  far 
from  the  city,  he  perceived  some  of  his  late  adversaries  following,* 
and  endeavoured  to  hide  himself.  But  they  called  to  him  by  name  ; 
and  when  they  came  nearer,  desired  him  to  take  some  necessary 
supphes  of  money,  which  they  had  brought  with  them  for  that  pur. 
pose.  They  assured  him,  they  haa  no  other  design  m  following  ; 
and  exhorted  him  to  take  c  »urage.  But  Demosthenes  gave  way  to 
more  violent  expressions  of  grief  than  ever,  and  said,  *'  What  com- 
fort can  I  have,  when  I  leave  enemies  in  this  city  more  generoug 
than  it  seems  possible  to  find  friends  in  any  other  ?"  He  bore  his 
exile  in  a  very  weak  and  effeminate  manner.  For  the  most  part, 
ne  resided  in  iEgina  or  Trcezene  ;  where,  wheneyei  he  looked  to- 
wards Atiica,  the  tears  fell  from  his  eyes.  In  his  expressions,  there 
was  nothing  of  a  rational  firmness  ;  nothing  answerable  to  the  bold 
things  he  had  said  and  done  m  his  administration.  When  he  left 
Athens,  we  are  told,  he  lifted  up  his  hands  towards  the  citadel,  and 
said,  "O  Minerva,  goddess  of  those  towers,  whence  is  it  that  thou 
delightest  in  three  such  monsters  as  an  owl,  a  dragon,  and  the  peo- 
ple?" The  young  men  who  resored  to  him  for  instruction,  he  ad- 
vised by  no  means  to  meddle  with  affairs  of  state.  He  told  them, 
*'  That,  if  two  roads  had  been  shown  him  at  first,  the  one  leading  to 
the  rostrum  and  the  business  of  the  assembly,  and  the  other  to  cer- 
tain destruction  ;  and  he  could  have  foreseen  the  evils  that  awaited 
him  in  the  political  walk,  the  fears,  the  envy,  the  calumny  and  con- 
tention;  he  would  have  chosen  that  road  which  led  to  immediate 
death." 

During  the  exile  of  Demosthenes,  Alexander  died.f  The  Greek 
cities  once  more  combining  upon  that  event,  Leosthenes  perf<»rm- 
ed  great  things  ;  and,  among  the  rest,  drew  a  line  of  circumvalla- 
tion  round  Antipater,  whom  he  had  shut  up  in  Damia.  Pytheas, 
the  orator,  with  Callimedon,  surnamed  Carabus,  left  Athens,  and 

*  [t  is  recorded  by  Phocius,  that  ^schines.  when  he  left  Athens,  was  followed  in 
like  manner,  and  assisted  by  Demosthenes :  and  that  when  he  offered  him  consola- 
tions, tte  made  the  same  answer.  Plutarch  likewise  mentions  this  circumstance  in  the 
Lives  of  the  ten  Orators 

-t  Olymp.  cxiv.    Demosthenes  was  tbep  in  his  fifty-eigbth  year. 


384  DEMOSTHENES 

going  over  to  Antipater,  accompanied  his  ambaitadors  in  their  ap- 

Rh<-ation8  to  the  Greekn,  and  in  persuading  ihem  not  to  desert  the 
laredunian  cause,  not  hsien  to  the  Atheniuns.  On  the  other  hand, 
Demosthenes  joined  the  Athenian  deputies,  and  exerted  himself 
greaiiy  with  them,  in  exhorting  the  Mates  to  fall  with  united  efforts 
upon  the  MaceaoniaiiK,  and  drive  them  out  ot  Greece.  Ph\lar<hu8 
tells  us,  that  in  one  of  the  cities  of  Arcadia,  P\theas  and  Demos, 
thenesi  spoke  ^»  ith  acrimony  ;  the  one  in  pleading  tor  the  Macedo* 
mans,  and  the  olher  for  the  Greeks.  Pyiheas  m  reported  to  havo 
said,  "As  some  sickness  is  always  supposed  to  be  in  the  house  in* 
to  which  asH*8  miik  ih  brought,  so  the  cit>  which  an  Athenian  em- 
bassy enters  must  necessarily  be  in  a  sick  and  decaying  condition.*' 
Demosthenes  turned  the  comparison  against  him,  by  sa\ing,  **A« 
ass's  milk  never  enters  but  for  curing  the  sick,  so  the  Athenians 
never  appear  but  for  remedying  some  disorder." 

The  people  of  Athens  were  so  much  pleased  with  this  repartee, 
that  they  immediately  voted  for  the  recal  of  Demosthenes.  A  gal> 
ley  was  sent  to  lietch  him  from  iEgina,  and  when  he  came  up  Irom 
the  Pyraeus  to  Athens,  the  whole  body  of  citizens  went  to  meet  and 
congratulate  him  on  bin  return  ;  insomuch  that  there  was  neither 
a  magiHtrate  nor  priest  \et\  in  the  town.  Demetrius  of  Magnesia 
acquaints  us,  tha  Demosthenes  lifled  up  his  hands  towards  heaven 
in  thanks  for  that  happy  day.  '*  Happier,"  said  he,  **  is  my  return  • 
than  that  of  Alcibiades.  It  was  through  compulsion  thai  the  Athe> 
nians  restored  him,  hut  me  they  have  recalled  from  a  m«aive  of 
kindness." 

The  fine,  however,  still  remained  due  ;  for  they  could  not  ex- 
tend their  grace  so  far  as  to  repeal  his  sentence.  But  they  found 
out  a  inethfKl  to  evade  the  law,  while  ihey  seemed  to  comply  with 
it.  It  was  the  custom,  in  the  sacrifices  to  Jupiter  the  Preserver, 
to  pay  I  he  persons  who  prepared  and  adorned  the  altars.  They, 
therefore,  appointed  Demosthenes  to  this  charge,  and  ordered  that 
he  should  have  fifiy  talents  for  his  trouble,  which  waa  the  sum  his 
fine  amounted  to. 

But  he  did  not  long  enjoy  his  return  to  his  country.  The  aflTairs 
of  Greece  soon  went  to  ruin.  They  lost  the  battle  ofCrano  in  the 
month  of  August,  a  Macedonian  garrison  entered  Munychia  in 
September,  and  DemoHthenes  lost  his  life  in  October. 

it  happened  in  the  following  manner  :  when  news  was  brought 
that  Antipater  and  Craterus  were  coming  to  Athens,  Demosthenes, 
and  those  of  his  party,  hastened  to  get  out  privately  before  their 
arrival.  Hereupon  the  people,  at  the  motion  of  Demades,  con- 
demned  them  to  death.  As  they  fled  different  ways,  Antipater 
sent  a  company  of  soldiers  about  the  country  to  seize  Ihem.  Ar- 
chias,  surnamed  Phugadotheras,  or  the  Exile-hunter,  wh«i  bad  been 
sometime  a  tragedion,  was  their  captain.      Bein;;  informed  that 


DEMOSTHENES. 


3S5 


Demosthenes  had  taken  sanctuary  in  the  temple  of  Neptune  at 
Calauria,  he  and  his  Thracian  soldiers  passed  over  to  it  row-boats. 
A.S  soon  as  he  was  landed,  he  went  to  the  orator,  and  endeavoured 
to  persuade  him  to  quit  the  temple,  and  go  with  him  to  Antipater  ; 
asssuring  him  he  had  no  hard  measure  to  expect.  But  it  happen- 
ed that  Demosthenes  had  seen  a  strange  vision  the  mght  before. 
He  thought  he  was  contending  with  Archias,  which  could  play  the 
tragedian  the  best  ;  that  he  succeeded  in  his  action,  had  the  audi- 
ence on  his  side,  and  would  certainly  have  obtained  the  prize  had 
not  Archias  outdone  him  in  the  dresses  and  decorations  in  the  the- 
atre. Therefore,  when  Archias  had  addressed  him  with  a  great 
appearance  of  humanity,  he  fixed  his  eyes  on  him  and  said,  with- 
out  rising  from  his  seat,  "  Neither  your  acting  moved  me  formerly, 
nor  do  your  promises  move  me  now."  Archias  tiien  began  to 
fhreaten  him,  upon  which  he  said,  "  Before  you  acted  a  part  ; 
now  you  speak  as  from  the  Macedonian  tripod.  Only  wait  a  while, 
till  I  have  sent  my  last  orders  to  niy  family."  So  saying,  he  reti- 
red into  the  inner  part  of  the  temple ;  and,  taking  some  paper,  as 
if  he  meant  to  write,  he  put  the  pen  in  his  mouth,  and  bit  it  a  con- 
siderable time,  as  he  used  to  do  when  thoughtful  about  his  compo- 
sition ;  after  which  he  covered  his  hfead,  and  put  it  in  a  reclining 
posture.  The  soldiers  who  stood  at  the  door,  apprehendmg  that 
he  took  these  methods  to  put  off*  the  fatal  stroke,  laughed  at  him 
and  called  him  a  coward.  Archias  then  approachinij  him,  desired 
him  to  rise,  and  began  to  repeat  his  promises  of  making  his  peace 
with  Antipater.  Demosthenes,  who  by  this  time  felt  the  operation 
of  the  poison  he  had  taken  strong  upon  him,  uncovered  his  face, 
and  looking  upon  Archias,  "  Now,"  said  he,  "you  may  act  the 
part  of  Creon,*  in  the  play,  as  soon  as  you  please,  and  cast  out 
this  carcase  of  mine  unburied.  For  mv  part,  O  gracious  Neptune, 
I  quit  thy  temple  with  my  breath  within  me.  But  Antipater  and 
the  Macedonians  would  not  have  scrupled  to  profane  it  with  mur- 
der." By  this  time  he  could  scarcely  stand,  and  therefore  desired 
them  to  support  him  ;  but  in  attempting  to  walk  out,  he  fell  by  the 
altar  and  expired  with  a  groan. 

Aristo  says  he  sucked  the  poison  from  a  pen,  as  we  have  rela- 
ted it.  One  Pappus,  whose  memoirs  were  recovered  by  Hermip- 
pus,  reports,  that  when  befell  by  the  altar  there  was  found  on  his 
paper  the  beginning  of  a  letter — "  Demosthenes  to  Antipater" — 
and  nothing  more.  He  adds,  that  people  being  surprised  that  he 
died  so  quickly,  the  Thracians  who  stood  at  the  door,  assured  them 
that  he  took  the  poison  in  his  hand  out  of  a  piece  of  cloth,  and  put 
it  to  his  mouth.  To  them  it  had  the  appearance  of  gold.  Upon 
inquirv  made  by  Archias,  a  young  maid  who  served  Demosthenes, 
»  Aiiudmg  to  that  passage  in  the  Antigone  of  Sophocles,  where  Creon  forbids  tl»e 
body  of  Polv  nices  to  be  ouried. 

3c  33 


Q^  BEMOSTHENES. 

■aid  he  had  long  worn  that  piece  of  cloth  by  way  of  amulet.  Bra- 
tOAthenes  tells  us,  that  he  kept  the  poison  in  the  hollow  of  a  brace. 
!et  button  which  he  wore  upon  his  arm.  Many  others  have  writ- 
ton  upon  the  subject,  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  give  all  their  differ, 
ent  accounts.  We  shall  only  add,  that  Democharis,  a  servant  of 
Demosthenes,  asserts,  that  he  did  not  think  his  death  owing  to  poi. 
son,  but  to  the  favour  of  the  gods  and  a  happy  providence,  which 
snatched  him  from  the  cruelty  of  the  Macedonians,  by  a  speedy 
and  easy  death. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  people  of  Athens  paid  him  the  hon. 
ours  that  were  due  to  him,  by  erecting  his  statue  in  brass,  and  de- 
creeing that  the  eldest  of  his  family  should  be  maintained  in  the 
Pr^'tanaeum,  at  the  public  charge.  This  ceiebi;ated  inscription  was 
put  upon  the  pedestal  of  his  statue  : 

Divine  in  speech,  in  judgment,  too,  divine. 
Had  valour's  wreath,  D^mostiienet.  heen  thine. 
Fair  Greece  had  still  her  frpednm*s  ensign  borne, 
And  held  the  tcourge  of  Macedon  in  scorn  ! 

For  no  regard  is  to  be  paid  to  those  who  say  that  Demosthenes 
himself  uttered  these  hues  .in  Calauria,  just  before  he  took  the 
poison.* 

•  This  inKriptioD,  so  far  from  doing  Demosthenes  honour,  is  the  greatest  disgrace 
t^t  the  Athenians  could  have  fastened  on  his  memory.  It  reproaches  him  wiib  i 
weakness  which,  when  the  safety  of  his  country  was  at  stake,  was  such  a  deplonbltt 
want  of  virtue  and  manhood,  as  no  parts  or  talents  could  atone  for. 


387 

CICERO. 

FhurisJied  60  years  before  Christ. 

THE  account  we  have  of  Helvia,  the  mother  of  Cicero,  is,  that- 
her  family  was  noble*  and  her  character  excellent.     Of  his  father 
there  is  nothing  said  but  in  extremes.    For  some  affirm  that  he  was 
the  son  of  a  fuller,f  and  educated  in  that  trade,  while  others  deduce 
his  origin  fn»m  Attius  Tuliius,J  a  prince  who  governed  the  Volsci 
with  great  reputation.     Be  that  as  it  may,  I  think  the  first  of  the 
family  that  bore  the  name  of  Cicero,  must  have  been  an  extraordi- 
nary  man  ;  and  for  that  reason  his  posterity  did  not  reject  the  ap- 
pellation, but  rather  took  it  with  pleasure,  though  it  was  a  common 
subject  of  ridicule  :    for  the  Latins  call  a  vetch  cicery  and  he  had 
flat  excrescence  on  the  top  of  his  nose  in  resemblance  of  a  vetch, 
from  which  he  got  that  surname. §      A.s  for  the  Cicero  of  whom  we 
arg  writing,  his  friends  advised  him,  on  his  first  application  to  bu. 
siness,  and  soliciting  one  of  the  great  offices  of  state,  to  lay  aside 
or  change  that  name.      Bur  he  answered  with  great  spirit,     "  That 
he  would  endeavour  to  make  the  name  of  Cicero  more  glorious 
than  that  of  the  Scauri  and  the  CatuH,"     When  quaestor  in  Sicily, 
he  consecrated  in  the  temple,  a  vase  or  some  other  offering,  in  sil. 
ver,  upon  which  he  inscribed  his  two  first  names,  Marcus  Tullius, 
and,  punning  upon  the  third,  ordered  the  artificer  to  engrave  a  vetch. 
Such  is  the  account  we  have  of  his  name. 

He  was  born  on  the  third  of  January, ||  the  day  on  which  the 
magistrates  now  sacrifice  and  pay  their  devotions  for  the  health  of 
the  emperor ;  and  it  is  said  that  his  mother  was  delivered  of  him 
without  pain.  It  is  also  reported,  that  a  spectre  appeared  to  his 
nurse,  and  foretold  that  the  fchild  she  had  the  happiness  to  attend, 
would  one  day  prove  a  great  benefit  to  the  whole  commonwealth 
of  Rome.  These  things  might  have  passed  for  idle  dreams,  had 
hi3  not  soon  demonstrated  the  truth  of  the  prediction.  When  he  was 
of  a  proper  age  to  go  to  school,  his  genius  broke  out  with  so  much 
lustre,  and  he  gained  so  distinguished  a  reputation  among  the  boys, 

*  Cinna  was  of  this  family. 

■{•  Dion  tells  IIS,  that  Q.  Calenus  was  the  author  of  this  calumny.  Cicero,  in  bis 
books  de  Legibus,  has  said  enough  to  show  that  both  his  father  and  grandfather  wara> 
persons  of  property  and  of  a  liberal  education. 

X  The  same  prince  to  whom  Coriolanus  retired  four  hundred  years  before. 

5  Plinv's  account  of  the  origin  of  this  name  is  more  probable.  He  supposes  thbt 
the  person  who  first  bore  it  was  remarkable  for  the  cultivation  of  vetches.  So  Fabius^ 
Lentulus,  and  Piso,  had  their  names  from  beans,  tares  and  peas. 

IJ  In  the  six  hundred  and  forty  seventh  year  of  Rome  .  a  hundred  ?ind  ibor  years 
before  the  Christian  era.     Pompey  was  born  the  same  y«ar. 


b88  CICERO. 

tliat  the  fathers  of  8omo  of  them  repaired  to  the  schools  to  see  Ci- 
cero, and  to  have  specimens  of  his  capacity  for  literature ;  but  the 
less  civilized  were  angry  with  their  Hons,  wh«*n  they  saw  iheiu  take 
Cirero  in  the  middle  of  th«'m  as  they  walked,  and  always  give  hun 
the  place  of  honour.  He  had  that  turn  of  genius  and  dispiisUioti 
which  Plato  would  have  a  scholar  and  a  phihtsoplier  to  posseM. 
He  hud  both  rapacity  and  iiiciinution  to  learn  all  the  arts,  nor  was 
there  any  branch  of  science  he  despised  ;  yet  he  was  most  inclined 
to  poetry  ;  and  there  is  still  extant  a  poem  entitled  Pontius  (iUm- 
CVS*  winch  was  wriiten  by  him  when  a  boy,  in  teiraineter  verse. 
In  process  of  tune,  when  he  had  studied  ihis  art  wiih  greater  ap- 
plication, he  was  looked  upon  us  the  best  poet,  as  well  as  the  great. 
est  orutor  in  Rome.  His  reputation  for  oratory  still  remains,  not' 
withstanding  the  consideruble  changes  that  have  since  been 
made  in  the  language  ;  but,  as  many  ingenious  poets  nave  appear. 
ed  since  his  time,  his  poetry  has  lost  its  credit,  aod  is  now  neg. 
Iccted.t 

When  he  had  finished  those  studies  through  which  boys  com- 
monly pass,  he  attended  the  lectures  of  Philo  the  academician, 
whom  of  all  the  scholars  of  Chtomachus  the  Romans  most  adrpi. 
red  for  his  eloquence,  and  loved  for  his  conduct.  At  the  Hame 
he  made  great  improvement  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law,  under 
Mucius  Sca^vola,  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  president  of  the  senate. 
He  likewise  got  a  taste  of  military  knowledge  under  Sylla,  in  the 
Marsian  war.^  But  afterwards,  finding  the  conimf)nwealth  enga. 
ged  in  civil  wars,  which  were  likely  to  end  in. nothing  but  absolute 
monarchy,  he  withdrew  to  a  philosophic  and  conieinplaiive  life  ; 
conversing  wiih  men  of  letters  irom  Greece,  and  making  farther 
advances  in  science.  This  method  of  life  he  pursued  mII  Sylla 
had  made  himself  master,  and  there  appeared  to  be  some  establish- 
ed government  again. 

About  (his  tune  Sylla  ordered  the  estate  of  one  of  the  citizens  to 
be  sold  at  auction,  in  consequence  of  his  being  killed  as  a  person 
proscribed.  When  it  waiM  struck  ofl'  t<»  Chrysogoniis,  S>  lla*s  freed, 
man,  at  the  small  sum  of  two  thousand  druchma),  Roscius.  the  son 
end  heir  of  the  deceused,  expressed  his  indignation,  and  declared 
that  the  estate    was  worth   two  hundred  and  tifiy  talents.     Sylla, 

*  Thit  Glaucut  wit  ■  famous  fi»h«rman.  wtib.  after  aatinf  of  a  e«rta*o  karis 

jiint|>e(1  into  ihr  mm,  and  ttacamr  onn  of  tti«  Kodii  of  thai  alaifeat      Aluchvlu*  wrota 
a  tragedy  nii  tiie  Miujnct.     Cicrrn'ii  porn-  u  loft. 

f  Plutarch  wa«  a  verv  iiidiffereiii  jtutce  oi  l^tiii  uoelry.  aoU  hit  »prakin(i  »ilh  ao 
much  favour  nfCicrrn'N.  contmrv  to  the  opinion  of  Juvfnui  and  niaii>  oihera  i»  a 
Mfon^  proof  of  It.  tie  iranalaied  ^raiut  into  ver»n  at  the  «n^  of  apvnntrcn.  an<t 
wrote  a  fXMut  in  praiwi  of  ib«  •ctioiit  of  Mar lua.  which.  Scavula  Mid  «<>uM  liva 
throiiKh  innumerable  tuir*.  But  he  wa>  nut  in  hinprophecv  it  hN»  Iouk  o««n  dead. 
Aiid  ihf  poem  which  h«  wrote  in  thran  books  on  hit  own  aonaultliip  nan  ttiarad  tha 
•ania  faif^. 

I  In  the  eiKhieenth  year  of  hii  afe. 


CIGERO. 


389 


enraged  at  having  his  conduct  thus  publicly  called  in  question, 
brought  an  action  against  Roscius  for  the  murder  of  his  father,  and 
appointed  Chrysogonus  to  be  fhe  managtir.  In  thts  distress,  he 
applied  to  Cicero,  and  the  friends  of  the  young  orator  desired  him 
to  undertake  the  cause  ;  thinking  he  could  not  have  a  more  glori- 
ous opportunity  to  enter  the  lists  of  fame.  Accordingly,  he  under 
took  his  defence,  succeeded,  and  gained  gr«;at  applause.*  But, 
fearing  Sylla's  resentment,  he  travelled  into  Greece,  and  gave  out 
that  the  recovery  of  his  health  was  the  motive.  Indeed,  he  was 
of  a  lean  and  slender  habit,  and  his  stomach  was  so  weak  that  he 
was  obliged  to  be  very  sparing  in  his  diet,  and  not  to  eat  till  a  late 
hour  in  the  day.  His  voice  had  a  variety  of  inflections,  but  was 
at  the  same  time  harsti  and  unformed  ;  and,  as  in  the  vehemence 
and  enthusiasm  of  speaking,  he  always  rose  into  a  loud  key,  there 
was  reason  to  apprehend  that  it  might  injure  his  health. 

When  he  came  to  Athens,  he  heard  Antiochus  the  Ascalonite,  and 
was  charmed  with  the  smoothness  and  grace  of  his  elocution, 
tRough  he  did  not  approve  his  new  doctrines  in  philosophy  :  for 
Antiochus  had  left  the  new  Academy,  as  it  is  called,  and  the  sect 
of  Carneades,  either  from  clear  conviction,  and  from  the  strength 
of  the  evidence  of  sense,  or  else  from  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  the 
schools  of  Chtomachus  and  Philo,  and  had  adopted  most  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  Stoics.  But  Cicero  loved  the  new  Academy,  and 
entered  more  and  more  into  its  opinions  ;  having  already  taken  his 
resolution,  if  he  failed  in  his  design  of  rising  in  the  state,  to  retire 
from  the  forum  and  all  political  intrigues,  to  Athens,  and  spend  his 
days  in  peace  m  the  bosom  of  philosophy. 

But  not  long  after,  he  received  the  news  of  Sylla's  death.  His 
body  by  this  time  was  strengthened  by  exercise,  and  brought  to  a 
good  habit.  His  voice  was  formed  ;  and  at  the  same  tin>e  that  it 
was  full  and  sonorous,  had  gained  a  siifBcient  sweetness,  and  was 
brought  to  a  key  which  his  constitution  could  bear.  Besides,  his 
friends  at  Rome  solicited  him  by  letters  to  return,  and  Antiochus 
exhorted  him  much  to  apply  himself  to  public  affairs.  For  wtiich 
reason  he  exercised  his  rhetorical  powers  afresh,  as  the  best  en- 
gines for  business,  and  called  forth  his  political  talents.  In  short 
he  suffered  not  a  day  to  pass  without  either  declaiming,  or  attend- 
ing the  most  celebrated  orators.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  design, 
he  vsailed  to  Asia  and  the  island  of  Rhodes.  Amongst  the  rhetori- 
cians  of  Asia,  he  availed  himself  of  the  instructions  of  Xenocles  of 
Adramyttium,  Dionysius  of  Magnesia,  and  Menippus  of  Cana.  At 
Rhodes  he  studied  under  the  rhetorician  Apollonius  Molo.f  and  the 
philosopher  Pdsidonius.    It  is  said,  that  Apolionius  not  understand- 

»  In  his  Twentv  seventh  vear. 

t  Not  Appollonius  the  son  ofMola,  but  AppoUonitis  Molo.  The  same  mistake  is 
made  dy  oui  author  in  the  Life  of  Cajsar. 

33* 


390  CICERO. 

ing  the  Roman  language,  desired  Cicero  to  declaim  in  Greek  ;  and 
he  readil>  compiled,  tmcause  he  thought  b\  that  means  ht»  laults 
might  the  better  be  corrected.  W  hen  he  had  ended  hit»  dpciama- 
tion,  the  rest  were  astonished  ai  his  performance,  and  strove  who 
should  praise  him  uiosi  ;  but  ApolloniUM  showed  no  signs  of  plea* 
sure  while  he  was  Hpeakiiig;  and  when  he  had  done,  he  sat  a  long 
while  thoughtful  and  silent.  At  last,  observing  ihe  uneasiness  it 
gave  his  pupil,  he  said,  '*  As  for  you,  Cicero,  1  prais«  and  admire 
you,  but  1  am  concerned  for  the  fate  of  Greece.  She  had  nothing 
left  her  but  the  giorv  of  eloquence  and  erudition,  and  you  are  car- 
lying  that,  too,  to  Rome." 

Cicero  now  prepared  to  apply  himself  to  public  affairs  with  great 
hopes  of  success.  As  he  was  naturally  ambitious,  and  spurred  on 
besides  by  his  father  and  his  friends,  he  betook  himself  to  the  bar. 
Nor  was  it  by  slow  and  inKensible  degrees  that  he  gained  the  palm 
of  eloquence  ;  his  fume  shot  forth  at  once,  and  he  was  distinguished 
above  all  the  orators  of  Rome.  Yet  it  is  said  that  his  action  was 
naturally  as  defec  ive  as  that  of  Demosthenes,  and  therefore  tft) 
took  all  the  advantage  he  could  from  the  mstruction  of  Roscius, 
who  excelled  in  comedy,  and  of  iCsop,  whoMC  talents  lay  in  tragedy. 
In  consequence  of  these  helps,  Cicero  found  his  powers  of  persua- 
sion not  a  little  assisted  bv  action  and  just  pronunriaiion.  But  aa 
for  those  orators  who  gave  into  a  bawling  manner,  he  laughed  at 
them,  and  said,  '*  Their  weakness  made  them  get  up  into  clamour, 
as  lame  men  get  on  horseback."  His  excellence  at  hitting  off  a 
jest  or  repartee,  animated  his  pleadings,  and  therefore  seemed  not 
foreign  ti»  the  business  of  the  forum ;  but  by  bringing  it  much  into 
life,  he  offended  numbers  of  people,  and  got  the  character  of  a 
malevolent  man. 

He  was  appointed  «|U8Bstor  at  a  time  when  there  was  a  great 
scarcity  of  corn ;  and  having  Sicily  for  his  province,  he  gave  the 
the  people  a  great  deal  of  trouble  at  first,  by  compelling  them  to 
send  their  corn  to  Rome.  But  afterwards  when  the\  came  to 
experience  his  diligence,  hi.<'  justice  and  moderation,  they  honoured 
bim  more  than  any  queestor  Rome  had  ever  sent  them.  About  that 
time  a  number  of  Romans  of  noble  families,  \%ho  lay  under  the 
charge  of  having  violated  the  rules  of  discipline;  and  not  l>ehaved 
with  sufficient  courage  in  time  <if  service,  were  sent  back  to  the 
protor  of  Sicil>.  Cicero  undertook  their  defence,  and  acquitted 
himself  of  it  with  great  ability  and  success.  As  he  returned  to 
Rome,  much  elated  with  these  advantages,  he  tells  uh,^  he  mei  with 
a  pleasant  adventure.  As  he  was  on  the  road  through  Campania, 
meeting  with  a  perHon  of  some  eminence,  with  whom  he  was  ac 
quainted,  he  asked  him,  '*  What  they  said  and  thought  of  his  actions 

•  In  hit  oration  far  Plancui. 


CICEKO.  891 

in  Rome  ?"  imagining  that  his  name  and  the  glory  of  his  achieve- 
ments had  filled  the  whole  city.  His  acquaintance  answered, 
"  Why,  where  have  you  bren  then,  Cicero,  all  ihis  time  "^'^ 

This  answer  dispirited  him  extremely  ;  for  he  found  that  tho 
accounts  of  his  c.r.ducf  had  been  lost  in  Rome,  as  in  an  immense 
sea,  and  had  made  no  remarkable  addition  to  his  reputation.  By 
mature  reflection  upon  this  incident,  he  was  brought  to  retrench 
his  ambition,  because  he  saw  that  contention  for  glory  was  an  end- 
less thing,  and  had  neither  measure  nor  bounds  to  terminate  it. 
Nevertheless,  his  immoderate  love  of  praise,  and  his  passion  for 
glory  always  remained  with  him,  and  often  interrupted  his  best  and 
wisest  designs. 

When  he  began  to  dedicate  himself  more  earnestly  to  public 
business,  he  thought  that,  while  mechanics  know  the  name,  the 
place,  the  use  of  every  tool  and  instrument  they  take  in  their  hands, 
though  those  things  are  maniraate,  it  would  be  absurd  for  a  states- 
man, whose  functions  cannot  be  performed  but  by  means  of  men, 
to  be  negligent  in  acquainting  himself  with  the  citizens.  He,  there- 
fore made  it  his  business  to  commit  to  memory  not  only  their  names, 
but  the  place  of  abode  of  those  of  greater  note,  what  friends  they 
made  use  of,  and  what  neighbours  were  in  their  circle :  so  that 
whatever  road  in  Italy  Cicero  travelled,  he  could  easily  point  out 
the  estates  and  houses  of  his  friends. 

Though  his  own  estate  was  sufficient  for  his  necessities,  yet,  as  it 
was  small,  it  seemed  strange  that  he  would  take  neither  fee  nor  pre- 
sent for  his  services  at  the  bar.  This  was  most  remarkable  in  the 
case  of  Verres.  Verres  had  been  praetor  in  Sicily,  and  committed 
numberless  acts  of  injustice  and  oppression.  The  Sicilians  prose- 
cuted him,  and  Cicero  gained  the  cause  for  them,  not  so  tnuch  by 
pleading,  as  by  forbearing  to  plead.  The  magistrates,  in  their 
partiality  to  Verres,  put  off  the  trial  by  several  adjournments  to  the 
last  day  ;*  and  as  Cicero  knew  there  was  not  time  for  the  advocates 
to  be  heard,  and  the  matter  determined  in  the  usual  method,  he  rose 
up,  and  said,  "  There  was  no  occasion  for  pleadings."  He  there- 
fore brought  up  the  witnesses,  and  afler  their  depositions  were 
taken,  insisted  that  the  judges  should  give  their  decision  immedi- 
ately. 

Yet  we  have  an  account  of  several  humorous  sayings  of  Cicero's 
in  this  cause.  When  an  emancipated  slave,  Caecilius  by  name,  who 
was  suspected  of  being  a  Jew,  would  have  set  aside  the  Sicilians, 
and  taken  the  prosecution  of  Verres  u()on  himself,f  Cicero  said,— ■ 
"  What  has  a  Jew  to  do  with  swine's  flesh  ?"    For  the  Romans  call 

*  Not  till  the  last  day.  Cicero  broueht  it  on  a/ew  davs  before  Verres'  friends  were 
to  come  into  office  :  but  of  the  seven  orations  which  were  composed  on  the  occasion, 
the  two  first  only  were  delivered.    A  U  683 

t  Cicero  knew  that  Caecilius  was  secretly  a  friend  to  Verres,  and  wanted  bj  this 
lueans  to  bring  him  off. 


308  CICCAO. 

a  boar>pig  verres.  Aod  when  Verres  reproaclut]  Cirfro  \\'ii\\  < .". 
feminacy,  he  answered, — *•  Why  do  you  not  fir»t  rpprovr?  y(.ur  own 
children  ?"  For  Verres  had  a  young  son  who  was  supposed  to  niako 
an  infamous  use  of  hin  advantages  of  person.  Hortensius  the  uratoi 
did  not  venture  directly  to  plead  the  cause  of  Verres,  but  he  was 
prevailed  on  to  appear  for  hini  at  the  laying  of  the  fine,  and  had 
received  an  ivory  sphinx  from  him  by  wa\  of  consideration.  In 
this  case,  Cicero  threw  out  several  enigmatical  hints  against  Hor- 
tensius ;  and  when  he  said, — "  He  knew  not  how  to  solve  riddles/' 
Cicero  retorted, — *'  That  is  somewhat  siraoge,  when  you  have  a 
sphinx  in  your  house." 

Verres  being  thus  condemned,  Cicero  set  his  fine  at  seven 
hundred  and  tifiy  thousand  drachmae ;  upon  which  it  was  said  by 
censorious  people,  that- he  had  been  bribed  to  let  him  off  so  low.* 
The  Sicilians,  however,  in  acknowledgment  of  his  abSistance, 
brought  him  when  he  was  aedile,  a  number  of  things  for  hih  games, 
and  ottier  very  valuable  presents ;  bui  he  was  so  far  from  con- 
sidering his  private  advantage,  that  he  made  no  other  use  of  their 
generosity,  than  to  lower  the  price  of  provisions. 

He  had  a  handsome  country  .seat  at  Arpinum,  a  farm  near 
Naples,  and  another  at  Pompeii,  but  neither  of  them  were  very 
considerable.  His  wife  Terentia  brought  him  a  fortune  of  a  huo. 
dred  and  twenty  thousand  denarii,  and  he  fell  heir  to  something 
that  amounted  to  ninety  thousand  more.  Upon  this  he  lived  in  a 
genteel,  and  at  the  same  time  a  frugal  manner,  with  men  of  letters, 
both  Greeks  and  Romans,  about  him.  He  rarely  took  his  meal 
before  buiiset ;  not  that  business  or  study  prevented  his  sitting 
down  to  table  sooner,  but  the  weakness  of  his  stomach,  he  thought, 
requireck  that  regimen.  Indeed,  he  was  so  exact  in  all  respects  in 
the  cure  of  his  health,  that  he  had  his  stated  hours  for  rubbing  and 
for  the  exercise  of  walking.  By  this  management  of  his  constitu. 
tion,  he  gained  a  suflicient  stock  of  health  and  str^pgtb  for  the 
great  labours  and  fatigues  he  afterwards  underwent. 

He  gave  up  the  town  house  which  belonged  to  his  family  to  his 
brother,  and  took  up  his  residence  on  the  Palatine  lull,  that  those 
who  came  to  pay  their  court  to  him  might  not  have  too  far  to  go. 
For  he  had  a  levco  every  day,  not  less  than  Crassus  had  for  his 
great  wealth,  or  Pompey  for  his  power  and  interest  in  the  army ; 
though  they  were  the  most  followed,  and  the  greatest  men  in  Rome. 
Poiiipey  himself  paid  all  due  respect  to  Cicero,  and  found  his  po. 
litical  assistance  very  useful  to  him,  both  in  reapect  to  )K>wer  and 
reputation. 

■  Tai»6ae.  inderH.  wan  verv  incontMlvrabie.  The  Ipfial  fine  for  exinriinn  in  nuch 
caiMMIiiat  uf  Vvrret.  wh»  twice  (he  turn  extorted.  I  he  >ic)liaii»  iai'i  a  cliaicr  of 
322.9KU.  acainM  Verres.  inr  fine  mutt,  Uierefiire,  have  been,  646.S3!!/  but  7.S0.U00 
JrNchuia  <A  ei«  DO  mora  than.  14,21 8t    Plutsicti  mint,  Utnmfoin,  mc.tn  protwbly  have 

been  iiiittaken. 


•  CICERQ.  393 

When  Cicero  became  a  candidate  for  the  prastorship,  he  had 
manv  competitors  who  were  persons  of  distinction,  and  yet  he 
was  returned  first.  As  a  president  in  the  courts  of  justice,  ho 
acted  with  integrity  and  honour.  Licinius  Macer,  who  had  great 
interest  of  his  own,  and  was  supported,  besides,  with  that  of  Cras- 
sus,  was  accused  before  him  of  some  default  with  respect  to  money. 
He  had  so  much  confidence  in  his  own  influence  and  the  activity 
of  his  friends,  that  when  the  judges  were  going  to  decide  the  cause, 
it  IS  said  he  went  home,  cut  his  hair,  and  put  on  a  white  habit,  as 
if  he  had  gained  the  victory,  and  was  ab«)ut  to  return  so  equip- 
ped to  the  forum.  But  Crassus  met  him  in  his  court-yard, 
and  told  him,  that  all  the  judges  had  given  verdict  against  him  ; 
which  affected  him  in  such  a  manner,  that  he  turned  in  again, 
took  to  his  bed,  and  died.*  Cicero  gained  honour  by  this  affair, 
for  it  appeared  that  he  kept  strict  watch  against  corruption  in  the 
court. 

There  was  another  person,  named  Vatinius,  an  insolent  orator, 
who  paid  very  little  respect  to  the  judges  in  his  pleadings.  It 
happened  that  he  had  his  neck  full  of  scrofulous  swellings.  This 
man  applied  to  Cicero  about  some  business  or  other,  and  as  that 
magistrate  did  not  immediately  comply  with  his  request,  bur  sat 
some  time  deliberating,  he  said, — •'  I  could  easih  swallow  such  a 
thing,  if  I  was  praetor ;"  upon  which  Cicero  turned  towards  him, 
and  made  answer, — •*  But  I  have  not  so  large  a  neck." 

When  there  was  only  two  or  three  days  of  his  office  unexpired, 
an  information  was  laid  against  Manilius  for  embezzling  the  public 
money.  This  Manilius  was  a  favourite  of  the  people,  and  they 
thought  he  was  only  prosecuted  on  Pompey's  account,  being  his 
particular  friend.  He  des^ired  to  have  a  day  fixed  for  his  trial ; 
and,  as  Cicero  appointed  the  next  day,  the  people  were  much 
offended,  because  ii  had  been  customary  for  the  praetors  to  allow 
the  accused  ten  days  at  least.  The  tribunes  therefore  cited  Cicero 
to  appear  before  the  commons,  and  give  an  account  of  his  proceed- 
ing. He  desired  to  be  heard  in  his  own  defence,  which  was  to  this 
effect: — "  \s  I  have  always  behaved  to  persons  impeached  with 
all  the  moderation  and  humanity  that  the  laws  will  allow,  I  thought 
it  wrong  to  lose  the  opportunity  of  treating  Manilius  with  the  same 
candour.  I  was  master  of  only  one  day  more  in  my  office  as  prae- 
tor, and  consequently  must  appoint  that ;  for  to  leave  the  decision 
of  the  cause  to  another  magistrate  was  not  the  method  for  those 

*  The  story  is  related  differently  tiy  Valerius  Maximus.  He  says  that  Macei  was 
in  court  waiting  the  i«sue.  and  perceiving  that  Cicero  was  proceeriing  to  give  sentence 
against  him.  he  sent  to  inform  hun  that  he  was  dead,  and  at  the  same  time  suffocated 
hiiiiself  with  his  handkerchief.  Cicero,  therefore,  did  not  pronounce  sentence  against 
him,  by  which  means  his  estate  was  saved  to  his  son  Licinius  Calvus.  No'withstanding 
this.  Cicero  himself,  in  one  of  his  epistles  to  Atticus,  says,  that  he  actually  condemned 
him  ;  and  in  anoiher  of  his  epistles,  he  speaks  of  the  popular  esteem  this  affair  pro 
cured  hnn.     Cic.  Ep.  ad.  Aii.  1.  J.  c  3,  4. 

St> 


get  cichKu. 

who  were  inclineU  lo  serve  Manilius."  This  inuiie  a  wonderful 
change  in  the  people,  the>  were  luvinh  in  their  praise),  and  desired 
bim  to  undertake  the  defence  himself.  This  he  readily  complied 
wiih  ;  his  regard  for  Pompey,  who  wus  absent,  not  being  his  lea>t 
inducement.  In  consequence  hereof,  he  presented  himself  before 
the  commons  aguin,  and  giving  an  account  of  the  whole  afiair, 
took  opportunity  to  make  severe  reflections  on  those  who  favoureil 
oligarchy,  and  envied  the  glory  of  Pompey. 

Yet  for  the  sake  of  their  country,  the  patricians  joined  the  ple> 
beians  in  raising  him  to  the  consulship.  The  occasion  was  thtf, 
the  change  which  Sylla  introduced  into  the  constitution,  at  first 
seemed  harsh  and  uneasy,  but  by  time  and  custom  ii  came  to  an 
establishment  which  many  thought  not  a  bad  one.  At  present  there 
M  ere  some  who  wanted  to  bring  in  another  change,  merely  to  gra- 
tify their  own  avarice,  and  without  the  least  view  to  the  public  good. 
Pompey  was  engaged  with  the  kings  of  Pontus  and  Armenia,  and 
there  was  no  force  in  Rome  sufficient  to  suppress  the  authors  of 
this  intended  innovation.  They  had  a  chief  of  a  bold  and  enter- 
prising spirit,  and  the  most  remarkable  versatility  of  manners  ;  hia 
name  Lucius  Catiline.  Beside  a  variety  of  other  crimes,  he  was 
accused  of  killing  his  own  brother.  To  screen  himself  from  prose- 
cution, he  persuaded  Sylia  to  put  his  brother  among  the  proscribed^ 
as  if  he  had  been  still  alive.  These  profligates,  with  such  a  leader, 
among  other  engagements  of  secrecy  and  fidelity,  sacrificed  a  man, 
and  eat  of  liis  ilesh.  Catiline  had  corrupted  great  part  of  the  Ro. 
man  youth,  by  indulging  their  desires  in  every  form  of  pleasure, 
providing  them  wine  and  women,  and  setting  no  bounds  to  his 
expences  for  these  purposes.  All  Tuscany  was  prepared  for  a 
revolt,  and  most  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  vast  inequality  of  the 
citizens  in  point  of  property,  prepared  Rome,  too,  for  a  change. 
Men  of  spirit  amongbt  the  nobility  had  impoverished  themselves  by 
their  great  expences  on  public  exhibitions  and  entertainments,  on 
bribing  for  offices,  and  erecting  magnificent  buildings ;  by  which 
means  the  riches  of  the  city  were  fallen  into  the  hands  of  mean 
people :  in  this  tottering  state  of  the  commonwealth,  there  needed 
no  great  force  to  overturn  it,  and  it  was  in  the  power  of  any  bold 
adventurer  to  accomplish  its  ruin. 

Catiline,  however,  before  he  began  his  operations,  wonted  a 
strong  fort  to  Hally  out  from,  and  with  that  view  &(«>od  for  the  con. 
sulship.  His  prospect  seemed  very  promising,  because  he  hoped 
to  have  Caius  Antonius  fur  his  colleague  :  a  inun  who  had  no  firm 
principles  either  ^ood  or  bad,  nor  any  resolution  of  his  own,  but 
would  make  a  considerable  addition  to  the  power  of  him  who  led 
him.     Many  persons  of  virtue  and  li-  iingor, 

put  up  Cicero  for  the  consulship,  aiui  ,.ii  witii 

pleasure.     Thus  Catiline  was  b^ed,  and  Cu:cro  and  Cams  Anto- 


CICERO.  395 

nius  appointed  consuls ;  though  Cicero's  father  was  only  of  the 
equestrian  order,  and  his  competitors  of  patrician  families. 

Cariline's  designs  were  not  yet  discovered  to  the  people.    Cice- 
ro, however,  at  his  entrance  upon  his  office,  had  great  affairs  on 
his  hands,  the  preludes  of  what  was  to  follow.     On  the  one  hand, 
those  who  had  beefi   incapacitated  by  the  laws  of  Sylla  to  bear 
ofHces,  being  neither  inconsiderable  in  power  nor  in  number,  be- 
gan now  to  vsolicit  them,  and  make  all  possible  interest  with  the 
people.     On  the  other  hand,  the  tribunes  of  the  people  proposed 
Jaws  which  had  the  same  tendency  to  distress  the  government ;  for 
they  wanted  to  appoint  decemmrs,  and  invest  them  with  an  unlimit- 
ed  power.     This  was  to  extend  over  all  Italy,  over  Syria,  and  all 
the  late  conquests  of  Pompey.     They  were  to  be  commisioned  to 
sell  the  public  lands  in  these  countries  ;  to  judge  or  banish  whom 
they  pleased  ;  to  plant  colonies ;  to  take  money  out  of  the  public 
treasury  ;  to  levy  and  keep  on  foot  what  troops  they  thought  neces- 
sary.    Many  Romans  of  h.igh   distinction   were  pleased  with  the 
bill,  and  in  particular  Antony,  Cicero's  colleague,  for  he  hoped  to 
be  one  of  the  ten.     It  was  thought,  too,  that  he  was  no  stranger  to 
Catiline's  designs,  and  thar  he  did  not  disrelish  them,  on  account  of 
his  great  debts.     This  was  an  alarming  circumstance  to  all  who 
had  the  good  of  their  country  at  heart. 

This  danger,  too,  was  the  first  that  Cicero  guarded  against ; 
which  he  did  by  getting  the  province  of  Macedonia  decreed  to 
Antony,  and  not  taking  that  of  Gaul  which  was  allotted  to  himself. 
Antony  was  so  much  affected  with  this  tavour,  that  he  was  ready, 
like  a  hired  player,  to  act  a  subordinate  part  under  Cicero  for  the 
benefit  of  his  country.  Cicero  having  thus  managed  his  colleague, 
began  with  greater  courage  to  take  his  measures  against  the  sedi- 
tious party.  He  alleged  his  objections  against  the  law  in  the 
senate,  and  effectually  silenced  the  proposers.*  They  took  ano- 
ther  opportunity,  however,  and  coming  prepared,  insisted  that  the 
consuls  should  appear  before  the  people.  Cicero,  not  in  the  least 
intimidated,  commanded  the  senate  to-  follow  him.  He  addressed 
the  commons  with  such  success,  that  they  threw  out  the  bill ;  and 
Ills  victorious  eloquence  had  such  an  effect  upon  the  tribunes,  that 
they  gave  up  other  things  which  they  had  been  meditating. 

He  was  indeed  the  man  who  most  effectually  showed  the  Ro- 
mans, what  charms  eloquence  can  add  to  truth,  and  that  justice  is 
invincible,  when  properly  supported.  He  showed  also,  that  a  ma- 
gistrate who  watches  for  the  good  of  the  community,  should  in  his 
actions  always  prefer  right  to  popular  measures,  and  in  his 
speeches  know  how  to  make  those  right  measures  agreeable,  by 
separating  from  them  whatever  may  offend.  Of  the  grace  and 
power  with  which  he  spoke,  we  have  a  proof  in  a  theatrical  regu- 

*  This  was  the  first  of  his  three  orations,  de  Lege  Agraria. 


inm 


ClCl^O. 


lation  that  took  place  in  his  consulship.  Before,  those  of  the 
equestrian  order  nat  mixed  with  the  coinmonHiiy.  Marcus  Otbo 
in  his  praetorship  was  the  first  who  separated  the  kniiihtH  from  the 
other  ciiizfns,  and  appointed  them  seats  which  they  still  »-njo).* 
The  people  locked  upon  (hit»  at«  a  mark  of  dishonour,  and  hissed 
und  insulted  Oiho  when  he  appeared  at  the  theatre.  l*he  knights, 
on  the  other  hnnd,  received  him  with  lnud  plaudits.  The  people 
repealed  their  hissing,  and  the  knights  their  applause  ;  till  at  last 
they  came  to  mutual  reproaches,  and  threw  the  whole  theatre  into 
the  utmost  disorder.  Cicero  being  informed  of  the  disturbance, 
came  and  called  the  people  to  the  temple  of  Bellona,  wheie,  part- 
ly by  reproof,  paitly  by  lenient  applications,  he  so  corrected  them, 
that  they  returned  to  the  theatre,  loudK  teHiified  i heir  approbation 
of  Otho's  conduct,  and  strove  with  the  knights  which  should  do 
him  the  most  honour. 

Catiline's  conspiracy,  which  at  first  had  been  intimidated  and 
discouraged,  began  to  recover  its  Sf>irits.  The  accomplices  aitsem- 
bled,  and  exhorted  each  other  to  begin  their  operations  with  vigour, 
before  the  return  of  Pompey,  who  was  said  to  be  already  march- 
ing homewards  with  his  forces.  But  Catiline's  chief  motive  for 
action,  was  the  dependence  he  had  on  Sylla's  veterans.  Though 
these  were  scattered  all  over  Italy,  the  greatest  and  most  warlike 
part  resided  in  the  cities  of  Eiruria,  and  in  idea  were  plundering 
and  sharing  the  wealth  of  Italy  again.  They  had  Manlius  for  their 
leader,  a  man  who  had  served  with  great  distinction  under  Sylla  ; 
and  now  entering  into  Catiline's  views,  they  came  to  Rome  to  as. 
sist  in  the  approaching  election ;  for  he  solicited  the  consulship 
again,  and  had  resolved  to  kill  Cicero  in  the  tumult  of  that  assembly. 

The  gods  seemed  to  presigoity  the  machinations  of  these  incen. 
diaries  by  earthquakes,  thunders  and  apparitions.  There  were  also 
intimations  from  men,  true  enitugh  in  themselve^,  hut  not  suflicient 
for  the  conviction  of  a  person  of  Catiline's  quality  and  power.  Ci- 
cero, therefore,  adjourned  t^he  day  (»f  election  ;  and  having  sum- 
moned Catiline  before  the  senate,  examined  him  upon  the  informa- 
tions he  had  received.  Catiline  believing  there  were  many  in  th$ 
senate  who  wanted  a  change,  and  at  the  same  time  being  desmius 
to  show  his  resolution  to  his  aecomplices  who  were  present,  an- 
swered with  a  calm  firmness,  **  As  there  are  two  bodies,  one  of 
which  is  feeble  and  decayed,  but  has  a  head  ;  the  oth«  r  stmng  and 
robust,  but  is  without  a  head ;  what  harm  am  I  doing,  if  1  uive  a 
head  to  the  body  that  wants  ii  ?"  By  these  enigniniical  expressions 
he  meant  the  senate  and  the  pfopl^  ;  consequentl)  Cicero  was  still 
more  alarmed.  On  the  day  of  election,  he  put  on  a  coat  of  mail  ; 
the  principal  personages  in  Rome  conducted  him  from  his  house, 

•  ^bout  fmir  v«>ra  tMfora,  under  the  OMMUlahip  of  Pig»  sod  ttlabrio.  BotOiko 
WS9  not  tlien  prieior ;  he  was  tribune. 


ClCERO.  397 

and  great  numbers  of  the  youth  attended  him  to  the  Campus  Mar. 
litis.  There  he  threw  back  his  robe,  and  showed  part  of  ttie  coat 
of  man,  on  purpose  to  point  oui  his  danger.  The  people  were  in- 
censed, and  immediatel\  gathered  about  mm  ;  the  consequence  of 
which  was,  that  Catihne  was  thrown  out  agam,  and  Silanus  and 
Murena  chosen  consuls. 

Not  long  after  this,  when  the  veterans  were  assembling  for  Ca- 
tiline in  Etruria,  and  the  day  appointed  for  carrying  the  plot  niio 
execution  approached,  three  of  the  first  and  greatest  personages  in 
Rome,  Marcus  Crassus,  Marcus  Marcellus,  and  Metellus  Scipio, 
went  and  knocked  at  Cicero^s  door  about  midnight ;  and  havmg 
called  the  porter,  bade  him  awake  his  master  and  tell  him  who  at- 
tended. Their  business  was  this :  Crassus's  porter  brought  him  in 
a  pacquet  of  letters  after  supper,  which  he  had  received  from  a  per- 
son unknown.  They  were  directed  to  different  persons,  and  there 
was  one  for  Crassus  himself,  but  without  a  name.  This  only  Cras- 
sus  read  ;  and  when  he  found  that  it  informed  him  of  a  great  mas- 
sacre mtended  by  Catiline,  and  warned  him  to  retire  out  of  the 
city,  he  did  not  open  the  rest,  but  immediately  went  to  wait  on  Ci- 
cero  ;  for  he  was  not  only  terrified  at  the  impending  danger,  but  he 
had  some  suspicions  to  remove,  which  had  arisen  from  his  acquaint- 
ance with  Catiline.  Cicero  having  consulted  with  them  what  was 
proper  to  be  done,  assembled  the  senate  at  break  of  day,  and  deli, 
vered  the  letters  according  to  the  directions,  desiring,  at  the  same 
time,  that  they  might  be  read  in  public.  They  all  gave  the  same 
account  of  the  conspiracy. 

Quintus  Arrius,  a  man  of  prsBtorian  dignity,  moreover,  informed 
the  senate  of  the  levies  that  had  been  made  in  Etruria,  and  assured 
them  that  Manlius,  with  a  considerable  force,  was  hovering  about 
those  parts,  and  only  waiting  for  news  of  an  insurrection  in  Rome. 
On  these  informations,  the  senate  made  a  decree,  b\  which  all  af- 
fairs were  committed  to  the  consuls,  and  they  were  empowered  to 
act  in  the  manner  they  should  think  best  for  the  preservation  of  the 
commonwealth.  This  is  an  edict  which  the  senate  seldom  issue, 
and  never  but  in  some  great  and  imminent  danger. 

When  Cicero  was  invested  with  this  power,  he  committed  the 
care  of  things  without  the  city  to  Quintus  Metellus,  and  took  the 
direction  of  all  within  to  himself.  He  made  his  appearance  every- 
day attended  and  guarded  by  such  a  multitude  of  people,  that  they 
filled  great  part  of  the/orMWi.  Catiline,  unable  to  bear  any  longer 
delay,  determined  to  repair  to  Manhusand  his  army  ;  and  ordered 
Marcius  and  Cethegus  to  take  their  swords,  and  go  to  Cicero's 
house  early  in  the  morning,  where,  under  pretence  of  paying  their 
compliments,  they  were  to  fall  upon  him  and  kill  him.  But  Fulvia, 
a  woman  of  quality,  went  to  Cicero  in  the  night,  to  inform  him  of 
his  danger,  and  charged  him  to  be  on  his  guard  in  particular  against 

34* 


39S  CICERO. 

Cethegus.  As  soon  aa  it  was  light,  tiie  assassins  came,  and  beio« 
denied  entrance,  ihey  grew  veiy  clamorous,  which  made  mem  the 
more  suspected. 

Ci(;ero  went  out  afterwards,  and  assembled  th**  senate  iu  the  tem- 
ple of  Jupiter  Utator.  Caiihne  came  among  the  rest,  as  wiih  a  de- 
sign  to  make  his  defence  ;  but  there  nas  not  a  st  natur  who  would 
sit  b\  him ;  thev  all  It'ft  the  bench  he  had  taken  ;  and  uheu  he  be- 
gan to  speak,  they  interrupted  him  in  such  a  manner,  that  be  coold 
not  be  heard. 

At  length  Cicero  rose  up,  and  commanded  him  to  depart  the 
city.  **  For,"  said  he,  *'  while  I  employ  only  words,  and  you  wea- 
pons, there  should  at  least  be  walls  between  us."  Catiline,  upon 
this,  immt'diatel\  marched  out  with  three  hundred  men  well  armed, 
and  with  ihe  fasces  and  other  ensigns  of  authority,  as  if  he  had 
been  a  lawful  magistrate.  Having  joined  Manlius,  and  assembled 
an  arm>  of  twenlv  thousand  men,  he  marched  to  the  cities,  in  or- 
der :o  persuade  them  to  revolt.  Hostilities  being  thus  openl>  com- 
menced, Antony,  Cicero's  colleague,  was  sent  against  Catiline. 

Such  as  Catiline  had  corrupted,  and  ihoughi  proper  to  leave  in 
Rome,  were  kept  t(»geiher,  and  encouraged  by  CorneliuM  Lentulus, 
surnamed  Sura,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  but  bad  life.  He  had  been 
expelled  the  senate  for  his  debaucheries,  but  was  then  praetor  the 
second  time  ;  for  that  was  a  customary  qualitication,  when  ejected 
persons  were  to  be  restored  to  their  places  in  the  senate.*  As  to 
the  surname  of  Sura,  ft  is  said  to  have  been  given  on  this  occasion: 
When  he  was  ijuiestor  in  the  time  of  Sylla,  he  had  lavi<ihed  away 
vast  sums  of  the  public  money.  Sylla,  incensed  at  his  behaviour, 
demanded  an  account  of  him  in  full  senate.  Lentulus  came  up  io 
a  very  careless  and  disrespectful  manner,  and  said,  ''  1  havu  no  ac- 
count to  give,  but  I  present  you  with  the  calf  of  m>  leg;"  which 
was  a  common  expression  among  the  bo>  s,  when  they  missed  their 
stroke  at  tennis.  Hence  he  had  the  surname  of  iS'nra,  which  is  the 
Roman  word  for  the  calf  of  the  leg.  Another  time,  being  prose, 
ciited  for  some  great  offence,  he  corrupted  the  judges.  When  ihey 
had  given  their  verdict,  though  he  was  acquitted  onl>  by. a  maju- 
nty  of  two,  he  .said,  '*  He  had  put  himself  to  a  needless  expense  in 
bribing  one  of  those  judges ;  for  it  would  have  been  sufficieoi  to 
have  had  a  majority  of  one." 

6uch  was  the  disposition  of  this  man,  who  had  not  only  been  so- 
licited by  Catiline,  but  wa;*  moreover  infatuated  with  vain  hopes, 
which  prognosticators  and  other  impostors  held  up  to  him.  They 
forged  verses  in  un  oracular  form,  and  brought  him  them,  as  from 
the  books  of  the  Svbils.  These  lying  prophecies  signified  the  de- 
cree of  fute,  "  That  three  of  the  Cornelli  would  be  monarch*  of 

*  Whrn  ■  Rotn«n  Mnaior  «  an  expellH,  nn  iippoiniHivni  m  pneionn)  nfl&e«  wat  a 
^"lenl  qiinnrii.-ntKin  for  him  t(i  rrsuttir  Ins  9*A\.  —  l)ion.  I.  txxvii. 


CICERO.  399 

Rome."  They  added,  "  That  two  had  already  fulfilled  their  des- 
tiny, Cinna  and  Sylia;  that  he  was  the  third  Cornelius  whom  the 
gods  now  offered  the  monarchy  ;  and  that  he  ought,  by  all  means, 
to  embrace  his  high  fortune,  and  not  ruin  it  by  delays,  as  Catiline 
had  done." 

Nothing  little  or  trivial  entered  into  the  schemes  of  Lentulus. 
He  resolved  to  kill  the  whole  senate,  and  as  many  of  the  other  citi 
zens  as  he  possibly  could,  to  burn  the  city,  and  to  spare  none  but 
the  sons  of  Pompey,  whom  he  intended  lo  seize,  and  keep  as  pledges 
of  his  peace  with  that  general.  The  conspirators  had  fixed  on  a 
night  during  the  feast  of  the  saturnalia,  tor  the  execution  of  their 
enterprise.  They  had  lodged  arms  and  combustible  matter  in  the 
house  of  Cethegus.  They  had  divided  Rome  into  a  hundred  parts, 
and  pitched'upon  the  same  number  of  men,  each  of  which  was  al- 
lotted his  quarter  to  set  fire  to.  As  this  was  to  be  done  by  them  all 
at  the  same  moment,  they  hoped  that  the  conflagration  would  be  ge- 
neral :  others  were  to  intercept  the  water,  and  kill  all  who  went  to 
seek  it. 

While  tiiese  things  were  preparing,  there  happened  to  be  at 
Rome  two  ambassadors  from  the  Allobroges,  a  nation  that  had  been 
mu<:h  oppressed  by  the  Romans,  and  was  very  impatient  under 
their  yoke.  Lentulus  and  his  party  thought  these  ambassadors  pro- 
per persons  to  raise  commotions  in  Gaul,  and  bring  that  country  to 
their  interest,  and  therefore  made  them  partners  in  the  conspiracy. 
They  likewise  charged  them  with  letters  to  their  magistrat^-s,  and 
to  Catiline.  To  the  Gauls  they  promised  liberty,  and  they  desired 
Catiliiie  to  enfranchise  the  slaves,  and  march  immediately  to  Rome. 
Alonit  with  the  ambassadors,  they  sent  one  Titus  of  Crotona.  to 
carry  the  letters  to  Catiline.  But  the  measures  of  these  inconsider- 
ate men,  who  generally  consulted  upon  their  affairs  over  their  wine, 
and  in  company  with  women,  were  soon  discovered  by  the  indefa- 
tigable diligence,  the  sober  address,  and  great  capacity  of  Cicero. 
He  had  his  emissaries  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  to  trace  every  step 
they  took  ;  and  he  had  besides,  a  secret  correspondence  with 
many  who  pretended  to  join  in  the  conspiracy  ;  by  which  means 
he  got  intelligence  of  their  treating  with  those  strangers. 

In  consequence  hereof,  he  laid  an  ambush  for  the  Crotonian  in 
the  niijhf,  and  seized  him  and  the  letters ;  the  ambassadors  them- 
selves privately  lending  him  their  assistance.*  Early  in  the  morning 
he  assembled  the  senate  in  the  temple  of  Concord,  where  he  read 
the  letters,  and  took  the  depositions  of  the  witnesses.  Junius  Sila- 
nus  deposed,  that  several  persons  had  heard  Cethegus  say  that  three 
consuls  and  four  praetors  would  very  soon  be  killed.     The  evidence 

*  These  ambassadors  had  been  solicited  ny  Uiuhieiius  to  join  his  party.  Upon  ma- 
ture deliberation,  thny  thought  it  safest  to  abide  by  the  stale,  and  discovered  the  plot  to 
Fabius  Sanga,  the  patron  ot  their  nation. 


400  CICERO 

of  Piso,  a  man  of  consular  dignitv,  contained  circumstances  of  the 
like  nature  ;  and  Cams  Sulpiiius,  one  ol  the  prcetors,  who  was  sent 
to  Ceihegua's  house,  found  there  a  great  quantity  ot  javelins, swords, 
poniards,  and  other  arms,  all  new  lurhished.  At  last,  the  senate 
givnig  the  Croionian  u  pronuse  of  uulemniiy,  Lentulus  xaw  him- 
self entirely  delected,  and  laid  down  his  office  :  he  put  ofl' his  pur- 
pie  robe  in  the  house,  and  took  another  mure  suitable  to  hiH  present 
distress.  Upon  which,  both  he  and  Ins  accomplices  were  delivered 
to  the  prsetors,  to  be  kept  in  custody,  bui  not  in  chains 

By  this  time  it  grew  late,  aii"  as  ihe  people  were  waiting  with- 
out in  great  numbers  for  the  event  of  the  day,  Cicero  went  out  and 
gave  them  an  account  of  it.  When  Cicero  wa8  retired  to  the  apart- 
raents  assigned  hiin,  with  only  a  few  friends,  he  began  to  consider 
what  puntshineiit  he  should  iiiliici  up<>n  the  criininalsi  He  was  ex- 
tremely loath  to  proceed  to  a  capital  one,  which  tjie  UHiure  of  their 
offence  seemed  to  demand,  as  welt  from  the  mildness  of  his  dispo- 
sition, as  for  fear  of  incurring  the  censure  of  making  an  extravagant 
and  severe  use  of  his  power  against  men  v^ho  were  ot  the  first 
families,  and  hail  powerful  connections  in  Rome.  On  the  other 
side,  if  he  gave  them  a  more  gentle  chastisement,  he  thought  he 
should  still  have  something  to  fear  from  them.  He  knew  that  they 
would  never  rest  with  any  thing  less  ihan  death,  but  would  rather 
break  out  into  the  most  desperate  villanies,  when  their  former  wick- 
edness  was  sharpened  with  anger  and  resentment  :  besides,  ho 
might  himself  be  branded  with  the  mark  of  tnuidity  and  weakness, 
and  the  rather  because  he  was  generally  supposed  not  to  have  much 
courage. 

Before  Cicero  could  come  to  a  res<ilution,  the  women  who  were 
sacrificing  observed  an  extraordinary  presage.  When  the  tire  on 
the  altar  seemed  to  be  extinguished,  a  strong  and  bright  flame  sud- 
denly  broke  out  of  the  embers.  The  other  women  were  terrified 
at  the  prodigy,  but  the  vestal  virgins  ordered  Terentia,  Cicero's 
wife,  to  go  to  him  immediately,  and  command  him  from  them, 
*'  Boldly  t<»  follow  his  best  judgment  in  the  service  of  his  country  ; 
because  the  goddess,  by  the  britehiness  of  this  flame,  promised  him 
not  only  safety  but  glory  in  his  enterprise.''  Terentia  was  by  no 
means  of  a  meek  and  tiinorouH  disposition,  but  had  her  ambition, 
and  (as  Cicero  himself  says)  took  a  greater  share  with  htm  in  po- 
litics, than  she  permitted  him  to  have  in  domestic  business.  8he 
now  informed  him  of  the  prodigy,  and  exasperated  him  against  the 
criminals.  His  brother  Uuinius,  and  Publius  Niffidius,  one  of  his 
philosophical  friends,  whom  he  made  great  use  of  in  the  adminis- 
tration, strengthened  him  in  the  same  purpose. 

Next  day  (he  senate  met  to  deliberate  on  the  punishment  of  the 
conspirators  ;  and  Silanus,  being  first  asked  his  opinion,  gave  it  for 
sending  them  to  prison,  and  punishing  them  in  the  severest  maDoer 


€1CER0.  401 

that  was  possible.  The  rest  in  their  order  agreed  with  him,  till  it 
came  to  Caius  Caesar,  who  was  afterwards  dictator.  Caesar,  then 
a  young  man,  acid  just  in  the  dawn  of  power,  both  in  his  measures 
and  his  hopes,  was  takmg  that  road  which  he  continued  in,  till  he 
turned  the  common  weal  ih  into  a  monarchy.  This  was  not  observed 
by  others  ;  but  Cicero  had  strong  suspicions  of  him.  He  took  care, 
however,  not  to  give  him  a  sufficient  handle  against  him.  Some 
say  the  consul  had  almost  gor  tiie  necessary  proofs,  and  that  Caesar 
had  a  narrow  escape.  Others  assert,  that  Cicero  purposely  neg- 
lected the  informations  that  might  have  been  had  against  hira,  for 
fear  of  his  friends  and  his  great  interest ;  for,  had  Ccesar  been 
brought  under  the  same  predicament  with  the  conspirators,  it  would 
rather  have  contributed  to  save  than  to  destroy  them. 

When  it  came  to  his  turn  to  give  judgment,  he  rose  and  declared, 
"Not  for  punishing  them  capitally,  but  for  confiscating  their  es- 
tates, and  lodging  them  in  any  of  the  towns  of  Italy  that  Cicerd 
should  pitch  upon,  where  they  might  be  kept  in  chains  till  Catilino^ 
Was  conquered."*  To  this  opinion,  which  was  on  the  merciful  side, 
and  supported  with  great  eloquence  by  him,  Cicero  himself  added 
no  small  weight :  for  in  his  speech  he  gave  the  arguments  at  large 
for  both  opinions,  first  for  the  former,  and  afterwards  for  that  of 
Caesar.  And  all  Cicero's  friends,  thinking  it  would  be  less  invidious 
for  him  to  avoid  putting  the  criminals  to  death,  were  for  the  lattef 
sentence  ;  inscmiuch,  that  even  Silanus  changed  sides,  and  excused 
himself  by  saying,  that  he  did  not  mean  capital  punishment,  for  that 
imprisonment  was  the  severest  which  a  Roman  senator  could  suffer. 

The  matter  thus  went  on,  till  it  came  to  Lutatius  Catulus.  Hd 
declared  for  capital  punishment ;  and  Cato  supported  him,  express- 
ing in  strong  terms  his  suspicions  of  Caesar  ;  which  so  roused  the 
spirit  and  indignation  of  the  senate,  that  they  made  a  decree  fop 
sending  the  conspirators  to  execution.  Caesar  then  opposed  the 
confiscating  their  goods ;  for  he  said,  it  was  unreasonable,  when 
they  rejected  he  mild  part  of  the  sentence,  to  adopt  the  severe. 
As  the  majority  still  insisted  upon  it,  he  appealed  to  the  tribunes. 
The  tribunes,  indeed,  did  not  put  in  their  prohibition,  but  Cicero 
himself  gave  up  the  point,  and  agreed  that  the  goods  should  not 
be  forfeited. 

After  this,  Cicero  went  at  the  head  of  the  senate  to  the  criminals, 
who  were  not  all  lodged  in  one  house,  but  in  those  of  the  several 
praetors.  First  he  took  Lentulus  from  the  Palatine  hill,  and  led 
him  down  the  Via  Sacra,  and  through  the  middle  of  the  forum. 
The  principal  persons  in  Rome  attended  the  consuls  on  all  sides 
like  a  guird ;  the  people  stood  silent  at  the  horror  of  the  scene ; 
and  the  youth  looked  on  with  fear  and  astonishment,  as  if  they  were 

*  Plutarch  seems  here  to  intimate,  that  after  the  defeat  of  Catiline  they  might  In? 
plit  upon  their  trial .  but  it  appears  from  J^allust,  that  Caersar  had  no  euch  intftrtiogj. 

Sfe  34* 


iOd  UCERO. 

initiated  that  day  io  some  awful  ceremooies  ot'  aristocratic  power 
When  he  had  passed  the  forum,  and  was  come  to  the  prison,  he 
dehvered  Lentulus  to  the  executioner.  Afterwards  he  brought 
Cethegus,  and  all  the  rest  in  their  order,  and  they  were  put  to 
death. 

By  this  time  it  grew  late,  and  as  he  passed  through  the  forum  to 
go  to  his  own  bouse,  the  people  now  did  not  condiiri  him  m  a  silent 
and  orderly  manner,  but  crowded  to  hail  him  with  loud  accluma. 
tions  and  plaudits,  calling  him  the  saviour  and  secono  founder 
of  Rome.  The  streets  were  illuminated'*'  with  a  inuitiiude  of  lamps, 
and  torches  placed  by  the  doors.  The  women  held  out  lightH  fioni 
the  tops  of  the  houses,  that  they  might  behold,  and  pay  a  proper 
compliment  to  the  man  who  was  followed  with  so  much  solemnity 
by  a  train  of  the  greatest  men  in  Home,  most  of  whom  hatt  distin- 
guished  themselves  by  successful  wars,  led  up  triumphs,  and  en- 
larged the  empire  both  by  sea  and  land.  All  these,  in  their  dis. 
course  with  each  other  as  they  went  along,  acknowledged  that 
Rome  was  indebted  to  many  generals  and  great  men  of  that  age 
for  pecuniary  acquisitions,  for  rich  spoils,  for  power  :  but  for  pre 
flervation  and  safety  to  Cicero  alone,  who  had  rescued  her  fn»m  so 
great  and  dreadful  a  danger.  Not  that  his  quashing  the  enterprise, 
and  punishing  the  delinquents  appeared  so  extraordinary  a  thing ; 
but  the  wonder  was,  that  he  could  suppress  the  greatest  conspiracy 
tbat  ever  existed,  with  so  little  inconvenience  to  the  state,  without 
tbe  least  sedition  or  tumult :  for  many  who  had  joined  Catiline,  left 
bim  on  receiving  intelligence  of  Lentulus  and  Cethegus  ;  and  that 
traitor  giving  Antony  battle  with  tbe  troops  that  remained,  was 
destroyed  with  his  whole  army. 

Yet  some  were  displeased  with  this  conduct  and  success  of 
Cicero,  and  inclined  to  do  him  all  possible  injury.  At  the  head  of 
this  faction  were  the  tribunes  for  the  ensuing  year,  who  would  not 
suffer  him  to  address  the  people,  but  only  to  take  the  oath  upon 
laying  down  his  ofBce.f  Accordingly,  when  Cicero  went  up  to  tho 
rostra,  it  was  expected  that  he  would  take  the  customarv  oath  ;  but 
he  adopted  one  that  was  new  and  singular.  The  purport  of  it  was, 
that  '*  he  had  saved  his  country,  and  preserved  the  empire :"  and 
all  the  people  joined  in  it.  This  exasperated  Caesar  and  the  tri- 
bunes still  more  ;  and  they  endeavoured  to  create  hiin  new  troubles. 
Among  other  things,  they  proposed  a  decree  for  calling  Pompey 
bome  with  his  army,  to  s^ippress  the  despotic  power  of  Cicero,  ft 
was  happy  for  him,  and  the  whole  commonwealth,  that  Cato  was 

*  llluniinationi  are  of  high  antiquity.  They  came  originallv  ftoni  tba  noRiuroal 
celebration  of  reliniouii  niytteriet,  aod  on  thai  account  cafftMd  llM  idM  of  vaoarMloa 
and  reitpect  with  them. 

f  The  coniuU  touk  two  oath*  .  one.  on  entcwinf  into  their  office,  that  the«  wouU 
act  Mpordknc  to  the  laws ;  and  tbs  other,  on  quuting  it,  ttiat  they  had  not  acted  eoo- 
irsj  n>  (ho  mwi. 


GICERa  4Q3 

then  one  of  the  tribunes ;  for  he  opposed  them  with  an  authority 
equal  to  theirs,  and  a  reputation  that  was  much  greater,  and  con- 
sequentiv  brolte  rheir  measures  with  ease.  He  made  a  speech 
upon  Cicero's  consulship,  and  represented  it  in  so  glorious  a  Hght, 
that  the  highest  honours  were  decreed  him  :  and  he  was  called  the 
father  of  his  country  :  a  mark  of  distinction  which  none  ever  gained 
betbre.  Cato  bestowed  that  title  on  him  before  the  people ;  and 
they  confirmed  it.* 

The  auttiority  of  Cicero  in  Rome  at  that  time  was  undoubtedly 
great ;  but  he  rendered  himself  obnoxious  and  and  burdensome  to 
many,  not  by  ill  action,  but  by  continually  praising  and  magnifying 
himself.  He  never  entered  the  senate,  the  assembly  of  the  people, 
or  the  courts  of  judicature,  but  Catiline  and  Lentulus  were  the 
burden  of  his  song.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  his  writings  were  so 
interlarded  with  encomiums  on  himself,  that  though  his  style  was 
elegant  and  delightful,  his  discourses  were  disgusting  and  nauseous 
to  the  reader;  for  the  blemish  stuck  to  him  hke  an  incurable 
disease. 

But  though  he  had  such  an  insatiable  avidity  of  honour,  he  was 
never  unwilling  that  others  should  have  their  share  ;  for  he  was 
entirely  free  from  envy  ;  and  it  appears  from  his  works  that  he  was 
most  liberal  in  his  praises,  not  only  of  the  ancients,  but  of  those  of 
his  own  time.  Vlany  of  his  remarkable  sayings,  too,  of  this  nature, 
are  preserved.  Thus  of  Aristotle  he  said,  "  That  he  was  a  river 
of  flowing  gold  ;"  and  of  Plato's  Dialogues,  *'  That  if  Jupiter  were 
to  speak,  he  would  speak  as  he  diid."  Theophrastus  he  used  to 
call  his"  particular  favourite  ;"iand  being  asked  which  of  Demos- 
thenes's  orations  he  thought  the  best,  he  answered,  "  The  longest." 
There  was  not  one  of  his  cotemporaries  celebrated  either  for  his 
eloquence  <>r  philosophy,  whose  fame  he  did  not  promote  either  by 
speaking  or  writing  of  him  in  an  advantageous  manner.  He  per- 
suaded Caesar,  when  dictator,  to  grant  Cratippus  the  Peripatetic 
the  freedom  of  Rome.  He  likewise  prevailed  upon  the  council  of 
Areopagus  to  make  out  an  order,  for  desiring  him  to  remain  at 
Athens,  to  instruct  the  youth  ;  and  not  deprive  the  city  of  such  an 
ornament.  There  are,  moreover,  letters  of  Cicero's  to  Herodes, 
and  others  to  his  son,  in  which  he  directs  them  to  study  philosophy 
under  Cratippus.  But  he  accuses  Gorgias  the  rhetorician  of 
customing  his  son  to  a  life  of  pleasure  and  intemperance,  and  **fere- 
fore  forbids  the  young  man  his  society.  Amongst  his  Gr(^^^®^^®^^> 
this,  and  another  to  Pelops  the  Bvzantine,  are  all  that /^^c^^®*"  ^"7 
thing  of  resentment.  His  reprimand  to  Gorgias  plainly  was  right 
and  proper,  if  he  was  the  dissolute  man  he  p^^^^ed  for;  but  he  be. 
trays  an  excessive  meanness  in  his  expo^J^^'^ns  with  Pelops,  for 

*  Q.  Catulus  was  the  first  who  gave  him  tj>^title.    Cato,  as  tribufie,  cqnfianed  )ft 
before  the  people. 


4^  CIOERO. 

neglecting  to  procure  him  certain  honours  from  the  city  of  By. 
zantium. 

These  were  the  effects  of  his  vanfty.  Superior  keenneMs  of 
expression,  too,  which  he  had  at  command,  led  him  into  many 
violations  of  decorum.  He  pleaded  tt)r  Mnnatius  in  a  cenaia 
cause  ;  and  his  client  M'as  acquitted  in  consequence  of  his  df  fence. 
Afterwards  Munatius  prosecuted  Sahinus,  one  of  Cicero's  friends ; 
upon  which  he  was  so  muoh  transported  with  anger,  as  to  say, 
"  Thinkest  thou  it  was  the  merit  of  thy  caus»  that  saved  ihee,  and 
not  raiiier  the  cidud  which  I  threw  over  thy  crtm*M,  and  which 
kept  them  from  the  sigia  ui  the  court  ?'*  Ho  had  succeeded  in  an 
encomium  on  Marcus  Crassus  from  the  rostrum;  and  a  le^  da\s 
after  as  publicly  reproached  him.  "  What!"  said  CraMUs,  "did 
you  not  lately  praise  me  in  the  place  where  you  now  stand  ?" 
"  True,"  answered  Cicero  ;  "  but  J  did  it  way  of  experiment,  to  see 
what  I  could  make  of  a  bad  subject."  Crassus  had  once  affirmed, 
that  none  of  his  family  ever  lived  above  three. score  years ;  but 
afterwards  wanted  to  contradict  it,  and  said,  "  What  could  1  t>e 
thinking  of,  when  I  asserted  such  a  thing?"  "You  knew,"  said 
Cicero,  "  that  such  an  assertion  would  be  very  a^ireeable  to  the 
people  of  Rome."  Crassus  happened  one  dsN  to  profess  himself 
much  pleased  with  that  maxim  of  the  Stoics,  "The  good  man  is 
always  rich."  "  1  imajiine,"  said  Cicero,  '*  there  is  another  more 
agreeable  to  you,  '  All  things  belong  to  the  prudent  ,* "  for  Crassus 
was  notoriously  covetous. 

Crassus  hud  two  sons,  one  of  which  resembled  a  man  called 
Accius  so  much,  that  his  mother  was  suspected  of  an  intrigue  with 
him.  This  young  man  spoke  in  the  senate  with  ^reat  applause  ; 
and  Cicero  being  asked  what  he  thought  of  him,  answered  in 
Greek,  Axious  Crassou."*  An  account  was  once  bmughi  Cirero 
that  Vatiiiius  was  dead,  which  being  afterwards  contradicted,  he 
said,-^"  May  vengeance  seize  the  tongue  that  lold  the  lie?" 
When  Ca5sar  proposed  a  decree  for  distributint;  the  lands  in  Cam- 
pania among  the  soldiers,  many  of  the  senators  were  displeased 
«t  it ;  and  Lucius  Gellius,  in  particular,  who  whs  one  of  the  oldept 
of  them,  said, — "  That  shall  never  be  while  1  live."  **  L»t  uu 
wait  a  while  then,"  said  Cicero,  **  for  Gellius  requires  no  very 
i**»l(  credit."  There  was  one  Octavius,  who  had  it  objected  to  hiin, 
that  Ve  was  an  African.  One  day,  when  Cicero  was  pleading,  this 
roan  saii  ^e  could  not  hear  him.  *'  Tliat  is  simiewhat  si  range," 
said  Cicero, tt  for  you  are  not  without  a  hole  in  \  our  ear. "f  When 
Metellus  Nepob  *q\^  him, — "  That  he  had  ruined  nM>re  as  an  evu 
dence  than   he  haA  guved  as  an  advocate :"    »'  1  grant  it,"  said 

•  An  ill-inaniiered  pun,  wh..»,  „-,„fiei  eiiber  lliai  lh«  vouiin  man  waa  woniiv  of 
OraMut.  or  thai  he  whs  the  ion  o.  5ccni». 

+  A  mark  of  ilavArv  ainon|it  w)u-,  nstiooi ;  bat  tbs  AriioSDi  wore  p«ndanii  in 
fovn  ears  by  wajr  ot  ornaroeoit. 


CICERO.  405 

Cicero,  "  for  I  have  more  truth  than  eloquence."  A  young  man> 
who  lay  under  the  inipuiation  of  havinar  given  his  father  a  poisoned 
cake,  talking  m  an  nisolent  manner,  and  threaiernng  tha.  (^icefo 
should  feel  the  vveighi  of  his  reproaches,  Cicero  answered, — "  I 
had  much  rather  have  them  than  vour  cake."  Publius  Sestius  had 
taken  Cicero,  among  others,  for  his  advocate,  in  a  cause  of  some 
importance  ;  and  yet  he  w«)uld  suffer  no  man  to  speak  hut  himself* 
When  it  appeared  that  he  would  be  act|Uitted,  and  the  judges  were 
giving  their  verdict,  Cicero  called  to  him,  and  said, — *'  Sestius,  make 
the  best  use  of  your  time  to-das,  for  to-morrow  you  will  be  out  of 
office."*  Pubhus  Cotta,  who  affected  to  be  thought  an  able  lawyer, 
though  he  had  neither  learnin};  nor  capacity,  being  called  as  a  wit- 
ness in  a  certain  cause,  declared, — "  He  knew  nothing  of  the  mat- 
ter." "  Perhaps,"  said  Cicero,  '*  you  think  I  am  asking  you  some 
question  in  law."  Metellus  Nepos,  in  some  difference  with  Cicero, 
often  asking  him, — '*  Who  is  yrur  father?"  he  replied,  "  Your 
mother  has  made  it  much  more  difficult  for  you  to  answer  that 
question  :"  for  his  mother  had  not  the  mos  unsulned  tej-ua- 
tion.  This  Metellus  was  himself  a  man  of  a  light  unbalanced 
mind.  He  suddenly  quitted  the  tribunitial  office,  and  sailed  to 
Pompey  in  Syria  ;  and  when  he  was  there,  he  returned  in  a  man- 
ner still  more  absurd.  When  his  preceptor  Philagrus  died,  he 
buried  him  in  a  pompous  manner,  and  placed  the  tigure  of  a  crow 
in  marble  on  his  monument. f  "  This,"  said  Cicero,  *  was  one  of 
the  wisest  things  you  ever  did  ;  for  your  preceptor  has  taught  \ou 
rather  to  fly  than  to  speak. ":j:  Marcus  Appius  having  mentioned, 
in  the  introduction  to  one  of  his  pleadings,  that  his  friend  had  de- 
sired him  to  try  every  resource  of  care,  eloquence,  and  fidelity  in 
his  cause,  Cicero  said, — **  What  a  hard-hearted  man  \ou  are,  not 
to  do  any  one  thing  that  your  friend  has  desired  of  you  !" 

It  seems  not  foreign  to  the  business  of  an  orator,  to  use  this 
cutting  raillery  against  enemies  or  opponents  :  but  his  employing 
it  indiscriminately,  merely  to  raise  a  laujih,  rendered  him  extremely 
obnoxious.  To  give  a  few  instances, — He  used  to  call  Marcus 
Aquiiius,  Adrastus,  because  he  had  two  sons-in-law  who  were  both 
in  exile. §  Lucius  Cotta,  a  great  lover  of  wine,  whs  censor  when 
Cicero  solicited  the  consulship.  Cicero  in  the  course  of  his  cativass, 
happening  to  be  thirsty,  called  for  water,  and  said  to  his  friends  who 
stood  round  him  as  he  drank, — *'  You  do  well  to  conceal  ine,  for 

*  Pronably  Sestius.  noi  being  a  prnfessed  advocate,  would  not  be  emuloyed  to  sneak 
for  anv  bofly  else  .  and.  therefore,  Cicero  meant  that  he  should  indulge  his  vanity  in 
speaking  for  niinself. 

+  Ii  was  usual  among  tne  ancients  to  place  emblematic  figures  on  the  monuments 
of  the  (lead  ;  and  these  were  enher  such  iiistrumfnts  as  represented  the  profession  of 
the  deceased,  or  such  annuals  as  resembled  them  in  disposition. 

X  \liuduig  to  the  celeritv  of  his  expeditions 

}  Because  Adrastus  had  married  his  daughters  to  Eteocles  and  Polynices,  who  were 
exiled. 


406 


CICERO. 


you  are  afraid  that  the  censor  will  call  roe  to  account  for  drinking 
water."  Meeting  Vucuniua  one  da\  with  three  daughters,  who 
were  very  plain  women,  he  <cned  out, — 

On  init  conception  FhOBhii*  never  «iiiiled.» 

Marcus  Gelhus,  who  was  supponed  to  be  of  servile  extraction, 
happeiiuig  tu  read  some  leiters  in  the  senate  with  a  loud  and  Hirong 
voice, — *  Di>  no!  be  surpriMcd  at  ii,"  said  Cicero,  ♦*  for  there  have 
been  t<ome  public  criers  in  the  family."  Faustus,  the  son  of  S>lla 
the  dictator,  who  had  proscribed  greai  numbers  ol  Romans,  having 
run  deHp  in  debt,  and  wusted  great  part  of  his  estaif,  was  obliged 
to  put  up  putilic  bills  for  the  sale  of  it.  Upon  nhich  Cicero  said, 
— *- 1  iike  ihese  bills  much  better  than  bin  father's." 

Many  baled  hiin  for  these  keen  sarcasms;  which  encouraged 
Clodius  and  his  faction  to  form  their  schemes  against  him.  The 
occasion  was  this :  Clodius,  who  was  of  a  noble  family,  young  and 
adventurous,  entertained  a  pa.ssion  for  Pompeia,  the  wife  of  Cesar. 
This  induced  him  to  get  privately  into  his  house,  in  the  habit  of  a 
female  musician,  when  the  women  were  otfering  that  mysterious 
sacrifice  which  is  kept  from  the  sight  and  knowledge  of  men.  But, 
though  no  man  is  sufTered  to  assist  in  it,  Clodius,  who  was  very 
young,  and  had  his  face  yet  smooth,  hoped  to  pass  through  the 
women  to  Pompeia  undiscovered.  As  he  entered  a  great  house 
in  ihe  night,  he  was  puzzled  to  find  his  way,  and  one  of  the 
women  belonging  to  Aurelia,  Cssar's  mother,  seeing  him  wan* 
dering  up  and  down,  asked  hini  tiis  name.  Being  now  forced  to 
to  S|>eak,  he  «aid  he  was  seeking  Abra,  one  ol  Pompeia's  maids. 
The  woman,  perceiving  that  it  was  not  a  female  vi>ice,  shiieked 
out  and  called  the  matrons  together.  They  immediately  made  fast 
the  doorH,  and  searching  the  whole  house,  found  Clodius  skulking 
in  the  apartment  of  ihe  maid  who  introduced  him. 

As  the  affair  made  a  great  noise,  Cesar  divorced  Pompeia,  and 
prosecuted  Clodius  for  that  act  of  impiety.  Cicero  was  at  that 
time  his  friend  ;  for,  during  the  conspiracy  of  Caiiline,  he  had  been 
ready  to  give  him  all  the  assistance  in  his  power  ;  and  even  at. 
tended  as  one  of  his  guards.  Clodius  insisted  in  his  defence,  that 
he  was  not  then  at  Rome,  but  at  a  conniderablc  distance  in  the 
country.  But  Cicero  attested,  that  he  came  that  very  day  to  bis 
house,  and  talked  with  him  about  some  particular  business.  This 
was,  indef^d,  matter  of  fact  ;  yet  probably  it  was  not  so  much  the 
influence  of  truth,  as  the  necessity  of  satisfying  his  wife  Terentia 
that  induced  him  to  declare  it.  She  hated  Clodius  on  account  of 
his  sister  Clodia  ;  for  she  was  persuaded,  that  that  lad\  wanted  to 
get  Cicero  for  her  husband,  and  that  she  managed  the  design  by 
one  Tullus.  Many  other  pemons  of  honour  alleged  against  him 
the  crimes  of  perjury,  of  fraud,  of  bribing  the  people,  and  corrupt. 
*  A  rene  of  $o|)hoclw,  speaking  of  Laiui  tbe  Ikiher  of  ^dipus. 


©leERO.  407 

ing  the  women.  As  the  people  set  themselves  both  against  the 
witnesses  and  the  prosecutors,  the  judgess  were  so  lerntied,  that 
they  thoujiht  it  necessar)-  to  piace  a  guard  al>oui  the  court  :  and 
most  of  them  confounded  the  letters  upon  the  tablets.  He  seem- 
ed, however,  to  be  acquitted  by  the  majority  ;  but  it  was  said  to 
be  through  pecuniary  apphcations.  Hence  Catuhis,  when  he  met 
the  judges,  said,  "  You  were  right  in  desiring  a  guard  tor  your  de- 
fence  ;  for  you  were  afraid  tha  somebody  would  take  the  im»ney 
from  vou."  And  when  Clodius  told  Cicero  that  the  judges  did  not 
give  credit  to  his  deposition,  "  Yes,"  said  he,  "  live  and  twenty  of 
them  believed  me,  for  so  many  condemned  you  ;  nor  did  the  other 
thirty  believe  nou,  for  they  did  not  acquit  you  till  they  had  re- 
ceived your  mtmey."  As  to  Caesar,  when  he  was  called  upon  he 
gave  no  testimony  against  Clodius  ;  nor  difl  he  affirm  ttiat  he  was 
certain  of  any  injury  done  his  bed.  He  only  said,  "  H^  had  di- 
vorced Ponipeia,  because  the  wife  of  Caesar  ought  not  only  to  be 
elear  of  such  a  crime,  but  of  the  very  suspicion  of  it." 

After  Clodius  had  escaped  this  danger,  and  was  elecied  tribune 
of  the  people,  he  immediately  attacked  Cicero,  and  left  neither 
circumstance  nor  person  untried  to  ruin  him.  H"  gained  the  peo- 
ple by  laws  that  flatfered  their  inclinations,  and  the  consu  s  b\  de^ 
creeing  them  large  and  wealthy  provinces.  He  registered  many 
mean  and  indigent  persons  as  citizens ;  ^nd  armed  a  number  of 
slaves  for  his  constant  attendants.  Oi  the  great  irium\ irate,  Cras- 
sus  was  an  avowed  enemy  to  Cicero.  Pompey  inditferently  caress- 
ed both  parties,  and  Csesar  was  going  to  set  out  upon  his  expedi- 
tion  to  Gaul.  Though  the  latter  was  not  his  friend,  but  rather  sus- 
pected of  enmity  since  the  affair  of  Catiline,  it  was  to  him  that  he 
applied.  The  favour  he  asked  of  him  was,  that  he  would  take  him 
as  his  lieutenant  ;  and  Caesar  granted  it.*  Clodius  perceiving  that 
Cicero  would,  by  this  means,  get  out  of  the  reach  of  his  thbunitiai 
power,  pretended  to  be  inclined  to  a  reconciliation.  He  threw 
most  of  the  blame  of  the  late  difference  on  Terentia  ;  and  spoke 
always  of  Cicero  in  terms  of  candour,  not  like  an  adversary  vin- 
dictively inclined,  but  as  one  friend  might  complain  of  another. 
This  removed  Ci<^'ero's  fears  so  entirely,  that  he  gave  up  the  lieu- 
tenancy which  Caesar  had  indulged  him  with,  and  began  to  attend 
to  business  as  before. f 

Caesar  was  so  much  piqued  at  this  proceeding,  that  he  encour- 
aged Clodius  against  him,  and  drew  off  Pompey  entirely  from  his 
interest.  He  declared  too,  before  the  people,  that  Cicero,  in  his 
opinion,  had  been  guilty  of  a  flagrant  violation  of  all  justice  antjl 
law,  in  putting  Lentulus  and  Cethegus  to  death,  without  any  form 

*  Cicero  savs  that  this  heutenaucy  was  a  voluntary  offer  of  Caesar's  — Ep.  ad  Ait. 

t  It  does  not  appear  that  (  icero  was  influenced  bv  this  conduct  ot  Clodius:  he  had 
always  expressed  an  indifference  to  the  lieutenancy  that  was  offered  to  tiim  by 
Caesar.— j;i».  adAtt.  1.  ii.  c.  18. 


406  CICCRO. 

of  trial.  This  was  the  charge  which  he  was  summoned  to  answer. 
Ciceio  then  put  on  mournnig,  let  his  hnir  grow,  and  with  every 
tok«'n  ot  distress,  went  about  to  supphcate  the  people.  CModius 
took  care  to  meet  him  ever>  where  in  the  streets,  with  his  auda- 
cious  and  insolent  crew,  who  insulted  him  on  his  change  of  diess, 
and  o(\en  disturhed  his  applications  by  pelting  him  with  dirt  and 
stones.  However,  almost  all  the  equestrian  order  went  into  mourn, 
ing  with  him  ;  and  no  tewer  than  twenty  thousand  young  men,  of 
the  best  families,  attended  him  with  iheir  hair  dishevelled,  and  en. 
treated  the  people  for  him.  Afterwards  the  senate  met,  with  an 
intent  to  decree  that  the  people  should  change  their  habits,  as  in 
times  of  public  mourning.  Kui,  as  the  consuls  opposed  it,  and 
Clodius  beset  ihe  house  ^ith  his  armed  band  of  rufliuns,  many  of 
the  senators  ran  out,  rending  their  garments,  and  exclaiming 
against  the  outrage. 

Bui  this  spectacle  excited  neither  compassion  nor  shame,  and  it 
appeared  that  Cicero  must  eithei  go  into  exile,  or  decide  the  dig. 
pute  with  the  sword,  in  ihis  extremity  he  applied  to  Pompey  for 
assistance;  but  he  had  purposely  absented  himse.t,  and  remained 
at  hih  Alban  villa.  Cicero  first  sent  his  son-in.law  Piso  to  him, 
and  afterwards  went  himself.  When  Pompey  >*as  informed  of  his 
arrival,  he  could  noi  bear  to  look  him  in  the  ace.  He  was  con- 
founded at  the  thought  of  an  interview  with  his  injured  friend,  who 
had  fouglit  such  battles  for  him,  and  rendered  him  so  man\  ser. 
vices  in  tne  course  of  his  adinniisi ration.  But  being  now  snn.in* 
law  to  CaBsar,  ht-  sacrificed  his  former  obligations  to  that  connec 
tion,  and  went  out  at  a  back  door  to  avoid  his  presence. 

Cicen»  thus  betrayed  and  deserted,  had  recourse  to  the  consuls. 
Gabiiiius  always  treated  him  rudely  ;  but  Piso  behaved  with  soma 
civility.  He  advised  him  to  withdraw  from  the  torrent  of  Clodius's 
rage:  to  bear  this  change  of  ihe  times  with  patience,  and  to  be 
once  more  the  saviour  of  his  country,  which,  for  his  sake,  was  in 
all  this  trouble  and  commotion. 

A(\er  this  answer,  Cicero  consulted  with  his  friends.  Lucullus 
advised  him  to  stay,  and  assured  him  he  would  be  victorious. 
Others  were  of  opinion,  that  it  was  best  to  fly,  because  the  people 
would  s<ion  be  desirous  of  his  return,  when  they  were  weur>  of  the 
extravagance  and  madnesN  of  Clodius.  He  approved  of  this  last 
advice;  and  taking  a  stame  of  Minerva,  which  he  had  long  kept 
in  his  house  with  great  devotion,  he  carried  it  to  the  capitol,  and 
dedicated  it  there,  with  this  inscription,  to  minrrva  the  protect. 
BKss  OF  RoMK.  About  midnight  he  privately  quitted  the  city  ;  and, 
with  some  friends  who  attended  to  conduct  him,  took  his  route  on 
foot  through  Liicania,  intending  to  pass  from  thence  to  Sicily. 

It  was  no  sooner  known  that  he  was  fled,  than  Clodius  procured  ^ 
o  decree  of  banishment  against  biro,  which  prohibited  hioi  fire  tod 


ClGEEa  4JQ9 

water,  and  admission  into  any  house  within  five  hundred  miles  of 
Ital).  Bui  such  was  the  veneration  the  people  had  for  Cicero, 
that  iu  general  there  was  no  regard  paid  lo  the  decree.  They 
showeu  hwn  every  sort  of  civility,  and  conducie  him  on  his  way 
with  the  must  cordial  attention.  Onlv  at  Hipponium,  a  city  of  Lu- 
cania,  now  called  Vibo,  one  Vibius,  a  native  of  Sicily,  who  had 
particular  obligations  lo  him,  and,  among  other  things,  nad  an  ap- 
pointment under  him  when  consul,  as  surveyor  of  the  works,  now 
refused  to  admit  nun  into  his  house  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  ac- 
quainted him  that  he  would  appoint  a  place  in  the  country  for  his 
reception.  And  Caius  Virginius,  the  praetor  of  Sicily,  though 
indebted  to  Cicero  tor  considerable  services,  wrote  to  forbid  him 
entrance  into  that  isiand. 

Discouraged  at  these  instances  of  ingratitude,  he  repaired  to 
Brundusiuni,  where  he  embarked  for  Dvrrhachium.  At  first  he 
had  a  favourable  gale,  but  the  next  day  the  wind  turned  about  and 
drove  him  back  to  port.  He  set  sail,  however,  again,  as  soon  as 
the  wind  was  fair.  It  is  reported,  that  when  he  was  going  to  land 
at  Dyrrhachium,  there  happened  to  be  an  earthquake,  and  the  sea 
retired  to  a  great  distance  from  the  shore.  The  diviners  inferred 
that  his  exile  would  be  of  no  long  continuance,  for  these  were  tokens 
of  a  sudden  change.  Great  numbers  of  people  came  to  pay  their 
respects  to  him  ;  and  the  cities  of  Greece  strov*  which  should  show 
him  the  greatest  civilities  ;  yet  he  continued  dejected  and  discon- 
solate. Like  a  passionate  lover,  he  often  cast  a  longing  look  to- 
wads  Italy,  and  behaved  with  a  littleness  of  spirit  which  could  not 
have  been  expected  from  a  man  that  had  enjoyed  such  opportuni- 
ties of  cultivation  from  letters  and  philosophy.  Nay,  he  had  often 
desired  his  friends  not  to  call  him  an  orator,  but  a  philosopher, 
because  he  had  made  philosophy  his  business,  and  rhetoric  only 
..  the  instrument  of  his  political  operations.  But  opinion  has  great 
power  to  efface  the  tinctures  of  piiiiosophy,  and  infuse  the  passions 
oT  the  vulgar  into  the  minds  of  statesmen,  who  have  a  necessary 
connexion  and  commerce  with  the  multitude  ;  unless  they  tako 
care  so  to  engage  in  every  thing  extrinsic,  as  to  attend  to  the 
business  only,  without  imbibing  the  passions  that  are  the  common 
consequence  of  that  business. 

After  Clodius  had  banished  Cicero,  he  burnt  his  villas,  and  his 
house  in  Rome  ;  and  on  the  place  where  the  latter  stood,  erected 
a  temple  to  liberty.  His  goods  he  put  up  to  auction,  and  the  crier 
gave  notice  of  it  every  day,  but  no  buyer  appeared.  By  these 
means  he  became  formidable  to  the  patricians  ;  and  having  drawn 
the  people  with  hirn  into  the  most  audacious  insolence  and  effronte- 
ry, he  attacked  Pompej,  and  called  into  question  some  of  his  acts 
and  ordinances  in  the  wars.  As  this  exposed  Pompey  to  some  re- 
flections, he  blamed  himself  greatly  for  abandoning  Cicero ;  and 
^  3r  as 


410 


ClCi^O. 


entirely  changing  his  plan,  took  every  means  fbr  eflbdting  ms  re- 
Uini.  As  Clodius  constantly  opposed  them,  tho  senate  decreed 
that  no  public  business  of  any  kind  should  be  despatched  by  their 
body,  till  Cicero  was  recalled.  ' 

In  the  consulship  of  Lentulus,  the  sedition  increased ;  some  of 
the  tribunes  were  wounded  in  the  forum;  and  Quintus, the  brother 
of  Cicero,  was  left  tor  dead  among  the  slain.  The  people  begau 
now  to  change  their  opinion ;  und  Annius  Milo,  one  of  the  tri- 
bunes, was  the  first  who  ventured  to  call  Clodius  to  answer  for  his 
violation  of  the  public  peace.  Many  of  the  people  of  Rome,  and 
of  the  neighbouring  cities,  joined  Pompey  ;  with  whose  assistance 
lie  drove  Clodius  out  of  the  (brum ;  and  then  he  summoned  tho 
citizens  to  vote.  It  is  said,  that  nothing  wus  ever  carried  among 
the  commons  with  so  great  unanimity  ;  and  the  senate,  endeavour- 
ing to  give  still  higher  proofs  of  their  attachment  to  Cicero,  de- 
creed that  their  thanks  should  be  given  the  cities  which  had  treated 
him  with  kindness  and  respect  during  his  exile,  and  thai  his  towu 
and  country  houses,  which  Clodius  had  demolished,  should  be  re* 
buih  at  the  public  charge."' 

Cicero  returned  sixteen  months  after  his  banishment ;  and  such 
joy  was  f^xpressed  by  the  cities,  so  much  eagerness  to  meet  him 
by  all  ranks  of  people,  that  his  own  account  of  it  is  less  than  the 
truth,  though  he  said,  "  That  Italy  had  brought  him  on  her  shoul- 
ders  to  Rome."  Crassus,  who  was  his  enemy  before  his  exile, 
now  readily  went  to  meet  him,  and  was  reconciled.  In  this,  he 
said,  he  was  willing  to  oblige  his  son  Pubhus,  who  was  a  great  ad- 
mirer of  Cicero. 

Not  long  after  his  return,  Cicero  taking  his  opportunity,  when 
Clodius  was  absent,^  went  up  with  a  great  company  to  the  capitol, 
and  destroyed  the  iribunitial  tables,  in  which  were  recorded  all  the 
acts  in  Clodius's  time.  Clodiu^  loudly  complained  of  this  pro- 
ceeding ;  but  Cicero  answered,  **That  his  appointment  as  a  tribune 
was  irregular,  because  he  was  of  a  patrician  family,  and  conse- 
quently all  his  acts  were  invalid."  Cato  was  displeased,  and  op- 
posed  Cicero  in  this  assertion  :  not  that  he  praised  Clodius ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  extremely  offended  at  his  administration  ;  but  he 
represented,  "  That  it  would  be  a  violent  stretch  of  prerogative, 
for  the  senate  to  annul  so  many  decrees  and  acts,  among  which 
were  his  own  commission,  and  his  regulations  at  Cyprus  and  By- 
suintium."  The  diffVrence  which  this  produced  between  Cato  and 
Cicero,  did  not  come  to  an  absolute  rupture  ;  it  only  lessened  the 
warmth  of  their  friendship. 

*  Tli«  con«tilt  decreed  for  rebuildiiif  hit  bout*  in  Ron*  ncvr  X11>000;  for  bit 
Tuscan  villa  near  j^3,000:  and  for  hii  Porinian  villa  about  half  iliai'auin,  wbicU 
Cicero  called  a  very  •e%nty  eatmiaie. 

t  ('icrro  had  atteinpied  ibii  uace  before,  whon  Clodius  wa«  ptoaaot ;  but  Caiut, 
ih0  brtither  of  CMitit,  beinf  prstor,  bv  hit  meant  they  wera  rescued  out  of  Ute  bandi 
ofCievm. 


GICERO.  411 

After  this,  Milo  killed  Clodias  ;  and  being  arraigned  for  the  fact, 
he  chase  Cicero  for  his  advocate.  The  senate,  fearing  that  the 
prosecution  of  a  man  of  Milo's  spirit  and  reputation  might  produce 
some  tumult  in  the  city,  appomted  Pompey  to  preside  at  this  and 
the  other  trials ;  and  to  provide  for  the  peace  of  the  city,  and  the 
protection  of  the  courts  of  justice.  In  consequence  of  which,  he 
posted  a  body  of  soldiers  in  the  forum  before  day,  and  secured 
every  part  of  it.  This  made  Milo  apprehensive  that  Cicero  would 
be  disconcerted*  at  so  unusual  a  sight,  and  less  able  to  plead.  He 
therefore  persuaded  him  to  come  in  a  litter  to  the  forum  ;  and  to 
repose  himself  there  till  the  judges  were  assembled,  and  the  court 
filled :  for  he  was  not  only  timid  in  war,  but  he  had  his  fear  when 
he  spoke  in  public ;  and  in  many  causes  he  scarce  left  trembling 
even  in  the  height  and  vehemence  of  his  eloquence. 

When  he  came  out  of  the  litter  to  open  the  cause  of  Milo,  and 
saw  Pompey  seated  on  high,  as  in  a  camp,  and  weapons  glittering 
all  around  the  forum,  he  was  so  confounded  that  he  could  scarce 
begm  his  oration  *  for  he  shook,  and  his  tongue  /altered  ;  though 
Milo  attended  the  trial  with  great  courage,  ^nd  hacl  disdained  to 
let  his  hair  grow,  or  to  put  on  mourning.  These  circumstances 
contributed  not  a  little  to  his  condemnation  ;  as  for  Cicero,  his 
trembling  was  imputed  rather  to  his  anxiety  for  his  friend,  than  to 
any  particular  timidity. 

Qicero  was  appointed  one  of  the  priests  called  Augurs,  in  the 
room  of  young  Crassus,  who  was  killed  in  the  Parthian  war.  Af- 
terward the  province  of  Cilicia  was  allotted  to  him,  and  he  sailed 
thither  with  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  foot,  and  two  thousand 
six  hundred  horse.  He  had  it  in  charge  to  bring  Cappadocia  to 
submit  to  king  Ariobarzanes  ;  which  he  accomplished  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all  parties,  without  having  recourse  to  arms ;  and  find- 
ing the  Cilicians  elated  on  the  miscarriage  of  the  Romans  in  Par- 
tliia,  and  the  commotipns  in  Syria,  he  brought  them  to  order  by 
the  gentleness  of  his  government.  He  refused  the  presents  which 
the  neighbouring  princes  offered  him  ;  he  excused  the  province 
from  findmg  him  a  public  table,  and  daily  entertained,  at  his  own 
charge,  persons  of  honour  and  learning,  not  with  magnificence  in- 
deed, but  with  elegance  and  propriety.  He  had  no  porter  at  his 
gate,  nor  did  any  man  ever  find  him  in  bed ;  for  he  rose  early  in 
the  morning,  and  kindly  received  those  who  came  to  pay  their 
court  to  him,  either  standing  or  walking  before  his  door.  We  are 
told  that  he  never  caused  any  man  to  be  beaten  with  rods,  or  to 
have  his  garments  rent  ;*  never  gave  opprobrious  language  in  his 
anger,  nor  added  insult  to  punishment.     He  rec^jvered  the  pubhc 

*  This  mark  of  ignominy  was  of  great  antiquity  :  "  Wherefore  Hanun  took  Da- 
vid's servants,  and  shaved  off  one  half  of  their  beards,  and  cut  off  their  gaun^nts  to 
the  middle,  even  to  their  buttocks,  and  sent  them  away." — 2Siern.  x.4. 


^2  GICERO. 

money  which  had  been  embezzled,  und  enriched  the  cities  with  it ; 
at  the  sume  time,  he  was  saiiKfied  if  those  who  had  been  gfiihv  of 
such  frauds  made  restitution,  and  fixed  no  mark  of  infamy  upon 
them. 

He  had  also  a  taste  for  war :  for  he  routed  the  bands  of  robbers 
that  had  possessed  themselves  of  Mount  Amanus,  and  was  saluted 
by  his  armv  Jmperator*  on  that  account.  Caecilius,'!'  the  orator, 
having  desired  him  to  send  him  some  panthers  from  Cilina  fur  his 
games  at  Rome,  in  his  answer  he  could  not  forbear  boasting  of 
his  achievements.  He  said,  '-  There  were  no  panthers  left  in  Ci. 
licia.  Those  uinmals,  in  their  vexation  to  find  that  they  were  the 
only  objects  of  war,  while  every  thing  else  was  at  peace,  were  fled 
into  Caria."  "* 

In  his  return  from  his  province,  he  stopped  at  Rhodes,  and  aficr- 
^ard  made  some  stay  at  Athens;  which  he  did  with  great  pleasure, 
in  remembrance  of  his  former  conversations  at  that  place.  He  had 
now  the  companv  of  all  that  were  most  famed  for  erudition  ;  and 
visited  his  former  friends  and  acquaintance.  After  he  had  re- 
ceived all  due  honours  and  marks  of  esteem  from  Greece,  he  passed 
on  to  Rome,  where  he  found  the  fire  of  dissention  kindled,  and 
every  thing  tending  to  a  civil  war. 

When  the  senate  decreed  him  a  triumph,  he  said,  "  He  had  ra- 
ther follow  Caesar's  chariot  wheels  in  his  triumph,  if  a  reconcilia. 
tion  could  be  effected  between  him  and  Pompey."  And  in  private 
he  tried  every  healing  and  conciliatory  method  by  writing  to  Cdb- 
sar  and  entreating  Pompey^  After  it  came  to  an  open  rupture, 
and  Ceesar  was  on  his  march  to  Rome,  Pompey  retired  with  num. 
bers  of  the  principal  citizens  in  his  train.  Cicero  did  not  attend 
him  in  his  flight,  and,  therefore,  it  was  believed  he  would  join  Coc. 
Bar.  It  IS  certain  that  he  fluctuated  greatly  in  his  opinion,  and 
was  in  the  utmost  anxiety  ;  for  he  says,  in  his  epistles,  **  Whither 
shall  I  turn  ?  P<»mpey  has  the  more  honourable  cause  ;  but  Cssar 
manages  his  affairs  with  the  greatest  address,  and  is  most  able  to 
save  himself  and  his  friends  :  in  short.  1  know  whom  to  avoid,  but 
not  whom  to  seek." 

At  last,  one  Trebatiiis,  a  friend  of  Cssar's,  sifrnified  to  him  by 
loiter,  that  Csesar  thought  he  had  reason  to  reckon  him  of  his  side, 
and  to  consider  him  as  a  partner  of  his  hopes.  But  if  his  age  would 
not  permit  it,  he  might  retire  into  Greece,  and  live  there  in  tran- 
quillitN,  without  any  connexion  with  either  party.  Cicer»»  was 
surprised  that  Caesar  did  not  write  himaelf,  and  answered  angrily, 

•  He  not  imly  received  thit  mark  of  diMinodon.  twt         ;  i  k«««v"'K*  w»r«  or. 

oered  Mf  Roiiie  l«>r  hm  nuccnt     and  ihe  peoolr  *riit  i  < f  »»>n.  a  inuinph. 

Hi*  •arvicet.  iherelare,  nni»t  h«v«  twitn  coii»id»iah(e.  m  *mu»  \o  ipriiiioo 

tham  tofi  ahKhtir. 

t  Not  Cvciliui,  t»wt  CaliHiL  Ha  wai  tban  adila,  and  wantad  tha  panthara  for  bia 
MiMiotlKtwa. 


GlCERa  413 

"  That  he  would  do  nothing  unworthy  of  his  political  character." 
Such  IS  the  account  we  have  of  the  matter  in  his.  epistles. 

However,  upon  Caesar's  marching  tor  Spain,  he  crossed  the  sea, 
and  repaired  to  Pompey.  His  arrival  was  agreeable  to  the  gene- 
rality ;  but  Cato  blamed  him  privately  for  taking  this  measure. 
"As  for  me,"  said  he,  "it  would  have  been  wrong  to  leave  that 
party  which  I  embraced  from  the  beginning;  but  you  might  have 
been  much  more  serviceable  to  your  country  and  vour  friends,  if 
you  had  staid  at  Rome,  and  accommodated  \ourself  to  events : 
vvhereas  now,  without  any  reason  or  necessity,  you  have  declared 
yourself  an  enemy  to  Caesar,  and  are  come  to  share  in  the  danger 
with  which  you  had  nothing  to  do." 

These  arguments  made  Cicero  change  his  opinion  ;  especially, 
when  he  found  that  Pompey  did  not  employ  him  upon  any  consi- 
derable  service.  It  is  true,  no  one  was  to  be  blamed  for  this  but 
himself;  for  he  made  no  secret  of  his  repenting.  He  disparas^ed 
Pompey's  preparations;  he  insinuated  his  dislike  of  his  counsels, 
and  never  spared  his  jests  upon  his  allies.  He  was  not,  indeed, 
inclined  to  laugh  himself;  on  the  contrary,  he  walked  about  the 
camp  with  a  very  solemn  countenance;  but  he  often  made  others 
laugh,  though  they  were  very  little  inclined  to  it.  Perhaps  it  may 
not  be  amiss  to  give  a  few  instances : — When  Domitius  advanced 
a  man  who  had  no  turn  for  war,  to  the  rank  of  capfain,  and  assign- 
ed for  his  reason,  that  he  was  an  honest  and  prudent  man,  *'  Why 
then,"  said  Cicero,  "do  you  not  keo  him  for  governor  to  your 
children?"  When  some  were  commending  Theophanes  the  Les- 
bian, who  was  director  of  the  board  of  works,  for  consoling  the 
Rhodians  on  the  loss  of  their  fleet,  "  See,"  said  Cicero,  "  what  it 
is  to  have  a  Grecian  director  !"  When  Caesar  was  successful  in  al- 
most every  instance,  and  held  Pompey,  as  it  were,  besieged,  Len- 
tulus  said,  "  He  was  informed  that  Caesar's  friends  looked  very 
eour."  "You  m^an,  I  suppose,"  said  Cicero,  "  that  they  are  out 
of  humour  with  him."  One  Martius,  newly  arrived  from  Italy,  told 
ihem  a  report  prevailed  at  Rome,  that  Pompey  was  blocked  up  in 
his  camp  :  "  Then,"  said  Cicero,  "  you  took  a  voyage  on  purpose 
to  see  it."  After  Pompey 's  defeat,  Nonnius  said,  there  was  room 
yet  for  hope,  for  there  were  seven  eagles  left  in  the  camp.  Cicero 
answered,  "  That  would  be  good  encouragement,  if  we  were  to 
fight  with  jackdaws."  When  Labienus,  on  the  strength  of  some 
oracles,  insisted  that  Pompey  must  be  conqueror  at  last  :  "By 
this  oracular  generalship,"  said  Cicero,  "we  have  lost  our 
camp." 

After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  (in  which  he  was  not  present  on  ac- 
count of  his  ill  health.)  and  after  the  flight  of  Pompey,  Cato,  who 
had  considerable  forces,  and  a  great  fleet  at  D\  rrhachium,  desired 
Cicero  to  take  the  command,  because  his  consular  dignity  gave 
35* 


414  CICERU 

bim  a  legal  title  to  iU  Cicero,  however,  not  only  declined  it,  but 
absolutely  refused  taking  anv  farther  share  in  the  war.  Upon 
whicti  >oung  Pumpes  and  his  triends  called  him  traitor,  drew  their 
swords,  and  would  certauily  have  despatched  him,  bad  not  Cato  in- 
terposed  and  conveyed  him  out  of  the  camp. 

•He  got  safe  to  Brundusium,  and  staid  there  some  time  in  ezpec* 
tation  of  Cesar,  who  was  detained  by  his  affairs  in  Asia  and  Eg>  pt. 
When  he  heard  that  the  conqueror  was  arrived  at  Tarentum,  and 
designed  to  proceed  thence  by  land  t<i  Brundusium,  he  set  out  to 
meet  him  ;  not  without  hope,  nor  yet  without  some  shame  and  re* 
luctance  at  the  thought  of  trying  how  he  stood  in  the  opinion  of  a 
victorious  enemy  before  so  many  witnesses.  He  had  no  occasion, 
however,  either  to  do  or  say  any  ihing  beneath  his  dignity.  Cssar 
DO  sooner  beheld  him  at  a  considerable  distance,  advancing  before 
the  rest,  than  he  dismounted,  and  can  to  embrace  him  ;  after  which, 
he  went  on  discoursing  with  him  alone  for  ipauy  furlongs.  He 
continued  to  treat  him  with  great  kindness  and  respect ;  insomuch 
that  when  he  had  written  an  encomium  on  Cato,  which  bore  the 
name  of  that  great  man,  Cssar,  in  his  answer,  entitled  AiUicato, 
praised  both  the  eloi^uence  and  conduct  of  Cicero,  and  said  be 
greatly  resembled  Pericles  and  Theramenes. 

When  Qiiintus  Liganus  was  prosecuted  for  bearing  arms  against 
CcBsnr,  and  Cicero  had  undertaken  to  plead  his  cause,  Caesar  is  re- 
ported lo  have  said,  **  Why  may  we  not  give  ourselves  a  pleasure, 
which  we  have  not  enjoyed  so  long,  that  of  hearinie  Cicero  speak; 
since  I  have  already  taken  my  resolution  as  to  Ligarius,  who  is 
clearly  a  bad  man.  as  well  as  my  enemy  ?"  But  he  was  greatly 
moved  when  Cicero  began  ;  and  his  speech,  as  it  proceeded,  had 
such  a  variety  of  pathos,  so  irresistible  a  charm,  that  his  colour 
changed ;  and  it  was  evident  that  his  mind  was  torn  with  rtmflict- 
ing  passions.  At  last,  when  the  orator  touched  on  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia,  he  was  so  extremely  affected,  that  his  whole  frame  trem- 
bled, and  he  let  drop  some  papers  out  of  his  hand.  Thus  conquer- 
ed by  the  force  of  eloquence,  he  acquitted  Ligarius. 

The  commonwealth  being  changed  into  a  monarchy,  Cicero 
withdrew  from  the  scene  of  public  business,  and  bestowed  his  lei- 
sure  on  the  young  men  who  were  desirous  to  be  instructed  in  phi. 
losophy.  As  these  were  of  the  best  families,  b>  his  interest  with 
therii  he  once  more  obtained  great  authority  in  Rome.  He  made 
it  his  business  to  compose  and  translate  philosophical  dialogues, 
and  to  render  the  Greek  terms  of  logic  and  natural  philosoph%  in 
the  Roman  language.  His  ready  turn  for  poetr)  likewise  afforded 
bim  amusement.  As  in  this  period  he  spent  most  of  his  time  at  his 
Tusculan  villa,  he  wrote  to  his  friends,  *'  That  he  led  the  life  of 
Laertes  ;*'  either  by  way  of  raillery,  as  his  cuMtom  was,  or  from  an 
ambitious  desire  of  public  employment,  and  discontent  in  his  pr«- 


GICERO.  416 

sent  situation.  Be  that  as  it  may,  he  rarely  went  to  Rome,  and 
then  only  to  pay  his  court  to  Caesar.  He  was  always  one  of  the 
first  to  vote  him  additional  honours  ;  and  forward  to  sav  somethmg 
new  of  him  and  his  actions.  Thus,  when  Caesar  ordered  Pompey's 
statues,  which  had  been  pulled  down,  to  be  erected  a^ain,  Cicero 
said,  '*  That,  by  setting  up  Pompey's  statues,  he  had  established 
his  own." 

It  is  reported  that  he  had  formed  a  design  to  write  the  history  of 
his  own  country  ;  but  he  was  prevented  by  many  disagreeable  cir- 
cumstances, both  public  and  private,  into  most  of  which  he  broijght 
himself  by  his  own  indiscretiim  ;  for,  in  the  first  place,  he  divorced 
his  wife  Terentia.  The  reasons  he  assigned,  were,  that  she  had  neg- 
lected him  during  the  war;  and  even  sent  him  out  without  necessa- 
ries. Besides,  after  his  return  to  Italy,  she  behaved  to  him  with  little 
regard,  and  did  not  wait  on  him  during  his  long  stay  at  Brundusium. 
Nay,  when  his  daughter,  at  that  time  very  young,  took  so  long  a 
journey  to  see  him,  she  allowed  her  but  an  indifierent  equipage, 
and  insufficient  supplies.  Indeed,  according  to  his  own  account, 
his  house  was  become  naked  and  empty,  through  the  many  debts 
which  she  had  contracted.  Terentia,  however,  denied  alt  these 
charges :  and  Cicero  himself  made  a  full  apology  for  her,  by  mar- 
rying a  young  woman  not  long  after.  Terentia  said,  he  took  her 
merely  for  her  beauty  ;  but  his  freedman  Tyro  affirms,  that  he  mar- 
ried her  for  her  wealth,  that  it  might  enable  him  to  pay  his  debts. 
She  was,  indeed,  very  rich,  and  her  fortune  was  in  the  hands  of 
Cicero,  who  was  left  her  guardian.  As  his  debts  were  great,  his 
friends  and  relations  persuaded  him  to  marry  the  young  lady,  not- 
withstanding the  disparity  of  years,  and  satisfy  his  creditors  out  of 
her  fortune. 

Antony,  in  his  answer  to  the  Philippics,  taxes  him  with  "repudia- 
ting  a  wife  with  whom  he  was  grown  old  ;"*  and  rallies  hira  on  ac- 
count of  his  perpetually  keeping  at  home,  like  a  man  either  unfit 
for  business  or  war.  ^  Not  long  after  this  match,  his  daughter  Tul- 
lia,  who  after  the  death  of  Piso  had  married  Lentulus,  died  in 
childbed.  The  philosophers  came  from  all  parts  t6  comfort  him, 
for  his  loss  affiscted  him  extremely;  and  he  even  put  away  his  new 
bride,  because  she  seemed  to  rejoice  at  the  death  of  Tullia.  In 
this  posture  were  Cicero's  domestic  affiiirs. 

As  to  those  of  the  public,  he  had  no  share  in  the  conspiracy 
against  Caesar,  though  he  was  one  of  Briitus's  particular  friends ; 
and  no  man  was  more  uneasy  under  the  new  establishment,  or  more 
desirous  of  having  the  commonwealth  restored.  Possibly  they 
feared  his  natural  deficiency  of  courage,  as  well  as  his  time  of  life, 
at  which  the  boldest  begin  to  droop.  After  the  work  was  done  by 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  the  friends  of  Caesar  assembled  to  revenffe  his 

*  Ciceso  was  then  sixty- two. 


416  GICIRO. 

death  ;  and  it  was  apprehended  that  Rome  would  again  be  plunged 
in  civil  war8.  Amony,  who  wan  couiiul,  ordered  a  nieeiiiig  of  the 
senate,  and  made  a  short  speech  on  the  neceiwity  of  union.  But 
Cicero  expatiated  in  a  manner  suitable  to  the  nccasiou  ;  and  per. 
suaded  the  senate  to  pass  a  general  ainnesty  as  to  alt  that  had  beeo 
done  against  Csesar,  and  to  decree  provinces  to  Brutus  and  Cas- 
sius. 

None  of  these  things,  however,  took  effect :  for  the  people  were 
inclined  to  pity  on  this  event;  and  when  they  beheld  i he  dead 
bods  ot  (Caesar  carried  into  the  forum,  where  Antony  showed  ihem 
his  robe,  stained  with  blood,  and  pierced  on  all  sides  with  swords, 
theN  broke  out  into  a  transport  (»f  rage.  The>  sought  all  over  the 
forum  for  the  actors  in  that  tragedy,  and  ran  wiUi  lighted  torches 
to  burn  their  houses.  By  their  precaution  they  escaped  this  dan- 
gei  ;  but  as  they  saw  others  no  less  considerable  impending,  they 
left  the  city. 

Antony,,  elated  with  this  advantage,  became  formidable  to  all  the 
opposite  party,  who  supposed  that  he  woul^l  aim  at  nothing  less 
than  absolute  power  ;  but  Cicero  had  particular  reason  to  dread 
him  ;  for,  being  sensible  that  Cicero's  weight  in  the  administra- 
tion was  established  again,  and  of  his  strong  attachment  to  Brutus, 
Antony  could  hardly  bear  his  presence.  Besides,  there  had  long 
been  some  jealousy  and  dislike  between  them  on  account  of  the 
dissimilarity  of  their  lives.  Cicero,  fearing  the  event,  was  in- 
dined  to  go  with  Dolabella  into  S\ria,  as  his  lieutenant.  But  af* 
terwards  Hirtius  and  Fansa,  who  were  to  be  consuls  after  Antony, 
persons  of  great  merit,  and  good  friends  to  Cicero,  desired  him  not 
to  leave  them ;  and  promised,  with  his  assistance,  to  destroy  An- 
tony. Cicero,  without  depending  much  on  their  scheme,  eave  up 
that  of  going  with  Dolabella,  and  agreed  with  the  consuls  elect  to 
pass  the  summer  in  Athens,  and  return  when  they  entered  upon 
their  office. 

Accordingly,  he  embarked  for  that  place  without  taking  an^ 
principal  Roman  along  with  him.  But  his  voyage  being  acci. 
dentally  retarded,  news  was  brought  from  Rome,  (for  he  did  not 
choose  to  be  without  news,)  that 'there  was  a  wonderful  change  in 
Antony  ;  that  he  took  all  his  steps  agreeably  to  the  sense  of  the 
senate  ;  and  that  nothing  but  his  presence  was  wanting  to  bring 
matters  to  the  best  establishment.  He,  therefore,  condemned  hia 
excessive  caution,  and  returned  to  Rome. 

His  first  hopes  were  not  diMappoimed.  Such  crowds  came  out 
to  meet  liiin,  that  almost  a  whole  day  was  spent  at  the  gates,  ami 
oc  his  way  home,  in  compliments  and  congratulations.  Next  day 
Antony  convened  the  senate,  and  sent  for  Cicero ;  but  ho  kept  hia 
bed,  pretending  that  he  was  indisposed  with  his  journey.  In  rcali. 
ty,  he  seems  to  have  been  afraid  of  assassination,  in  conscquenco 


r 


GICERO.  4]  7 

of  some  hints  he  received  by  the  way.  Antony  was  extremely  in- 
censed  at  these  suggestions,  and  ordered  a  party  ot  soldiers  either 
to  bring  him,  or  to  burn  his  house  m  case  of  refusal.  However, 
at  the  request  of  numbers  who  interposed,  he  revoked  that  order, 
and  bade  them  only  bring  a  pledge  from  his  house. 

After  this,  when  they  happened  to  meet,  they  passed  each  other 
in  silence,  and  lived  m  mutual  distrust.  Mean  time,  young  Caesar, 
arr^vrng  from  ApoHonia,  put  in  his  claim  as  heir  to  his  uncle,  and 
sued  Antony  for  twenty-five  million  drachmas,^  which  he  detained 
of  the  estate. 

Hereupon,  Philip,  who  had  married  the  mother,  and  Marcellus, 
who  was  husband  to  the  sister  of  Octavius,  brought  him  to  Cicero. 
It  was  agreed  between  them  that  Cicero  should  assist  Caesar  with 
his  eloquence  and  interest,  both  with  the  senate  and  the  people  ; 
and  that  Caesar  should  give  Cicero  all  the  protection  that  his 
wealth  and  military  influence  could  afford  :  for  the  young  man  had 
already  collected  a  considerable  number  of  the  veterans  who  had 
served  under  his  uncle. 

Cicero  received  the  offer  of  his  friendship  with   pleasure  :  for 
while    Pompey  and   Caesar  were    living,  Cicero,  it  seems,  had  a 
dream,  in  which  he  thought  he  called  some  boys,  the  sons  of  sena- 
tors, up  to  the  capitol,  because  Jupiter  designed  to  pitch  upon  one 
of  them  for  sovereign  of  Rome.     The  citizens  ran   with  all  the 
eagerness  of  expectation,  and  placed  themselves  about  the  temple  ; 
and  the  boys  in  iheir  prcBtexia  sat  silent.  The  doors  suddenly  open- 
ing, the  boys  rose  up  one  b\  one,  and,  in  their  order,  passed  round 
the  god,  who  reviewed  them  all,  and  sent  them  away  disappointed  : 
but  when  Octavius  approached,  he  stretched  out  his  hand  to  him, 
and  said,  '*  Romans,  this  is  the  person,  who,  when  he  comes  to  be 
your  prince,  will  put  an  end  to  your  civil  wars."     This  vision,  they 
tell  us,  made  such  an   impression  upon  Cicero,  that  he  perfectly- 
retained  the  figure  and  countenance  of  the  boy,  though  he  did  not 
yet  know  him.     Next  day,  he  went  down  to  the  Campus  Martius^ 
when  the  boys  were  just  returning  from  their  exercises;   and  the 
first  who  struck  his  eye,  was  the  lad  in  the  very  form  tliat  he  had 
seen  in  his  dream.     Astonished  at  the  discovery,  Cicero  asked  him 
who  were  his  parents  ;   and  he  proved  to  be  the  son  of  Octavius,  a 
person  n<»t  much  distinguished  in  life,  and  of  Attia,  sister  to  Cflssar. 
As  he  was  so  near  a  relation,  and  Caesar  had  no  children  of  his 
own,  he  adopted   him,  and,  by  will,  left   him  his   estate.      Cicero, 
after  his  dream,  whenever  he  met  young  Octavius,  is  said  to  have 
treated  him  with  particular  regard  ;  and  he  received  those  marks 
of  his  iriendship  with  great  satisfaction.     Besides,  he  happened  to 
be  born  the  year  that  Cicero  was  consul. 

»  Plutarch  is  iiiiataken  in  the  sum.    It  appears  from  Paterculus  and  others  that  it 
WB8  seven  times  as  uiuch- 

36 


41S  OlOERO. 

These  were  pretended  to  be  the  causes  of  theur  present  connex- 
ion. But  the  leading  motive  with  Cicero  was  his  hatred  of  Auto- 
uy,  and  the  next  his  natural  avidity  ot  glory  ;  for  he  hoped  to  thruw 
the  weight  of  Octavius  into  the  scale  of  the  commonwealth  ;  and 
the  latter  behaved  to  him  with  such  a  puerile  deference,  that  he 
even  called  him  father.  Hence  Brutus,  in  his  letters  to  Atticus, 
expressed  his  indignation  agamst  Cicero,  and  said,  "  That,  as 
through  fear  of  Antony,  he  paid  his  court  to  young  Caesar,  it  was 
pluiit  that  he  took  not  his  measures  for  the  liberty  of  his  countr)-, 
but  only  to  obtain  a  gentle  muster  for  himself."  Nevertheless, 
Brutus  finding  the  son  of  Cicero  at  Athens,  where  he  was  studying 
under  the  philosuphers,  gave  him  a  command,  and  employed  hini 
upon  many  services,  which  proved  successful. 

Cicero's  power  at  this  time  was  at  its  greatest  height ;  he  carried 
every  pomt  that  he  desired  ;  insomuch  that  he  expelled  Antony, 
and  raised  such  a  spirit  against  him,  that  the  consuls  Hirtius  and 
Pansa  were  sent  to  give  him  battle  ;  and  Cicero  likewise  prevail- 
ed upon  the  senate  to  grant  Caesar  the  fasces^  with  the  dignity  ot' 
prsBlor,  as  one  who  wus  fiuhting  fur  his  country. 

Antony  indeed  wus  beaten  ;  but  both  tiie  consuls  falling  in  the 
action,  the  troops  ranged  themselves  under  the  banners  of  CaBsar. 
Thu  senate  now  fearing  the  views  uf  a  young  man,  who  was  so 
much  favoured  by  fortune,  endeavoured  by  honours  and  gifts  to 
draw  his  force>  from  him,  and  to  diminish  his  power.  They  al- 
leged, that,  as  Antony  was  put  to  Hight,  there  was  no  need  to  keep 
such  an  army  on  foot.  Csesar,  alarmed  ut  these  vigorous  mea- 
sures, privately  sent  some  friends  to  entreat  and  persuade  Cicero 
to  procure  the  consulship  for  them  both  ;  promising,  at  the  same 
time.,  that  he  should  direct  all  affairs,  according  to  his  better  judg- 
ment,  and  find  him  perfectly  tractable,  who  was  but  a  youth,  and 
had  no  ambition  for  any  thing  but  the  title  and  the  honour.  Coasar 
himself  acknowledged  afterwards,  that,  in  his  apprehensions  of  be- 
in^  entirely  ruined  and  deserted,  he  seasonably  availed  himself  of 
Cicero's  ambition,  persuaded  him  to  stand  for  the  consulship,  and 
undertook  to  support  his  application  with  his  whole  interest. 

In  this  case  particularly,  Cicero,  old  as  he  was,  suflered  him- 
self to  be  imposed  upon  by  this  young  man,  solicited  the  people 
for  Kim,  and  brought  the  senate  into  his  interest.  Kis  friends 
blarned  him  for  it  at  the  time ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  waa 
sensible  that  he  had  ruined  him.tcif,  and  given  up  the  liberties  of 
his  country  :  for  Caesar  was  no  sooner  strengthened  with  the  con. 
suliir  authority,  than  he  gave  up  Cicero  ;♦  and  reconciling  himself 
to  Antony  and  Lepidus,  he  united  his  powers  with  theirs,  and  di. 
vided  the  empire  among  them  as  if  it  had  been  a  private  estate. 
At  the  same  time  they  proscribed  above  two  hundred  pcrsouiS 
*  lactaad  of  tiikiiif  him  for  bis  colleague,  he  chotr  Quinnu  Padiu*. 


CICERO.  419 

whom  they  had  pitched  upon  for  a  sacrifice.  The  greatest  diffi. 
culty  and  dispute  was  about  the  proscription  of  Cicero  ;  for  Anto- 
ny would  come  to  no  terms,  till  he  was  first  taken  off.  Lepidus 
agreed  with  Antony  in  this  preliminary  ;  but  Caesar  opposed  them 
both.  They  had  a  private  congress  for  these  purposes  near  the 
city  of  Bononia,  which  lasted  three  days.  Caesar  is  said  to  have 
contended  for  Cicero  the  two  first  days  ;  but  the  third  he  gave  him 
up.  The  sacrifices  on  each  part  were  these  :  Caesar  was  to  aban- 
don  Cicero  to  his  fate  ;  Lepidus,  his  brother  Paulus  ;  and  Antony, 
Lucius  CsBsar,  his  uncle  by  the  mother's  side.  Thus  rage  and 
rancour  entirely  stifled  in  them  all  sentiments  of  humanity  ;  or, 
more  properly  speaking,  they  showed  no  beast  is  more  savage  than 
man,  when  he  is  possessed  of  power  equal  to  his  passion. 

While  his  enemies  w^re  thus  employed,  Cicero  was  at  his  Tus- 
culan  villa,  and  his  brother  Quintus  with  him.  When  they  were 
informed  of  the  proscription,  they  determined  to  remove  to  Astyra,  a 
country  house  of  Cicero's  near  the  sea  ;  where  they  intended  to 
take  a  ship,  and  repair  to  Brutus  in  Macedonia  ;  for  it  was  report, 
ed,  that  he  was  already  very  powerful  in  those  parts.  They 
were  carried  in  their  separate  litters,  oppressed  with  sorrow  and 
despair  ;  and  often  joining  their  litters  on  the  road,  they  stopped  to 
bemoan  their  mutual  misfortunes.  Quintus  was  the  more  de- 
jected, because  he  was  in  want  of  necessaries ;  for,  as  he  said, 
he  had  brought  nothing  from  home  with  him.  Cicero,  too,  had  but 
a  slender  provision.  They  concluded,  therefore,  that  it  would  be 
best  for  Cicero  to  hasten  his  flight,  and  for  Quintws  to  return  to  his 
house,  and  get  some  supplies.  This  resolution  being  fixed  upon, 
they  embraced  each  other  with  every  expression  of  sorrow,  and 
then  parted. 

A  few  days  after,  Quintus  and  ^is  son  were  betrayed  by  his  ser- 
vants  to  the  assassins  who  c^me  in  quest  of  them,  and  lost  their 
lives.  As  for  Cicero,  he,  was  carried  to  Astyra  ;  where  finding  a 
vessel,  he  immediately  went  on  board,  and  coasted  along  to  Cir- 
caBum,  with  a  favourable  wind.  The  pilots  were  preparing  imme. 
diately  to  sail  from  thence  ;  but  whether  it  was  that  he  feared  the 
sea,  or  had  not  yet  given  up  all  his  hopes  in  Caesar,  he  disembark- 
ed, and  travelled  a  hundred  furlongs  on  foot,  as  if  Rome  had  been 
the  place  of  his  destination.  Repenting,  however,  afterwards,  he 
left  that  road,  and  made  again  for  the  sea.  He  passed  the  night  in 
the  most  perplexing  and  horrid  thoughts  ;  insomuch,  that  he  was 
sometimes  inclined  to  go  privately  into  Caesar's  house,  and  stab 
himself  upon  the  altar  of  his  domestic  gods,  to  bring  the  divine  ven- 
geance upon  his  betrayer.  But  he  was  deterred  from  this  by  the 
fear  of  torture.  Other  alternatives  equally  distressful,  pre.-ented 
themselves.  At  last,  he  put  himself  in  the  hands  of  his  servant^, 
and  ordered  them  to  carry  him  by  sea  to  Cajeta,  where  be  had  a 


420  CIOERO. 

<]elighirul  retreat  in  the  summer,  when  the  Etesian  winds  set  in. 
There  was  a  temple  of  Apollo  on  that  roast,  from  which  a  flight  of 
crows  came,  with  great  noise  towards  Cicero's  vessel,  as  it  was 
making  land.  They  perched  on  both  sides  his  sail  yard,  where 
some  sat  croaking  and  others  pecking  the  ends  of  the  ropes.  All 
looked  upon  this  as  an  ill  omen  ;  yet  Cicero  went  on  shore,  and, 
enterinu  his  house,  lay  down  to  repose  himself.  In  the  mean  time, 
a  numher  of  the  crows  settled  in  the  chamber  window,  and  croaked 
in  the  most  doleful  manner.  One  of  them  even  «*ntered  it,  and 
alighting  on  the  bed,  attempted,  with  its  beak,  to  draw  ofTthe  clothes 
with  which  he  had  covered  his  face.  On  sight  of  this,  the  servants 
began  to  repniach  themselves.  "Shall  we,"  said  they,  "  lemain 
to  be  spectators  of  our  master's  murrter?  JShall  we  not  protect  him, 
so  innocent  and  so  great  a  sufferer  as  he  is,  when  the  brute  crea. 
tures  give  him  marks  of  their  care  and  attention  ?"  Then  partly 
by  entreaty,  partly  by  force,  they  got  him  into  his  litter,  and  car- 
ried him  towards  the  sea. 

Mean  time  the  assassins  came  up.  They  were  commanded  by 
Hereiinius,  a  centurion,  and  P(»mpilius,  a  tribune,  whom  Cicero  had 
formerly  defended  when  under  a  prosecution  for  parricide.  The 
doors  of  the  house  being  made  fast,  they  broke  them  open.  Still 
Cicero  did  not  appear,  and  the  servants  who  were  left  behind,  said 
they  knew  nothing  of  him.  But  a  young  man,  named  Philologiis, 
his  brother  Quintus's  freedman,  whom  Cicero  had  instructed  in  the 
liberal  arts  and  sciences,  informed  the  tribune,  that  they  were  car- 
rying the  litter  through  deep  shades  to  the  sea  side.  The  tribune, 
taking  a  few  soldiers  ^^ith  him,  ran  to  the  end  of  the  walk  where 
he  was  to  come  out.  But  Cicero  perceiving  that  Herennius  was 
hastening  after  him,  ordered  his  servants  to  set  the  litter  down,  and 
putting  his  left  hand  to  his  chin,  as  it  was  his  custom  to  do,  he 
looked  steadfastly  upon  his  murderen..  Such  an  appearance  of  mi- 
sery in  his  face,  overgrown  with  hair,  and  wnsted  with  anxiety,  so 
much  affected  the  attendants  of  Herennius,  that  ihev  covered  their 
faces  during  the  melancholy  scene.  That  uflicer  despatched  him, 
while  he  stretched  his  neck  out  of  the  litter  to  receive  the  blow. 
Thus  fell  Cicero,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Herennius 
cut  off  his  head,  and,  by  Antony's  command,  his  hands  too,  with 
which  he  had  written  the  Philippics.  Such  was  the  title  he  gave 
his  orations  against  Antony,  and  they  retain  it  to  this  da>. 

When  these  parts  of  Cicero's  body  were  brought  to  Rome,  An- 
tony happened  to  be  holding  an  assemblyfor  the  electicm  of  ma- 
gistrates.  He  no  sooner  beheld  them  than  he  cried  out,  **  Now  let 
there  be  an  end  of  all  proscriptions.  He  ordered  the  head  and 
hnitds  to  be  fastened  up  over  the  rostra,  a  dreadful  spectacle  to  the 
Roman  people,  who  thought  they  did  not  so  much  see  the  face  of 
Cirf»ro  HM  a  pictiirn  of  ^nf'>nv*8  soul.  Yet  ho  did  one  act  of  justice 


GICEtlO.  421 

on  this  occasion,  which  was  the  delivering  of  Philologus  to  Pompo- 
nia,  the  wife  of  Qumtus.  When  she  was  mistress  of  his  fate,  be- 
side other  horrid  punishments,  she  made  him  cut  off  his  own  flesh 
by  piecemeal,  and  roast  and  eat  ir.  This  is  the  account  some  his- 
torians give  us ;  but  Tyro,  Cicero's  freedman,  makes  no  mention 
of  the  treachery  of  Philologus. 

I  am  informed  thai,  a  long  time  after,  Caesar,  going  to  see  one  of 
his  grandsons,  found  him  with  a  book  of  Cicero's  in  his  hands.  The 
boy,  alarmed  at  the  accident,  endeavoured  lo  hide  the  book  under 
his  robe  ;  which  Caesar  perceived,  and  took  it  from  him  ;  and  af- 
ter haMng  run  most  of  it  over  as  he  stood,  he  returned  it,  and  said, 
*'  Mv  dear  child,  this  was  an  eloquent  man,  mid  a  lover  of  his  coun- 
try." 

Being  consul  at  the  time  when  he  conquered  Antony,  he  took 
the  son  of  Cicero  for  his  colleague  ;  under  whose  auspices  the  se- 
nate took  down  the  statues  of  Anton\ ,  defaced  all  the  monuments 
of  his  honour,  and  decreed,  that,  for  the  future,  none  of  his  family 
should  bear  the  name  of  Marcus.  Thus  thedivme  justice  reserved 
the  completion  of  Antony's  punishment  for  the  house  of  Cicero. 
36 


DEMOSTHENES  AND  CICERO 

COMPARED. 

THESE  are  the  most  memorable  circumstances  in  the  lives  of 
Deinusthenes  and  Cicero,  that  could  be  collected  ironi  the  hisiori- 
aoH  which  have  come  to  our  knowledge.  Though  1  shall  not  pre- 
tend to  compare  their  talents  fur  speakutg,  yet  this,  I  thmk,  1  ought 
to  observe,  that  Dem«)Sthenes,  by  the  exertion  of  all  his  powers, 
both  natural  and  acquired,  upon  that  object  oiil\,  came  to  exceed, 
in  energy  and  strength,  the  most  cel«-bruted  pleaders  of  his  time; 
in  grandeur  and  inagnihcence  of  style,  all  that  were  eminent  for  the 
sul)liine  ot'  declamaiiou ;  and  in  accuracy  and  art,  the  most  able 
professors  of  rhejonc.  Cicero's  studies  were  more  general,  and, 
in  his  treasures  of  knowledge,  he  had  a  great  variety.  He  has  left 
us  H  number  of  philosophical  tracts,  which  he  composed  upon  the 
principles  of  the  Academy.  And  we  see  something  of  ostentation 
of  learning  in  the  very  orations  which  he  wrote  for  the  forum  and 
the  bar. 

Tneir  different  tempers  are  discernible  in  their  way  of  writing. 
That  of  Demosthenes,  without  un\  einbellishinents  of  wit  and  hu> 
mour,  IS  always  grave  and  serious :  nor  does  ii  smell  of  the  lamp, 
as  Pytheas  tauntingly  said,  but  of  the  water-drinker,  of  the  man  of 
thought,  of  one  who  was  characterized  by  the  austerities  of  life. 
But  Cicero,  who  loved  to  indulge  his  vein  of  pleasantry,  so  much 
affected  the  wit,  that  he  sometimes  sunk  into  the  buffoon  ;  and,  by 
affecting  gayety  in  the  most  serious  things  to  serve  his  client,  he 
has  offended  a^^ainst  the  rules  of  propriety  and  decorum.  Thus 
in  the  oration  of  Cielius  he  says — '*  Where  is  the  absurdity,  t^n 
man  with  an  affluent  fortune  at  command,  shall  indulge  himself 
with  pleasure  ?  It  would  be  madness  not  to  enjoy  what  is  in  his 
power,  particularly  when  some  of  the  greatest  philosophers  place 
man's  chief  good  in  pleasure  ?"♦' 

When  Cato  impeached  Murena,  Cicero,  who  %Ta8  then  consul, 
undertook  his  defence,  and,  in  his  pleading,  took  occasion  to  ridi- 
cule several  paradoxes  of  the  Stoics,  because  Cato  was  of  that 
sect.  He  succeeded  so  far  as  to  raise  a  laugh  in  the  assembly, 
and  even  among  the  judges.  Upon  which  Caio  smiled,  and  said 
to  those  who  sat  by  him,  *'  What  a  pleasant  consul  we  have  !" 
Cicero,  indeed,  was  naturally  facetious;  and  he  not  only  loved  his 
jetts,  but  bis  countenance  was  gay  and  smiling:  whereas  Demos- 

*  Hlutarch  hat  noi  quoted  this  pNttage  with  accuracy.  Cicero  apologiiM  for  th« 
cscestet  of  youth,  but  doe*  not  defend  or  approve  tiM  pirtiiii  of  pleaaur*. 


DEMOSTHENES  AND  CICERO  COMPARED.  423 

iheiies  had  a  care  and  thoughUuiness  in  his  aspect,  which  he  sel- 
dom or  never  put  off.  Hence  his  enemies,  as  he  confesses,  called 
him  a  morose  lU-natured  man. 

It  appears  also  from  their  writings,  -that  Demosthenes,  when  he 
touches  upon  hi.^  own  praise,  does  it  with  an  moti'easive  delicacy. 
Indeed,  he  never  gives  into  it  at  all,  but  when  he  has  some  great 
point  in  view  ;  and  on  all  other  occasions  is  extremely  modest;  but 
Cicero,  in  his  orations,  speaks  in  such  high  terms  of  himself,  that 
it  is  plain  he  had  a  most  intemperate  vanity.     Thus  he  cries  out — 

Let  arms  revere  the  robe  ;  the  warrior's  laurel 
Yield  to  the  palm  of  eloquence. 

At  length  he  came  to  commend  not  only  his  own  actions  and 
operations  in  the  commonwealth,  but  his  orations  too,  as  well  those 
which  he  had  only  pronounced,  as  those  which  he  had  committed 
to  writing,  as  if,  with  a  juvenile  vanity,  he  were  vying  with  the 
rhetoricians  Isocrates  and  Anaximenes,  instead  of  being  inspired 
with  the  great  ambition  of  gUiding  the  Roman  people — 

Fierce  in  the  field,  and  dreadful  to  the  foe. 

It  is  necessary,  indeed,  for  a  statesman  to  have  the  advantage 
of  eloquence  ;  but  it  is  mean  and  illiberal  to  rest  on  such  a  qualifi- 
cation, or  to  hunt  after  praise  in  that  quarter.  In  this  respect  De- 
mosthenes behaved  vvith  more  dignity,  with  u  superior  elevation  of 
soul.  He  said — :"  His  abihty  to  explain  himself  was  a  mere  ac- 
quisition, and  not  so  perfect  bur  that  it  required  great  candour  and 
indulgence  in  the  audience."  He  thought  it  must  be,  as  indeed  it 
is,  only  a  low  and  little  mind  that  can  value  itself  upon  such  attain- 
ments. 

They  both,  undoubtedly,  had  political  abilities,  as  well  as  pow- 
ers to  persuade.  They  had  them  in  such  a  degree,  that  men  who 
hafd  armies  at  their  devotion,  stood  in  need  of  their  support. 
Thus  Chares,  Diopithes,  and  Leosthenes,  availed  themselves  of 
Demosthenes  ;  Pompey  and  young  Caesar,  of  Cicero  :  as  Caesar 
himself  acknowledges,  in  his  Commentaries  addressed  to  Agrippa 
and  Maecenas. 

It  is  an  observation,  no  less  just  than  common,  that  nothing  makes 
so  thorough  a  trial  of  a  man's  disposition,  as  power  and  authority  ; 
for  they  awake  every  passion,  and  discover  every  latent  vice. 
Demosthenes  never  had  an  opportunity  for  a  trial  of  this  kind. 
He  never  obtained  any  eminent  charge ;  nor  did  he  lead  those  ar- 
mies against  Philip,  which  his  eloquence  had  raised.  But  Cicero 
went  quaestor  into  Sicily,  and  proconsul  into  Cilicia  and  Cappado- 
cia;  at  a  time,  too,  when  avarice  reigned  without  control;  when 
the  governors  of  provinces,  thinking  it  beneath  them  to  take,  a  clan- 
destine advantage,  fell  to  open  plunder ;  when,  to  take  another's 


424  DEMOSTMENKS  AND  CICERO  COMPARED. 

property,  was  thought  no  great  crime,  and  he  who  took  moderately 
paaaed  (or  a  mun  of  character.  Yet  ut  «uch  u  iiine  as  this,  Cicero 
gave  many  proofs  of  bis  coiitemp*  for  money  ;  many  of  his  hu- 
manity and  goodness.  At  Rome,  with  the  title  only  of  consul,  he 
had  an  absolute  and  dictatorial  power  against  Catiline  and  hm  ac 
complices:  on  which  he  veritied  the  prediction  of  Plato,  **  That 
every  state  will  be  delivered  from  its  calamities,  wnen,  by  the  fa- 
vour of  fortune,  great  power  unites  with  wisdom  and  justice  m  one 
peraon." 

1(  IS  mentioned  to  the  disgrace  of  Demosthenes,  that  his  elo- 
quence  wa.s  mercenary  ;  that  he  privately  composed  orations  both 
for  Phoriniu  and  Apollodorus,  though  adversaries  in  the  same  cause. 
To  which  we  may  add,  that  he  was  suspected  of  receiving  money 
from  the  king  of  Persia,  and  condemned  for  taking  bribes  of  Har. 
palus.  Supposing  some  of  these  the  calumnies  of  those  who 
wrote  agamst  him,  (and  they  are  not  a  few,)  yet  it  is  impossible  to 
affirm  that  he  was  proof  against  the  presents  which  were  sent  him 
by  princes,  as  marks  of  honour  and  respect.  This  was  too  much 
to  be  expected  from  a  man  nho  vested  his  money  at  inieredt  upon 
ships  Cicero,  on  the  other  hand,  had  magnificent  presents  sent  him 
by  the  Sicilians,  when  he  was  cedile  ;  b\  the  king  of  Cappadocia, 
when  proconsul ;  and  his  friends  pressed  him  to  receive  their  bene- 
factions, when  in  exile;  yet,  as  we  have  already  observed,  he  re- 
fused I  hem  all. 

The  banishment  of  Demosthenes  reflected  infamy  upon  him;  for 
he  was  convicted  of  taking  bribes:  that  of  Cicero,  great  honour; 
because  he  suffered  for  destroying  traitors,  who  had  vowed  the 
rain  of  their  country.  The  former,  therefore,  departed  without  ex- 
citing pity  or  regret :  for  the  latter,  the  senate  changed  their  habit, 
continued  in  mourning,  and  could  not  be  persuaded  to  pass  an>  act 
till  the  people  had  recalled  him.  Cicero,  indeed,  spent  the  Utq^ 
of  exile  in  an  inactive  manner  in  Macedonia ;  but  with  Demos- 
thenes it  was  a  busy  period  in  his  political  character.  Then  it  was 
(as  we  have  mentioned  above)  that  he  went  to  the  several  cities  of 
Greece,  strengthened  the  common- interest,  and  defeated  the  de- 
signs of  the  Macedonian  ambassadors.  In  which  respect  he  disco- 
vered a  much  greater  regard  for  his  country  than  Tbemistocles  and 
Alcibiades,  when  under  the  same  misfortune.  After  his  return,  he 
pursued  his  former  plan  of  government  and  continued  the  war 
with  Antipater  and  the  Macedonians  ;  whereas  Lffilius  reproached 
Cicero  in  full  senate,  with  sitting  silent,  when  (^.esai,  who  was  not 
yet  come  to  years  of  maturity,  applied  for  the  consulflftiip  contrary 
to  law.  And  Brutus,  in  one  of  his  letters,  charged  him  **  with 
having  reared  a  greater  and  more  unsupportable  tyranny,  than  that 
which  they  had  destroyed."  • 

As  to  the  manner  of  their  death  we  cannot  think  of  Cicero's  with- 


DEMOSTHENES  AND  CICERO  COMPARED.  425 

out  a  contemptuous  kind  pf  pity.  How  deplorable  to  see  an  ola 
man,  for  want  of  proper  resolution,  suffering  himself  to  be  carried 
about  by  his  servants,  endeavouring  to  hide  himself  from  death, 
which  was  a  messenger  that  nature  would  soon  have  sent  him,  and 
overtaken  notwithstanding,  and  slaughtered  by  his  enemies  !  The 
other,  though  he  did  discover  some  fear,  by  taking  sanctuary,  is,ne. 
vertheless,to  be  admired  for  the  provision  he  had  made  of  poison,  for 
the  care  with  which  he  had  preserved  it,  and  his  noble  manner  of 
using  it :  so  that,  when  Neptune  did  not  afford  him  an  asylum,  he 
had  recourse  to  a  more  inviolable  altar,  rescued  himself  from  the 
weapons  of  the  guards,  and  eluded  the  cruelty  of  Antipater. 


•?"  36* 


-4 


AN  ACCOUNT 


OP 


Weights,  Measures,  and  Denominations  of  Money,  mentioned  hy 
Plutarch. 

(from  the  tables  of  dr.  arbuthnot.) 


WEIGHTS. 

lb.     oz.    dwt.    %r. 

The  Roman  libra,  or  pound  -  -  -  00  10  18  13f 
The  Attic  mina,  or  pound  -  -  -  -  00  11  07  16f 
The  Attic  talent,  equal  to  sixty  mins  -         -     56    11    07    17^ 

DRY  MEASURES  OF  CAPACITY. 

peek.  gal.  pints*. 

The  Roman  modius 1  0  Of 

The  Attic  phoenix,  one  pint,  15,705A  solid  inches,  nearly  0  0  1| 
The  Attic  medimnus        - 4  0  Qj\ 


LIQUID  MEASURES  OF  CAPACITY. 

pints,  solid  inches. 

The  cotyle *         -       i    2,141^ 

Thecyathus 1^     0,356ii 

Thechus.         - 6    25,698 

MEASURES  OF  LENGTH. 

Eng.  paces,    ft      in. 

The  Roman  foot 0     0  llf 

The  Roman  cubit 0      1  5f 

The  Roman  pace 0     4  10 

The  Roman  furlong 120      4  4 

The  Roman  mile 96t      0  0 

The  Grecian  cubit 01       6| 

The  Grecian  furlong .         .         *        -         -         .  100     4       4^ 

The  Grecian  mile 805     5       0 

JV.  B.   In  this  computation  the  English  pace  is  Jive  feet. 


42B 


WKIGUTS,  MEASURES,  too. 


MONET: 


£ 

about  0 

0 


The  quadrans       ..... 

The  as         -         -        ' 

Thf^  sestertius 0 

The  sestertium,  equal  to  1000  sestertii    -         -         8 

The  denarius 0 

The  Attic  obolus  ------         0 

The  drachma  ...---  0 
Ttio  mina»  equal  to  100  drachmtB  .  -  .  3 
The  talent,  equal  to  60  minae  -         -         .     193  15 

The  stater.aureus  of  the  Greeks,  weighing  two 

Attic  drachms      .         -         .         .         .0 

The  Btater-daricus 1 

The  R^man  aureus  was  of  different  value  at  dif- 
ferent periods.  According  to  the  propor- 
tion  mentioned  by  Tacitus,  when  it  ex- 
changed  for  twenty. five  denarii,  it  was  of 
fbe  same  value  as  the  Grecian  stater        -       0  16     1     8 


16 
12 


d. 
0 

0 

1 
6 
7 
1 
7 
7 
0 

1 
3 


2 
3 

U 
3 

0 

0 


A  TABLE 


OF 

THE  MOST  DIFFICULT  PROPER  NAMES 

WHICH  OCCUR  IN  THIS       ORK. 

Properly  divided  and  a    ented,  for  the  Use  of  Persons  who  have 
not  had  a  Classical  Education. 


An-ti-ma-chus 

An-ti.^o.nus 

Aris-to-me-nes 

Aris-to-de-mus 

A-ge-si-la-ue 

An-tal-ci-das 

Ar-chi-da-mus 

A-pol-lo-the-mis 

A-re-o-pa-gus 

A-bnuto-non 

A-ris-ti-des 

A-phe-t8B 

Ar-chi-te-les 

A-ces-to-do-rus 

An-ti-pha-tes 

A-ri^-to-bu-le 

Ar-de-a-tes 

An-do-ci-des 

As-ty.o-chus 

An-dro-ma-chus 

A-dra-num 

A-dran-i-tes 

A-chra-fli-Ra 


A-ris-to-ma-che 

A-lo-pe-ce 

A-mom-pha-re-tus 

An.ta-go-ras 

An-ti-o-chus 

A-ga-tho-cles 

A-cro-ta-tus 

A-ri-ara.thes 

An-ti.pa.ter 

An-ti-go-nus 

An-ti-ge  nes 

Aux.i-mum 

A-lex-an-dro-po-lis 

A-then-6-do-rus 

Ari-mi-um 

A-ris-to-phon 

iEs-chl-nes 

B 
Be-re-nice 

C 
Cha.ri-la.us 
Cle-o-phy-lus 
Ce-le-res 
Ghre-G-co-pi-dse 


430 


A  TABLE  OF  PROBER  NAXBS. 


Cle-o.bis 

Ca-pe.na'tes 

Ca-pe.nse 

Cla-zo-mS-De 

Ca4&.na 

Cle  o.crl-tus 

CT.tli»-ron 

Car-i)e.&.de8 

Che.li.do.nis 

Cy-la.r&*bus 

Chse.ru.ne.a 

Cam.by.ses 

Cra  te.rus 

Cha-ri-de.mus 

Cli.to-m&.chus 

Ce-the.gus 

D 
Di-o.cles 
Di-u8.co.ri.des 
De.m&-de8 
De.mo-iil-des 
Di-no.in&-che 
De.mo.str&.tus 
Di-ra-des 
De-nia.re.tus 
Dci.o.ta.rus 
De  ma.ra.tU8 
Da.ri.U8 
E 
Eu.no. rou8 
Eu.ry.tT.on 
Eu-ty.ch!.da8 
Eu.ry.tio.ni.daB 
Ep-ho-ri 


E.la.tus 

Eu.ro.tas 

Eu.ry.bi.iUdes 

Er.go.te.lea 

E.ra.8is.tr&.tufl 

Eu.i'li.des 

Eu.me.nes 

Eu.phra.te8 

E.ra.to.8th^.ne8 

F 
Fi.de.n8B 
Fi.de. na.tes 

G 
Ger.mft.num 
Gym.no.so.phiats 
Gan.da.ri.tes 

H 
He.lo.tes 
Hip-po.nT.cus 
He-r&.cll.de8 
He.ro.dd.tu8 
Hy.drn.ph6.rui 
Hy.per  bo.lus 
Her.mi.5ne 

I 
Ice.tea 
I.do.me.neuf 

K 
Ke.r&.ta 
L 
Le.o.nT.das 
Le.o.ty.chI.da8 
Ly.cuf.Ki.da) 
Iie.o.bA.te8 


4  TABLE  OF  PROPEB  NAMES. 


431 


Lam.psa-cus 

Ly-si-ma-chus 

Le-pi-dus 

M 
Ma.ni-pu-li 
Ma-ni-pu-la.res 
Mi-la-res 
Me-ga-cles 
Mii-ti-a-des 
Ma.ra.thoa 
My-ca-le 
Me-ta-ge.nes 
Me-ga-ra 
Mi-thri-da-tes 

N 
Nu-mi-tor 
Ne-o-cles 
*Ni-ca-g6-ras 
Ni-co-ge-nes 

O 
Ob.ti.le.tis 
Or.tha-go-ras 
0-ne.s!.cri-tU8 
O-ri-cum 

P 
Pe-pa-re.thi-an 
Pry-ta-nis 
Po-ly-dec-tes 
Po-ly-do-rus 
Phi.lo-ste.ph&.nujS 
Pae-da-re-tus 
Pi-sis-tra-ti-das 
Pon-ti-fi-ces 
Pi-sis-tra-tus 


Pit-ta.cu8 

Pry-ta-ne-um 

Pre-si-le.us 

Phry-ni-chus 

Pha-le-rus 

Pe-lo-pi.das 

Po-le-mon 

Pex.o-do.rus 

Pha-se-lis 

Pa.si-crd..tes 

Per-se-po-lis 

Po-ly-mii.chus 

Phi-lo-xa-nus 

Q 

Qui-ri-tes 

R 
Rhoe-sa.ees 

S 
Stra.to-m>cu8 
Se-ri.phus 
Sy.b&.ri8 
Ste-sim-bro-tus 
Sa-ty.rus 
So-phe-ne 
So-pho-cles 
Spi-thri-da-tes 
Sa-la-mis 
Se-ra.pis 
Sta-ti.ra 

T 
Tha-les 

Thes-mo-the.t3B 
The-mis-to-cleg 
Ther-mo-py-lse 


432  A  TABLE  OF  PROPER  NAMBS. 

Troe  ze-ne  Ti-gra-nes 

Tol.iiii.des  The-o-do-tus 

Thcra-me.ncs  Tax-T-les 
Ti-mo.dc-mu8  U 

Timo-ph&.ne8  U-li-i-des 
Te-go.iaB  X 

Thes  sa  lo.ni.ca  Xe-no-cles 

Ten-ta-mus  Xe  no-do-chus 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT     U  5  8 

TO— ^^     202  Main  Library 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2                       : 

3 

4 

5                              ( 

S 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

R«n«wols  and  R«charg«s  may  b«  mad*  4  days  prior  to  tho  duo  dato. 

Book*  moy  bo  Ronowod  by  calling     642-3405. 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 

m  ^  5  woy. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA.  BERKELEY 
FORM  NO.  DD6  BERKELEY,  CA  94720  _ 


m  3sno 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


CDQb7S'^7afl 


